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Home , Hebron, Moshe Levinger

The Old City of : Can It be Saved? Author(s): Patricia Sellick Source: Journal of Studies, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Summer, 1994), pp. 69-82 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2538213 Accessed: 07-01-2016 16:38 UTC

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This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE : CAN IT BE SAVED?

PATRICIASELLICK

On 25 February1994, a Jewishsettler gunned down twenty-nine Palestini- ans at prayerin theHaram al-Ibrahimi in Hebron.That the killings took placein themosque enclosing the tomb of the Prophet , revered by bothJews and Muslims, is symbolic:rather like the al-Sharif in Jeru- salem,the Haram al-Ibrahimi (sanctuary of Abraham) polarizes rather than unitesthe two peoples that hold it dear. Thekillings are, assuredly, the most dramaticconsequence of the Jewish-Palestinianconflict in Hebron. But thereis anotherconsequence of that same conflict that receives scant atten- tion-theserious deterioration ofthe old city. This deteriorationhas long-termimplications for the , since theold cityof Hebron forms an importantpart of the Palestinian and indeed theMuslim heritage. It is one ofthe four holiest cities in Islam,along with Mecca,, and . It is also an extremelywell-preserved medie- val Muslimtown that has undergoneremarkably little change in thelast two centuries. Since1967 the old cityof Hebron has beena contestedspace: for Jewish Israelisthe old cityis a siteto be builtupon, for Palestinians itis a builtform embodyingtheir turath (collective memory, heritage, or culture). The collec- tivememory of Jewish Israelis is notembodied in thebuildings of theold

PatriciaSellick worked in Hebronfrom September 1987 to September1989 withthe Graduates Union (UGU), and has returnedfor yearlyone-month visits since then. The old cityof Hebron was thesubject of hermaster's dissertation in the politics department at the School of Oriental and AfricanStudies of the University of London.

Journalof Palestine Studies XXIII, no. 4 (Summer1994), pp. 69-82.

This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 70 JOURNALOF PALESTINE STUDIES city,which are Islamic,but in thefact of returning to Hebron.The settlersare oriented to a pastthat is inseparablefrom themselves; the Jewish Israelinarrative in Hebronis thereforediscontinuous and monopolistic.By contrast,the prism of material culture reveals a narrativeof Palestinian polit- ical lifethat is continuousand complex. Thesetwo narratives have been brought into critical opposition since He- bron'sold citybecame the target of a planby Jewish settlers, backed by the Israelistate, to "Judaize" it. Undermilitary occupation-with prolonged clo- suresand curfews and daily harassment by settlers who have occupied build- ingsby extrajudicial and oftenviolent means-the old cityhas progressively declinedfrom a bustlingmarket town to a melancholyand desertedplace, streetssealed off with cinder block, razor wire, and concrete-filled oil drums. The old city'sinfrastructure has been deliberatelyneglected, its buildings allowedto deteriorate.Faced, too, with a worseningeconomic and physical situation,many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the old cityhave moved to saferareas. Thoseremaining are now in desperateneed of support to make theirhomes habitable and to resistthe aggressive efforts of thesettlers to demolishand replaceentire quarters of the old city.

TheOld Cityand ItsDepopulation The roadfrom Jerusalem to Hebronclimbs some thirty kilometers before droppingsuddenly into the wadi where the old citywas built. At the head of thewadi is thesite of the tomb of Abraham, from whom the town took its Arabicname: Khalilal-Rahman, the Friend of God. It was theMamluks, who ruledPalestine from 1250 to 1517,who builtthe massive square ma- sonryshrine around the tomb in 1320,and it was at thismeeting place of dry valleysand thegentler slopes rising from them that the town flour- ished.Viewed from above, the old cityis a harmoniouswhole of domes and flatroofs of the dun-colored local stone; once inside, one findsa fascinating assemblageof closely packed houses, vaulted arcades, winding passages, ex- ternalstaircases and innercourtyards, markets, khans (inns), zawiyas (Sufi hostels),hospices, , schools, and public fountains. While the inter- estof the old cityto the student of Islamic and Arab architecture is inestima- ble-one historianhas describedHebron as an "open researchfile" for a medievalcity'-the scale remains intimate. Muchof the Mamluk town survives: many of the buildings mentioned by thefifteenth-century traveler Mujir al-Din in his bookon thepeople of He- bronwere catalogued in 1987.2 Thereare also significantbuildings from the Ottomanperiod (1517-1917), as wellas someof mixed Mamluk and Otto- manancestry. The old city has no wallsper se, its perimeter being formed by contiguousbuildings broken by fivegated entrances. Ottoman and even Mamlukbuildings spill outside the confines of the old cityinto the neighbor- ingquarters, where the same traditional architecture and building patterns of narrowstreets and passagesprevail.

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Today,much of the old cityis abandoned.The populationfigures speak volumes:in 1967 therewere 7,500 Palestinianinhabitants in the fifteen quarterscomprising the old city.By 1970 thepopulation had declinedto 6,000,by 1985 to 1,620,and by 1990 to 1,501.3A recentsurvey found that a mere270 buildingsin thatsquare mile of densely built houses are still inhab- ited,and thatmuch of the space even in thesewas notin use: 40 percentof theupper floors, and 80 percentof the ground floors, lie vacant.4The aban- donmentand advancingdecay, added to thelack of infrastructure, make the old cityparticularly vulnerable to thesettlers' aggressive efforts at Judaiza- tion. Thisarticle focuses on thecity's decline, and thenexamines efforts by Palestiniansto rehabilitatethis vital part of their heritage.

InternalDynamics A numberof factors are responsible for the dramatic decline of the old city since1967. Certainly,the external factors-most notably the creation of the Stateof in 1948and the occupation of 1967-dwarfall others.But the internaldynamics of Hebron's political culture have also playeda role. The povertyof the old cityhas becomeself-perpetuating and immobilizing;the outflowitself has had a demoralizingeffect. Peoplewith higher incomes rarely visit the old city:when a class of twentyfee-paying The povertyof the old city studentsaged 16 to24 was questionedin July has become self-perpetuating 1989,only two had visited the old citywithin and immobilizing;the outflow thelast twelve months.5 Those who still live itselfhas had a demoralizing thereare primarilyfrom the lowestincome effect. groups.A surveyof the 270 familiesremain- ingin theold cityshowed 20 percentof the household heads unemployed, 31 percentworking in transportor crafts,17 percentin servicesor entertain- ment,and 14 percentin agricultureor trade.Ten percentwere housewives. A mere2 percentwere in professionalfields.6 Equallysignificant is the low levelof amenities revealed in thesame sur- vey.Of the 270 inhabitedunits of the old city,255 haveno runningwater, 236 haveno bathfacilities, 83 do nothave private toilets, 50 haveno kitch- ensat all while33 haveshared kitchens, and so on. The significanceofthis povertyof amenities interacts with certain aspects of Hebron society, particu- larlythe status of women. Because the marriage system is patrilocal,with the husbandproviding the house to which the bride moves, young women attach considerableweight in theirmarriage choices to thekind of house their fu- turehusband will provide, and in particularthe amount of domestic work it willrequire.7 Few people choose to livein an old house,especially if they haveto bear the brunt of pedestrian access only, no separatekitchen or bath- room,and unhealthy dampness. And while it is acceptableto pay male labor forsuch jobs as replacingplaster and whitewashing,paid femaledomestic help is unheardof in Hebron.The dailyround of cookingand cleaning

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thereforefalls almost exclusively to thewomen of the household. Moreover, althoughwomen have the right to succession in Islamiclaw and share inheri- tancerights with their brothers, in theold citythey have little access to the decision-makingfora-e.g. the diwan (meeting place) of the hamula (clan) or theawqaf administration-except informally through their male relatives. As longas theycannot be instrumentalin changing their environment, the wo- menuse theleverage they do haveto leavethe slum environment for newer quarters. Whilethe system-the traditional Islamic system of religious endow- mentswherein the income of an endowedproperty is used to supportdesig- natedpublic works or charitiessuch as mosques,public fountains, soup kitchens,8and so on-has thepotential to serve as a revitalizingforce, certain of itsaspects also contributeto theold city'svulnerability to out-migration andphysical deterioration. The waqf system in Hebron,reputedly one ofthe oldestin theIslamic world, dates back to theseventh century when, accord- ingto tradition, the Prophet himself conferred the land on which Hebronwas builtto one ofhis companions,Tamim al-Dari.9 Members of theTamimi family still recite the story of the origin of their land,'0 and the namesof theten families invested with service in theHaram al-Ibrahimi resonatenot only within the town, but also amongthe Palestinian . Thewaqfiya (waqf document) for all theland of the two villages of Dura and KufrBirik (Bani Na'im) was engravedin 1215 in stonein the Haramal- Ibrahimi."1Muslims in Hebronhave continued to setaside land or property as wacf,and indeedvirtually the entire old cityconsists of waqf property, a majorfeature of which is thatit cannotbe sold,mortgaged, bequeathed, or altered.12 Manyof the properties in theold cityare waqf dhurri, a type of waqf collec- tivelyowned by a particularfamily or clanand dedicated to thatfamily's use in perpetuity:entitlement to revenueis sharedamong the eligible benefi- ciaries.But the members of thehamula with wealth have tended over the yearsto moveout of the old city,waiving their claims to sharedresidential use of thewaqf property in favorof theirpoorer relatives; as a result,the wealthierfamily members frequently like to thinkof themselvesas having "subsidized"the poorer members, who in turnhave a strongsense of their ownrights as familymembers to theuse ofthe property. This arrangement seemssustainable only if the property remains undesirable and there is a low levelof upkeep.Other types of waqf property are usuallyleased under ar- rangementsgoing back many decades, so therents have become symbolic. Thus,whether as theresult of a legalanomaly or a voluntarydecision by the holdersof family waqf, much of the old city'shousing brings in virtuallyno revenue. The effectis a general reluctanceto invest in property improvements. Anotherinternal factor that should be mentionedas contributingto the city'sdepopulation is Hebron'sdistinctive tradition of migration. Migration forthe people of Hebron is notmerely a recoursebut a badgeof identity that

This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OLD CITY OF HEBRON: REPORT 73 is highlyvalued. By 1912 all thecommerce in thetown of Karak,now in ,was in thehands of Hebronites. The townof in southern Palestinewas firstpopulated by traders from Hebron, and largenumbers of peoplemoved from Hebron to Jerusalem and during the Mandate period. In the1950s economic opportunities in the Gulf opened up. Migrationto theGulf, temporarily halted in themid-1950s, resumed after 1967 before beingdramatically reversed following the 1991 Gulfwar. Therehas also beena longstandingflow of people from Hebron to Jordan, which increased in theearly and mid-1960s when economic incentives favored the East Bank overthe . A widerdiaspora can linkPalestinian retail outlets strungout like beads from the village of Bani Na'im to Hebronto Jerusalem to Ammanto Manaus,in AmazonasState, Brazil.

IsraeliPolicies and SettlerActivities Withoutquestion, the defining event in themodern history of Hebron was the nakba(catastrophe) of 1948, which de- privedHebron of some sixteen villages of its hinterlandeven as it broughtsome 70,000 The populationof the old city refugeesinto the city. But it was notuntil the declined80 percentbetween 1967war and subsequent occupation that the 1967 and 1990. oldcity became an arenaof direct conflict be- tweenPalestinian and Israeliinterests. As notedearlier, the population of theold city of Hebron declined by some 80 percentbetween 1967 and 1990. Needlessto say,the sharp population drop for the old cityhas entaileda redistributionofthe city population overall. In 1967 aboutone-fifth ofHe- bron'spopulation lived within the old city,and anotherone-fifth within the adjacentquarters; 81.8 percentof the population lived within the municipal boundaries.'3Today, the majority of the population of 87,000 lives outside thecity limits in suburbsbuilt on agriculturalland. The.growth of these suburbsis partof a Palestiniannationalist endeavor to protectPalestinian landthreatened with Israeli confiscation by building on it.'4 In assessingthe factors contributing to the decline of theold cityof He- bron,it is difficultto separatethe impact of direct Israeli state policies from settleractivities. On 10 May1968, less thana yearafter the 1967 war, sev- enty-threeJews led byRabbi occupied the Nahir al-Khalid Hotelin thecenter of town. They were persuaded to leave only after reaching an agreementwith the authorities allowing them to campwithin the com- poundof the military government. Several months later, in October,the gov- ernmentbegan building on theoutskirts of town the residential settlement of QiryatArba, whose population has grownto over5,000 today. Thereis generalagreement among the various researchers who have fo- cusedon thisissue'5 that the development of theHebron settlements de- pended upon the transferof powers fromthe Palestinian-controlled

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municipalityto theIsraeli authorities. In May 1980,two months after the govemmentofficially decided to authorizeJewish residential settlement in theheart of the city, the popularly-elected mayor, Fahd Qawasima, was de- ported.His deputy,Mustafa 'Abd al-Nabial-Natsha, assumed Qawasima's functionsas mayor,only to be dismissedby the occupation authorities inJuly 1983.* Theappointment ofa Jewishmayor-Zamir Shemesh-for a wholly Arabtown was significant.More significant is the fact that Shemesh was also Custodianof AbsenteeProperty, which ensured that the Israeli authorities had controlover both absentee property and theproperty of those present in thetown. The Israeligovernment also appointedall fourmembers of the HebronMunicipal Council, three of whom served on thevitally important PlanningCommittee. Whilethe settlers cannot operate without the at leasttacit cooperation of thegovernment, they do havetheir own agendaand priorities. Lev- inger,the most active proponent of the settlement movement in Hebron,ex- pressedthe following vision for Hebron:

Thistown will become yet again a Jewishcity. Tens of thousands of Jews willbe livinghere within the next 10-20 years.16 The disjuncturebetween myth and historical record is accommodatedby the settlers'two-track ideology and strategicpragmatism. On theone hand,the settlershave created and cultivateda collective memory of a mythicJewish pastfor Hebron. On theother hand, they have resuscitated claims to specific propertiesin theold city,and in particularproperty abandoned by the Jews between1929 and 1936. In fact,the Jewish presence in Hebronduring the past millennium has not been extensive.Of thefour towns of significanceto -Jerusalem, ,, and Hebron-theJewish population in Hebronwas the smallestand poorest.Ottoman statistics for the Hebron district in 1884-85 showed436 Jewsout of a totalpopulation of 41,155, a figurewhich in 1911- 12 hadrisen to 721 outof 56,444.17 ArthurRuppin, head of the Jewish Land Officein Palestineas of1908 who compiled (somewhat exaggerated) popula- tionstatistics for the Zionist Organization, put the Jewish population of the Hebrondistrict at 1,000in 191518; theBritish Mandate govemment's census of 1922 counted430 Jewsin thecity of Hebron, whose total population at thetime was 16,577.19On theeve of the 1929 Arabriots in Hebronthat followedthe Wailing Wall disturbances,the Jewish population had reached 700 outof a totalcity population of 18,000,according to theEncyclopaedia Judaica.Most left after the troubles, but a numberof familiesretumed in 1931;all wereevacuated by the British in April1936 afterthe beginning of theArab Rebellion of 1936-39.20

* Followingthe February 1994 Hebronmassacre, Mustafa al-Natsha was allowedto resumehis functionsas mayor, albeitwith considerably reduced powers.-Ed.

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In termsof property ownership, titles of property abandoned by Jews in 1936were officially registered under the name of the Jordanian government's Custodianof EnemyProperty in 1950.After 1967 thisfunction was trans- ferredto theIsraeli Custodian of Absentee Property; at stakewere forty-four titleswhich had been officially leased to thirty-twoArab tenants.21 There is, however,some question as towhether the properties were all actuallyowned. The mutawalli(manager) of the Tamimi waqf in Hebron,Anwar Khatib, for- merJordanian governor of the District of Jerusalem, claimed that much of the propertyoccupied by the Jewish settlers in Hebronitself is Tamimihikr (waqf propertyunder long leases) and produced evidence in theform of receipts of annualpayments up to 1936,when the Jewish occupants left. The Objec- tionsCommittee, the body appointed by theIsraeli military government to lookinto disputed cases of land acquisition, refused to accept such receipts as sufficientproof.22 Whetherthe Jewish properties were owned or leased,they were the focus of settlermoves into the old city. In 1974, renovationsbegan on the AvrahamAvinu of theKniset Ibrahim, also knownas Harthal- Yahud.This was followedin May1979 by the occupation of Dabuya (called BeitHadassah by Jews) right outside the old cityby a groupof Qiryat womenled by Miriam Levinger. Next, in July1983, the settlers took posses- sionof the Usama ibn al-MunqidhSchool adjacent to thebus station,with theIsrael Defense Forces (IDF) occupyingthe latter building at aboutthe sametime. The followingyear, in August1984, Tall al-Rumaytha,not far fromDabuya in an old quarteroutside the old cityperimeter, was occupied. Thesettlement pattern, which emerges clearly on thesketch map showing locationalsites accompanying this report, was spelledout in a masterplan forHebron published in 1984by theCommittee for the Renewal of Jewish Settlementin theCity of the .23 The plan callsfor regaining pos- sessionof Jewish property abandoned in 1929-36and then Judaizing the old cityby the gradual displacement of the inhabitants. As canbe seenfrom the sketchmap, the settlement sites are islands that can be linkedup to forma continuousswath from Tall al-Rumaythato the Haram al-Ibrahimi, with the buildingsoccupied on 28 May 1993 now to be linkedto Qiryat Arba. From the map, one mightspeculate that a strategicinterim goal Fromthe map, one might ofthe master plan is tobisect the city, making speculatethat a strategic movementby the Palestinians more difficult. interim goal of the master Whatthe map does notconvey is theactual plan is to bisectthe city. impactof the settlement buildings, which are quitedifferent in size and stylefrom the old citybuildings that surround them. The 1984 plan focusedon formerJewish property. A changein settler "policy"was signaledin a newsitem reported by IsraelRadio on 6 July 1993: thirteenhomes in theold cityof Hebron had beenbought (or rather, theirleases had been bought)through Arab middlemen. The radioreport

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Jewish-occupiedbuildings k / " * old cityperimeter 'Kt

1 QiryatA.ba 2 Haramal-lbrahimi to 3 Harthal-Yahud Jerusalem'-I/ 4 vegetablemarket 5 Usamaibn al-Munqidh Schoollbus station 6 Dabuya(Beit Hadassah) 7 Tall al-Rumaytha 8 Bab al- 9 buildingsoccupied 28 May 1993 10 Sharihaal-Sakaniya 11 Salhabbuilding

NORTH C ^1

Buit-uarea iHern

' @~~~99

ND: This sketchmap shows only locations identifiedin the tev. Built-upareas in Hebron, 1 whichconstitute most of the area covered, are omittedfor clarity.

This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OLD CITY OF HEBRON: REPORT 77 notedthat the moneyhad been raisedat annualfund-raising dinners in Franceand theUnited States.24 In thisregard, it is worthmentioning the HebronFund, a charitabletax-exempt foundation incorporated in New York in 1982with the purpose of acquiring real estate in theoccupied territories, particularlyHebron. Specifics concerning the fund's operations are not pub- lic,but there is littlemystery concerning its goals. On 20 May1990, speak- ing at the fund's thirdannual fund-raisingdinner at the Sheraton MeadowlandsHotel in East Rutherford,New Jersey,the Scranton-born mayorof theJewish enclave in Hebron,Rabbi Yechiel Leiter, said (in the presenceof special guest speaker Richard Perle, former U.S. assistantsecre- taryof defense, and guestof honor Miriam Levinger): Untilnow I cameto youas a dreamer,today dreams become reality.... The ramificationsare self-evident, are so momentous,are so historic.The secondlargest city in Judeaand Samariacan be Jewish.25 Trueto theintentions of the 1984 master plan for Hebron, the occupation ofeach site has beenfollowed by a virtualemptying of the immediate neigh- borhood.In theformerly densely populated Palestinian residential and com- mercialarea aroundthe Dabuya (Beit Hadassah), only one house-the al- Attalhouse immediately behind Dabuya-is stillinhabited. Its courtyard is directlyoverlooked by the settlers living less than three meters above; plastic roofinghad to be installedas protectionagainst the rubbish thrown down, andthe family no longeruses the courtyard. The windows on one sideof the househave been permanentlyshuttered against stones and verbalabuse. Similarly,the neighborhood around the Harth al-Yahud has seenthe Pales- tinianpopulation drop from twenty-five families in 1967 to onlythree (in- cludingone tenantfamily) in 1993. The YusufSharabati house, which adjoinsthe site,has been bulldozedfrom three sides in 1982, 1987,and 1990. It shouldbe notedthat the restoration ofthe synagogue initially involved littleopposition from the Palestinians, who hopedit woulddeflect Jewish attentionfrom the Haram al-Ibrahimi housing Abraham's tomb. But religion was apparentlyonly a pretext:in 1986 theInternational Committee of the RedCross (ICRC) reportedmajor underground excavation and construction at theHarth al-Yahud. Work continued at a slowerpace duringthe intifada (muchof it withPalestinian labor), but accelerated after the Gulf war. The windowsof the houses looking onto the construction have been sealed by the IDF, whichguards the site, but from the rooftops a crater at leastfifty meters acrossand tenmeters deep couldbe seen:the remaining Palestinians living in thesurrounding houses complain of worsening cracking in theirwalls, and observationshowed that the underground excavation extends directly below theirhouses. By July 1993, the settlers' new four-story housing complex in- volvingat least200 unitshad been completed,visible from the Sharabati house. TheIsraeli-appointed and controlled municipality, forits part, has contrib- utedto the erosion of the physical (and hencesocial and economic) fabric of

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theold citythrough a judicious mixture of neglect and action.The powerto withholdpermits for restoration work is extensivelyused. The municipality also issuesdemolition orders for buildings it deemsunsafe. Following a heavysnowfall in winter1991, for example, the municipality served demoli- tionorders on a numberof buildings in theold city.The orderswere con- testedby the HebronUniversity Graduates Union (UGU), but in the meantimethe properties stand vacant and theircondition is worsening. As a resultof settler activities and advanc- ingdecay, the old cityhas becomethe most As a resultof settleractivities fearfulpart of town: in additionto the hazard and advancingdecay, the old ofunsafe buildings, there is thefear of being cityhas become the most trappedinside the old citywhen the authori- fearfulpart of town. tieswithout warning seal someor all of the fivegated entrances, leaving visitors at the mercyof IDF or settlerviolence or thesmall but growing numbers of Pales- tiniancollaborators, drug dealers, and burglarswho findshelter there. The permanentsealing of certain entrances and manyof the small passages link- ingmain streets to facilitatecontrol has casta pall on thearea.

CommercialDecline Thesedevelopments have, quite obviously, affected not merely the residen- tialbut also thecommercial and administrativerole of thecity. Up until 1948,Hebron was thecapital of the district with the largest number of vil- lagesof any district in Palestine,and as suchwas an importantmarket town. Thebuilding of Jewish settlements in the district since 1967 has madeaccess to Hebrondifficult, severing the web of ties binding village and town. Mean- while,the traffic ofgoods and labor was increasinglybeing diverted to Israel, wheregrowing numbers of Palestinians from Hebron's hinterland came to be employedas daylaborers. Still, Hebron long managed to maintain its role of districtmagnet. Every Saturday, when those who worked in Israelhad their day off,the old cityof Hebronwould fill up. When theycame intothe market,the more devout men from the villages would pray in one ofthe old citymosques. The occupationof the bus stationby theIDF in 1983 forcedvillagers to disembarkfurther from the old city.Thereafter, with the old cityaccessible onlyto pedestrians, the commercial center began shifting up Shari'aShallala toBab al-Zawiya. Nonetheless, the animal market, slaughterhouses, and tan- neriesin theold citycontinued to be activeand thevegetable market still containedmuch local produce, though the vegetable market was severelydis- ruptedby theconstruction works undertaken in theHarth al-Yahud in the mid-1980s.Meanwhile, with the "thickening" of theJewish settlement area betweenDabuya, the Usama ibn al-MunqidhSchool, and thebus station, settlerconfidence became sufficient for noisy celebrations of the Jewish festi- val of Purimat Bab al-Zawiya,and forRabbi Levinger to returnto Bab al-

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Zawiyato harassPalestinians within hours of his 30 September1988 shoot- ingto deathof Kayid Salah, a shoe-shopowner, in frontof IDF witnesses.26 Increasingly,then, Shari'a Shallala too became a no-goarea. Theintifada dealt a furtherblow to the commercial center of Hebron. The shopkeeperssuffered from curfews as wellas fromgeneral or half-day strikes and daysof mourning. Villagers began setting up and makingdo withtheir ownshops and services,avoiding journeys to town.The prolongedclosure byIsraeli order of all Palestinianeducational institutions also contributedto thesuspension of trafficbetween Hebron and thevillages. Israeli punitive and securitymeasures during the intifada involved among other things the sealingoff of yet more streets in theold city,leaving doctors' and dentists' clinicscut off from their patients, shops cut off from their customers, and workshopswith no accessfor delivery. At theend of 1990 theICRC reportedthat the closure by theIsraeli au- thoritiesof the road between the Harth al-Yahud and Dabuyato Palestinian trafficthreatened the economic base of theshopkeepers and deprivedthe peopleof Hebronof thepossibility of livingin theold city.The Hebron Chamberof Commerce regularly submits petitions to themilitary governor, pointingout the decline in economicconditions in thetown as a resultof IDF and settleractivities. Individuals and groups also appealto themilitary governorthrough the Chamber of Commerce. None of these has receiveda writtenresponse, although the ICRC and the Chamberof Commerce sometimesget oral reassurances which may be followedby a temporaryim- provementin conditions.27 ThosePalestinians who want to invest locally are doing so in thecompara- tivesafety of 'AinSara on themain road to Jerusalem.Entrepreneurs meet withno deterrentfrom the municipal authorities when they destroy old resi- dentialquarters in Harthal-Shaykh, a neighborhood outside the old citythat grewup aroundthe thirteenth-century of 'Ali Baka nearBab al- Zawiya,to put up concrete-facedsupermarkets. Development in thisarea has beenespecially rapid in thelast five years because of its prime location on theJerusalem road near the pedestrian market area and awayfrom the settlerzone. Suchdevelopment has entailedthe wanton destruction ofbuild- ingsthat deserve to be preserved.Nor are there any incentives to makesure thatthe old citybenefits from what limited Palestinian investment is going intonew housing stock, health, and educational facilities on theperimeter of thetown.

PalestinianPlans for theFuture Againstthe background of the desolate picture just painted, it was an en- couragingand unusual sight when, in 1988,Palestinian researchers from the HebronUniversity Graduates Union (UGU) firstapproached households in theold citywith clipboards and surveying equipment in hand. Motivatedby an acuteawareness of the importance of the fabric of the old cityto Palestin-

This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 80 JOURNALOF PALESTINE STUDIES ianArab and Islamic turath, and that its further deterioration would be a loss to futuregenerations, the UGU embarkedupon a projectaimed at reversing thecity's decline. Plans for the rehabilitation ofthe old citywere drawn up bya teamof architects, historians, and engineers working under the direction of thearchitect Ghassan Dweik. The firstphase of the projectwas two- pronged:to drawup a profileof the social and economicstatus of there- mainingpopulation of the old city,and to carryout comprehensive architec- turalsurveys of theold city'sbuildings. Some of theteam's findings have beenreported above. Muchof the UGU team'saccess to theold city'shouses and thecoopera- tionthey obtained from residents was basedon theresearchers' respect for traditionalforms, including lines of communicationand allegiance,and on theirpersonal conduct and tact.Cooperation of the local residents was also based on theirassumption that improved services would be forthcoming, whichin turndepended on accessto financialresources. But the Gulf war leftthe UGU, like other Palestinian institutions, cut off from funds, and by 1993the architects and engineers, themselves working without salaries, were findingthat they were being turned away from some homes in theold city becausethey were perceived to havefailed to deliveron theirpromises. As partof its effort to demonstrateto the remaining inhabitants of the old citythat improvements can be madeto their environment, the UGU teamhas detailedtwo pilot projects. Thefirst is an ambitiousrenovation of al-Shariha al-Sakaniya, a residential blockin al-'Aqabaquarter only a fewmeters from the Haram al-Ibrahimi. Thecomplex, a 1,000-square-meterwaqf dhurri property consisting of several levels,is reachedby five main entrances, each for a differenthamula, as well as privateentrances to thetrade and industrialworkshops. Built around a seriesof lovely small courtyards open to thesky, it is designedin sucha way as to assurean immediatesense of privacy and seclusionfrom the noise and tumultof thestreet. The proposedmodifications to the specific use of al- Sharihaal-Sakaniya involve the creation of thirteen apartments. The secondproject is therenovation of theSalhab complex, a clusterof buildingsthat interlock and overlapwith neighboring buildings on three levels.It is particularlyimportant because it is situatedat themain entrance ofthe arcades of the old city. The implementationof these projects would provide not only immediate reassuranceto thelocal inhabitantswho have witnessed the continuing de- clineof their environment, but a trainingground for Palestinians in theskills requiredfor the renovation of traditional buildings. Such projects would also serveas a testcase forcooperation between the UGU, the waqf administra- tion,the inhabitants, and themunicipal authorities who continue to control sewage,water, and electricitysupplies. But these projects, and futureplans forthe rehabilitation effort, have been put on holdfor want of funds.

This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OLD CITY OF HEBRON: REPORT 81

In thelonger term, mobilizing effective op- positionto themultiple forces that have con- tributedto the deteriorationof the old city Mobilizingeffective resistance requireswidespread educative efforts aimed to the city'scontinuing decay at promotinga consciousawareness of the requiresintensive educative roleof one's surroundingsin identity forma- efforts. tion. It is withinthis framework that the Centerfor Palestinian Vernacular Architecture (RIWAQ) is developingedu- cationalmaterials to encourageappreciation of traditional environments and knowledgeof traditionalskills among Palestinian architects and engineers. RIWAQis also activein schoolsand youth groups, promoting discussion and experimentationamong young people about what kind of future home they wantto livein. Certainforces can be mobilizedin reversingthe old city'sdecline: the local population'shighly developed nationalism, through demonstrating the rela- tionshipof built form to historyand identity;and theirreligious sentiment, throughappealing to theIslamic significance of thecity. Indeed, Hebron is almostentirely Muslim, and thetown is recognizedas havinga differenttra- ditionfrom the mixed Christian and Muslim towns in thecentral West Bank. Abouta quarterof the 415 Hamasand IslamicJihad members deported to Lebanonin December1992 werefrom Hebron, many of themrespected holdersof positions in localeducational, health, and other charitable institu- tions.The obligationsarising from Hebron's Muslim identity are manifold, embeddedin theArabic language (noted in Hebronfor its frequent Islamic references)and in thesocial values of generosity and hospitality.They are also embodiedin zakat(alms tax) and theinstitutions of thewaqf system. Indeed,even for the most secular of individuals,waqf properties (zawzyas, fountains,clinics, public baths, and schools)provide a sacredgeography for thetown, serving as markersand orientation points. Preservation also has in itsfavor the dedication and determinationofconcerned individuals, includ- ingthose associated with the UGU, as wellas thetenacity of some of the old city'sresidents: for the son of YusufSharabati, for example, who has re- mainedin his housefor more than a decadethrough bulldozings and the depredationsofarmed settlers next door, "The old cityis morebeautiful than Paris. I havefriends from the neighborhood who have left, but they always comeback."28 Despitethe debate since the February massacre surrounding the approxi- mately400 settlersin theold city,there is nothingto suggestthat they will notcontinue to benefit from Israeli government protection for the foreseeable futureand beyond. Nor is thereany reason to believethat their determina- tionto extend their presence will weaken: throughout history, groups in con- flicthave always tried to appropriate or annihilate material culture, these very effortsdemonstrating the power of built form to embodycollective memory andto project that memory into the future. Similarly, on thePalestinian side, whenthe UGU set out to define,protect, and promoteturath through its

This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 82 JOURNALOF PALESTINE STUDIES projectto rehabilitatethe old city,it setout to planthe future. The material cultureof Hebron's old cityis a powerfulsymbol for the collective and sub- jectiveestablishment ofthe identity of the modem Palestinians.

NOTES

1. Nathmial-Ju'beh, head of the archaeologydepart- 12. MichaelDumper, Islam and Israel.Muslim Religious mentof BirzeitUniversity, interview with the author, Endowmentsand theJewish State (Washington, D.C.: In- July1993. stitutefor Palestine Studies, 1994), p. 8. 2. Yunis Sa'id al-Natshaand 'Isa Mahmud Bidun, 13. ,"A GeographicalIntroduction to He- "The MuslimCity," in MadinaKhalil al-Rahman (He- bron,"in MadinaKhalil al-Rahman, op. cit.,p. 35 (in bron:University Graduates Union, 1987), pp. 72-73(in ). Arabic). Mujiral-Din's chronicle, 14. Ibid., p. 35. For populationof Hebron,see Ziad and Hebron,was translatedfrom the Arabicby Henri Abdeen and Hasan Abu-Libdeh,Palestine Population Sauvaire,and publishedby ErnestLaroux in Parisin Handbook(Jerusalem: PRC Publications,1993), pp. 1876. 89-90. 3. Ghassan Dweik, Al-Taqnrli-Mashru' Tarmim al- 15. The mostdetailed account is Ghazi Falah,"Settle- Balad al-Qadimafi al-Khalil, report presentedto mentand Judaizationin Hebron,"in MadinaKhalil al- AMIDEAST,Jerusalem 1992.Further unpublished doc- Rahman,op. cit.,pp. 207-32. See also Romann,Jewish umentationon theUGU projectfor the rehabilitation of KiryatArba versus Arab Hebron (Jerusalem: West Bank theold cityof Hebronis in theauthor's possession. Data Base Project,1985). 4. Ibid. The UGU researcherscould gain access only 16. YehudaLitani, "Hebron and itslegacy of hate,"Je- to theinhabited buildings. rusalemPost International Edition, week ending 13 June 5. Author'sinterview. 1987,p. 11. 6. Surveyconducted by UGU. See Dweik,op. cit. 17. JustinMcCarthy, The Population of Palestine (New 7. Author'sinterviews with women in Hebron,1987- York:Columbia University Press, 1990), pp. 50, 53. 93. Amongother reasons for refusing possible hus- 18. Ibid,p. 62. bands,women aged 15-25 said thatthey would not 19. Ibid,p. 156. want to live in an old house without modern 20. Moshe Shapira,"Hebron," Encyclopaedia Judaica conveniences. (Jerusalem:Keter, n.d.), Volume8, p. 235. 8. Whilesoup supportedby a waqfis no longerdistrib- 21. Dumper,op. cit.,p. 90. utedon thescale it once was, there is to thisday a daily 22. Ibid.,p. 90. queueof children with plastic pails at thesoup kitchen. 23. The Committeefor the Renewalof JewishSettle- 9. F.E. Peters,Jerusalem: The Holy City in theEyes of mentin theCity of the Patriarchs, master plan 1984,18 Chroniclers,Visitors, Pilgrims, and Prophetsfrom the Days PP. ofAbraham to the Beginning ofModern Times (Princeton: 24. Al-Nahar,6 July 1993, 18 July 1993. Al-Fajr PrincetonUniversity Press, 1985), p. 385. (Arabic),6 July1993. 10. The fifteenth-centurychronicler Mujir al-Din, in 25. Quoted in RobertI. Friedman,"Making Way for his HistoryofJerusalem and Hebron, op. cit.,pp. 227-28, the Messiah,"New YorkReview of Books,11 October recountsthe same story, adding that he personallysaw 1990, pp. 14-17. See also RobertI. Friedman,Zealots thepiece of leather from the sandal of theCommander forZion: InsideIsrael's West Bank Settlement Movement of the Faithful'Ali ibn Abi-Talib(caliph A.H. 35- (New York: RandomHouse, 1992), pp. 34-42. 40/A.D. 656-61) on whichthe deed of donationwas 26. Author'sobservation. written.Cited in Peters,op. cit. 27. Interviewwith Hashini Sadiq 'Abd al-Nabial-Nat- 11. Najah Abu-Saraand Yunis Amr, Fi Khalil al- sha, presidentof the Chamberof Commerce,Hebron, Rahman(Hebron: Hebron University, 1989), p. 391 (in July1993. Arabic). 28. Author'sinterview.

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