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The Old City of Hebron: Can It Be Saved? Author(S): Patricia Sellick Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol

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The Old City of Hebron: Can It Be Saved? Author(S): Patricia Sellick Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol The Old City of Hebron: Can It be Saved? Author(s): Patricia Sellick Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Summer, 1994), pp. 69-82 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2538213 Accessed: 07-01-2016 16:38 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Institute for Palestine Studies and University of California Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Palestine Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE OLD CITY OF HEBRON: CAN IT BE SAVED? PATRICIASELLICK On 25 February1994, a Jewishsettler gunned down twenty-nine Palestini- ans at prayerin theHaram al-Ibrahimi in Hebron.That the killings took placein themosque enclosing the tomb of the Prophet Abraham, revered by bothJews and Muslims, is symbolic:rather like the Haram al-Sharif in Jeru- salem,the Haram al-Ibrahimi (sanctuary of Abraham) polarizes rather than unitesthe two peoples that hold it dear. Thekillings are, assuredly, the most dramaticconsequence of the Jewish-Palestinianconflict in Hebron. But thereis anotherconsequence of that same conflict that receives scant atten- tion-theserious deterioration ofthe old city. This deteriorationhas long-termimplications for the Palestinians, since theold cityof Hebron forms an importantpart of the Palestinian and indeed theMuslim heritage. It is one ofthe four holiest cities in Islam,along with Mecca,Medina, and Jerusalem. It is also an extremelywell-preserved medie- val Muslimtown that has undergoneremarkably little change in thelast two centuries. Since1967 the old cityof Hebron has beena contestedspace: for Jewish Israelisthe old cityis a siteto be builtupon, for Palestinians itis a builtform embodyingtheir turath (collective memory, heritage, or culture). The collec- tivememory of Jewish Israelis is notembodied in thebuildings of theold PatriciaSellick worked in Hebronfrom September 1987 to September1989 withthe Hebron University Graduates Union (UGU), and has returnedfor yearlyone-month visits since then. The old cityof Hebron was thesubject of hermaster's dissertation in the politics department at the School of Oriental and AfricanStudies of the University of London. Journalof Palestine Studies XXIII, no. 4 (Summer1994), pp. 69-82. This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 70 JOURNALOF PALESTINE STUDIES city,which are Islamic,but in thefact of Jews returning to Hebron.The settlersare oriented to a pastthat is inseparablefrom themselves; the Jewish Israelinarrative in Hebronis thereforediscontinuous and monopolistic.By contrast,the prism of material culture reveals a narrativeof Palestinian polit- ical lifethat is continuousand complex. Thesetwo narratives have been brought into critical opposition since He- bron'sold citybecame the target of a planby Jewish settlers, backed by the Israelistate, to "Judaize" it. Undermilitary occupation-with prolonged clo- suresand curfews and daily harassment by settlers who have occupied build- ingsby extrajudicial and oftenviolent means-the old cityhas progressively declinedfrom a bustlingmarket town to a melancholyand desertedplace, streetssealed off with cinder block, razor wire, and concrete-filled oil drums. The old city'sinfrastructure has been deliberatelyneglected, its buildings allowedto deteriorate.Faced, too, with a worseningeconomic and physical situation,many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the old cityhave moved to saferareas. Thoseremaining are now in desperateneed of support to make theirhomes habitable and to resistthe aggressive efforts of thesettlers to demolishand replaceentire quarters of the old city. TheOld Cityand ItsDepopulation The roadfrom Jerusalem to Hebronclimbs some thirty kilometers before droppingsuddenly into the wadi where the old citywas built. At the head of thewadi is thesite of the tomb of Abraham, from whom the town took its Arabicname: Khalilal-Rahman, the Friend of God. It was theMamluks, who ruledPalestine from 1250 to 1517,who builtthe massive square ma- sonryshrine around the tomb in 1320,and it was at thismeeting place of dry valleysand thegentler slopes rising from them that the Mamluk town flour- ished.Viewed from above, the old cityis a harmoniouswhole of domes and flatroofs of the dun-colored local stone; once inside, one findsa fascinating assemblageof closely packed houses, vaulted arcades, winding passages, ex- ternalstaircases and innercourtyards, markets, khans (inns), zawiyas (Sufi hostels),hospices, mosques, schools, and public fountains. While the inter- estof the old cityto the student of Islamic and Arab architecture is inestima- ble-one historianhas describedHebron as an "open researchfile" for a medievalcity'-the scale remains intimate. Muchof the Mamluk town survives: many of the buildings mentioned by thefifteenth-century traveler Mujir al-Din in his bookon thepeople of He- bronwere catalogued in 1987.2 Thereare also significantbuildings from the Ottomanperiod (1517-1917), as wellas someof mixed Mamluk and Otto- manancestry. The old city has no wallsper se, its perimeter being formed by contiguousbuildings broken by fivegated entrances. Ottoman and even Mamlukbuildings spill outside the confines of the old cityinto the neighbor- ingquarters, where the same traditional architecture and building patterns of narrowstreets and passagesprevail. This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions OLD CITY OF HEBRON: REPORT 71 Today,much of the old cityis abandoned.The populationfigures speak volumes:in 1967 therewere 7,500 Palestinianinhabitants in the fifteen quarterscomprising the old city.By 1970 thepopulation had declinedto 6,000,by 1985 to 1,620,and by 1990 to 1,501.3A recentsurvey found that a mere270 buildingsin thatsquare mile of densely built houses are still inhab- ited,and thatmuch of the space even in thesewas notin use: 40 percentof theupper floors, and 80 percentof the ground floors, lie vacant.4The aban- donmentand advancingdecay, added to thelack of infrastructure, make the old cityparticularly vulnerable to thesettlers' aggressive efforts at Judaiza- tion. Thisarticle focuses on thecity's decline, and thenexamines efforts by Palestiniansto rehabilitatethis vital part of their heritage. InternalDynamics A numberof factors are responsible for the dramatic decline of the old city since1967. Certainly,the external factors-most notably the creation of the Stateof Israel in 1948and the occupation of 1967-dwarfall others.But the internaldynamics of Hebron's political culture have also playeda role. The povertyof the old cityhas becomeself-perpetuating and immobilizing;the outflowitself has had a demoralizingeffect. Peoplewith higher incomes rarely visit the old city:when a class of twentyfee-paying The povertyof the old city studentsaged 16 to24 was questionedin July has become self-perpetuating 1989,only two had visited the old citywithin and immobilizing;the outflow thelast twelve months.5 Those who still live itselfhas had a demoralizing thereare primarilyfrom the lowestincome effect. groups.A surveyof the 270 familiesremain- ingin theold cityshowed 20 percentof the household heads unemployed, 31 percentworking in transportor crafts,17 percentin servicesor entertain- ment,and 14 percentin agricultureor trade.Ten percentwere housewives. A mere2 percentwere in professionalfields.6 Equallysignificant is the low levelof amenities revealed in thesame sur- vey.Of the 270 inhabitedunits of the old city,255 haveno runningwater, 236 haveno bathfacilities, 83 do nothave private toilets, 50 haveno kitch- ensat all while33 haveshared kitchens, and so on. The significanceofthis povertyof amenities interacts with certain aspects of Hebron society, particu- larlythe status of women. Because the marriage system is patrilocal,with the husbandproviding the house to which the bride moves, young women attach considerableweight in theirmarriage choices to thekind of house their fu- turehusband will provide, and in particularthe amount of domestic work it willrequire.7 Few people choose to livein an old house,especially if they haveto bear the brunt of pedestrian access only, no separatekitchen or bath- room,and unhealthy dampness. And while it is acceptableto pay male labor forsuch jobs as replacingplaster and whitewashing,paid femaledomestic help is unheardof in Hebron.The dailyround of cookingand cleaning This content downloaded from 96.91.243.195 on Thu, 07 Jan 2016 16:38:48 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 72 JOURNALOF PALESTINE STUDIES thereforefalls almost exclusively to thewomen of the household. Moreover, althoughwomen have the right to succession in Islamiclaw and share inheri- tancerights with their brothers, in theold citythey have little access to the decision-makingfora-e.g. the diwan (meeting place) of the hamula (clan) or theawqaf administration-except
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