AL-GHAZALI on POSSIBILITY and the CRITIQUE of CAUSALITY 25 Putative Cause and Its Effect Is Not Necessary
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Views Condemned and His Writings Publicly Burnt in 1347, Just Seven Years After Buridan’S Second Term As Rector of the University 1
JACK ZUPKO BURIDAN AND AUTRÉCOURT: A REAPPRAISAL A liTTle over a decade ago, I published a paper ThaT Tried To un - ravel The puzzling relaTionship beTween John Buridan, The mosT fa - mous Parisian arTs masTer of The fourTeenTh cenTury, and Nicholas of AuTrecourT, The Paris-based bête noir of laTe-medieval ArisToTe - lianism, who achieved his own measure of fame for having had some of his views condemned and his wriTings publicly burnT in 1347, jusT seven years afTer Buridan’s second Term as recTor of The UniversiTy 1. The problem is ThaT, wiThouT ever menTioning him by name, Buridan in several places criTicizes views ThaT look very much like The condemned Teachings of Nicholas. Was he TaciTly providing inTellecTual grounds for The condemnaTion, The official arTicles of which menTion only Nicholas’ erroneous Teachings? This quesTion is of greaT inTeresT To hisTorians of medieval philo - sophy since iT would show ThaT There was more Than jusT The heavy hand of auThoriTy behind The silencing of The masTer from Lorrai - ne. Modern minds are primed To read such incidenTs as exercises of poliTical power, of course, in which The freedoms of individual Thinkers are Trampled in order To preserve some auThoriTarian regi - me – in This case The Church and To a lesser exTenT The UniversiTy of Paris. BuT scholars of The period know ThaT The sTory is much more complicaTed Than This. I immediaTely ran inTo The problem, however, on which efforTs To answer This quesTion have always foundered: we do noT have enough of Nicholas’ work To reconsTrucT his philosophical or Theo - logical sysTem wiTh any cerTainTy. -
A Traditionalist's Response to the Falāsifa
The Virtuous Son of the Rational: A Traditionalist’s Response to the Falsifa (Conference Paper for Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, Fordham University, Oct. 14–16, 2005) Nahyan Fancy University of Notre Dame Dimitri Gutas has recently made a strong case for considering the three centuries after Ibn Sn (d. 1037, lat. Avicenna) as the “Golden Age of Arabic Philosophy.”1 He argues that the “originality and depth of philosophical thought” and the “diffusion of philosophical work and influence on society in general” during this period far surpassed that of earlier and later periods.2 He traces the deep penetration of falsafa3 into Islamic intellectual life to the towering figure of Ibn Sn himself, who, by engaging with the religious and theological concerns and discussions of his day, made falsafa relevant for all subsequent discussions on philosophical and theological topics.4 Recent work by Robert Wisnovsky and Ayman Shihadeh has substantiated Gutas’s claim by further illuminating how much Ibn Sn was influenced by and, in turn, influenced subsequent theological discussions in kalm5 and other religious circles.6 What is abundantly clear from these studies is that thirteenth century philosophical and theological discussions had to contend with Ibn Sn’s sophisticated philosophical system, for it rationally defended and interpreted religious doctrines and 1 Dimitri Gutas, “The Heritage of Avicenna: The Golden Age of Arabic Philosophy, 1000–ca. 1350,” in Avicenna and His Heritage: Acts of the International Colloquium, Leuven-Louvain-La-Neuve, September 8–September 11, 1999, ed. Jules Janssens and Daniel De Smet (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002), pp. 81–97. -
The Metaphysics of Jonathan Edwards's End of Creation
JETS 59/2 (2016): 339–59 THE METAPHYSICS OF JONATHAN EDWARDS’S END OF CREATION WALTER SCHULTZ* Abstract: In his dissertation ConcernIng the End for which God Created the World, the American theologian and philosopher, Jonathan Edwards (1703–1758), argues precisely and validly for a particular view of God’s purpose and motive in creating and sustain- ing the world on the substantive assumptions that creation is ex nihilo and that only God is absolutely independent and self-sufficient. He asserts that his is the only conceptually possible counterexample to Baruch Spinoza’s contention that no specific position on God’s end and mo- tive in creation combined with a commitment to God’s aseity and creatio ex nihilo can escape incoherence. His argumentation entails a complex metaphysics, which—with careful qualifica- tion—may be referred to by the following terms: dispositionalism, emanationism, idealism, panentheism, anti-platonism, continuous creationism, and occasionalism. This paper briefly de- scribes Edwards’s argumentation for God’s end and motive in creation, summarizes each of these seven positions, and shows how they logically follow. Key Words: emanation, disposition, idealism, platonism, panentheism, continuous creation- ism, occasionalism. Jonathan Edwards’s argumentation in his 1765 dissertation Concerning the End for which God Created the World entaIlS a partIcular verSIon of emanatIonISm, dISpoSI- tionalism, Idealism, antiplatonism, panentheism, continuous creationism, and occa- sionalism.1 ThIS paper brIefly deScrIbeS Edwards’s argumentation for God’s end and motive in creation then Summarizes each of these seven positions and how they logically follow.2 My aImS are to preSent a précIS of EdwardS’S theory of God and creation only in so far as it is expressed in End of Creation. -
Time Atomism and Ash'arite Origins for Cartesian Occasionalism Revisited
Time Atomism and Ash‘arite Origins for Cartesian Occasionalism Revisited Richard T. W. Arthur Department of Philosophy McMaster University Hamilton, Ontario Canada Time Atomism and Ash’arite Origins for Occasionalism Revisited Introduction In gauging the contributions of Asian thinkers to the making of modern “Western” philosophy and science, one often encounters the difficulty of establishing a direct influence. Arun Bala and George Gheverghese Joseph (2007) have termed this “the transmission problem”. One can establish a precedence, as well as a strong probability that an influence occurred, without being able to find concrete evidence for it. In the face of this difficulty (which appears to occur quite generally in the history of thought) I suggest here that the influence of earlier thinkers does not always occur through one person reading others’ work and becoming persuaded by their arguments, but by people in given epistemic situations being constrained by certain historically and socially conditioned trends of thought—for which constraining and conditioned trends of thought I coin the term "epistemic vectors"—and opportunistically availing themselves of kindred views from other traditions. As a case in point, I will examine here the claim that the doctrine of Occasionalism arose in seventeenth century Europe as a result of an influence from Islamic theology. In particular, the Ash’arite school of kalâm presented occasionalism as a corollary of time atomism, and since to many scholars the seventeenth century occasionalism of Cartesian thinkers such as De la Forge and Cordemoy has appeared as a direct corollary of the atomism of time attributed to Descartes in his Meditations, Ash’arite time atomism is often cited as the likely source of Cartesian Occasionalism. -
A Crítica De Nicolau De Autrécourt (Ca.1300-1369) Ao Princípio De Causalidade*
Synesis, v. 10, n. 1, p. 75-110, jan/jul 2018, ISSN 1984-6754 © Universidade Católica de Petrópolis, Petrópolis, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil A CRÍTICA DE NICOLAU DE AUTRÉCOURT (CA.1300-1369) AO PRINCÍPIO DE CAUSALIDADE* THE CRITICISM OF NICHOLAS OF AUTRECOURT (CA.1300-1369) TO CAUSAL PRINCIPLE JEFERSON VALADARES UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO DE JANEIRO, BRASIL Resumo: Este artigo tem como tarefa apresentar e reconstruir a crítica de Nicolau de Autrécourt (ca. 1300-1369) ao princípio de causalidade. Em linhas gerais, consiste sua crítica em mostrar que não pode haver demonstração (non potest evidenter ostendi), portanto, conhecimento certo (nullus scit evidenter), da relação entre causa e efeito. Em outras palavras, não podemos demonstrar que uma coisa é causa de uma outra. Logo, não se pode ter um conhecimento evidente da causalidade. Se possuímos algum conhecimento desta relação, o temos por ser ele o resultado do hábito conjectural (habitus conjecturativus), i.e., a faculdade mediante a qual nos é possível associar um resultado a uma ideia. O que temos, na verdade, nada mais é do que um conhecimento provável (probabilis) de tal relação e das proposições da ciência (scientia). Palavras-Chave: Causalidade. Epistemologia. Teoria da inferência. Ceticismo medieval. Abstract: This article is tasked with presenting and rebuild critical of Nicholas of Autrecourt (ca. 1300-1369) to the principle of causality. Generally speaking, it is his criticism to show that there can be no demonstration (non potest evidenter ostendi), so some knowledge (nullus scit evidenter), the cause and effect relationship. In other words, we can not prove that something is the cause of another. -
“Intentional Transfer” in Averroes and the Issue of Representationalism
Intentional Transfer in Averroes, Indifference of Nature in Avicenna, and the Issue of the Representationalism of Aquinas Comments on Max Herrera and Richard Taylor Is Aquinas a representationalist or a direct realist? Max Herrera’s (and, for that matter, Claude Panaccio’s) qualified answers to each alternative show that the real significance of the question is not that if we answer it, then we can finally learn under which classification Aquinas should fall, but rather that upon considering it we can learn something about the intricacies of the question itself. In these comments I will first argue that the Averroistic notion of “intentional transfer”, combined with the Avicennean idea of the indifference of nature, yielding the Thomistic doctrine of the formal unity of the knower and the known renders the question moot with regard to Aquinas, indeed, with regard to the pre-modern epistemological tradition in general. These considerations will then lead to a number of further, both historical and philosophical questions, which I will offer in the end for further discussion. So, why is it interesting at all whether this or that philosopher is a representationalist or a direct realist? And why is this question interesting in particular in connection with pre- modern philosophers, who certainly did not think of themselves in these terms? To answer the first question, we must recall that the distinction emerged in the context of the modern (post-Cartesian) theory of ideas. As Thomas Reid saw it, the problem with that theory was that it constituted a mistaken theory of perception and mental representation in general, which in turn led to skepticism concerning an external, mind- independent, physical reality. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Al-Ghazālī and Rasā'il
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Al-Ghazālī and Rasā’il Ikhwān al-Ṣafā’: Their Influence on His Thought A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Islamic Studies by Abdullah Ozkan 2016 © Copyright by Abdullah Ozkan 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Al-Ghazālī and Rasā’il Ikhwān al-Ṣafā’: Their Influence on His Thought by Abdullah Ozkan Doctor of Philosophy in Islamic Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2016 Professor Khaled M. Abou El Fadl, Chair In his Munqidh, al-Ghazālī states that there were four classes of seekers of truth at his time: the theologians, the followers of the doctrine of Ta‘līm, the philosophers, and the Sufis. He depicts himself here as a Sufi who denounces the others, especially philosophy. This image of al-Ghazālī became the major perception of him from the beginning. But this perception changed completely in the twentieth century. The most recent scholarship challenges this image and views him as a kind of scholar who was heavily influenced by philosophy and disseminated its teachings in disguise. However, the concentration is given mostly to the philosophy of Ibn Sīnāwhile searching the source of this influence. While not denying the influence of Ibn Sīnā, this study argues that Rasā’il Ikhwān Ṣafā’ must be taken ii seriously as a major source of philosophical influence on al-Ghazālī’s thought despite the negative remarks he makes about them. It tries to prove its argument first by situating al- Ghazālī’s negative remarks in the political and social conditions of his time and second by comparing his works, especially his Mishkāt al-Anwār, with Rasā’il. -
Nousletter 2015
Department of Philosophy Noûsletter Number 21 - Summer 2015 No. 21 · Summer 2015 noûsletter Page 2 Table of Contents Peter Hare Outstanding Assistant Awards .............. 45 Letter from the Chair ................................................................... 3 Hare Award for Best Overall Essay .............................. 46 From the Director of Undergraduate Education ........... 7 Hourani Award for Outstanding Essay in Ethics .. 46 Faculty of the Department of Philosophy ......................... 7 Perry Awards for Best Dissertation ............................. 46 In Remembrance ............................................................................ 8 Steinberg Essay Prize Winners ...................................... 46 William Baumer (1932 —2014) ....................................... 8 Whitman Scholarship Winner ........................................ 46 Newton Garver (1928 – 2014) .......................................... 9 Confucian Institute Dissertation Fellowship .......... 46 Anthony Fay (1979-2015) ................................................ 11 The People Who Make It Possible ..................................... 47 Faculty Updates ........................................................................... 12 The Peter Hare Award ........................................................ 47 Introducing Alexandra King ............................................. 12 The Hourani Lectures ......................................................... 47 Introducing Nicolas Bommarito ................................... -
Suggestions for Further Reading
MP_D01.qxd 11/23/06 2:43 AM Page 382 Suggestions for Further Reading GENERAL SURVEYS OF MEDIEVAL PHILOSOPHY Armstrong, A. H., ed. 1970. The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Copleston, Frederick. 1950. A History of Philosophy, vol. 2: Medieval Philosophy: From Augustine to Duns Scotus. Westminster, MD: The Newman Press (many subsequent reprintings by various presses). Copleston, Frederick. 1953. A History of Philosophy, vol. 2: Late Medieval and Renaissance Philosophy. Westminster, MD: The Newman Press (many subsequent reprintings by various presses). Gilson, Étienne. 1955. History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages. New York: Random House. Gracia, Jorge J. E., and Timothy B. Noone, eds. 2003. A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages. Blackwell Companions to Philosophy. Oxford: Blackwell. Kenny, A. 2005. A New History of Western Philosophy, vol. 2: Medieval Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Kretzmann, Norman, et al., eds. 1982. The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy: From the Rediscovery of Aristotle to the Disintegration of Scholasticism, 1100–1600. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Luscombe, David E. 1997. History of Western Philosophy, vol. 2: Medieval Thought. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Marenbon, John. 1981. From the Circle of Alcuin to the School of Auxerre: Logic, Theology and Philosophy in the Early Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marenbon, John. 1983. Early Medieval Philosophy (480–1150): An Introduction. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Marenbon, John. 1991. Later Medieval Philosophy (1150–1350): An Introduction. London: Routledge. Marenbon, John, ed. 1998. The Routledge History of Philosophy, vol. 3: The Middle Ages. London: Routledge. McGrade, A. -
Buridan and Skepticism
Buridan and Skepticism JACK ZUPKO DESPITE JOHN BURIDAN'S REPUTATION as the foremost Parisian philosopher of the fourteenth century and the predominant role played by his teachings in European universities until well into the sixteenth century,' our understand- ing of his thought in a number of areas remains sketchy. Epistemology is a case in point. Only a handful of studies have touched on this topic over the past five decades,, and most of these have been interested not in explaining Buridan's epistemology per se, but in sorting out the complex relationship between Buridan's remarks on knowledge and a number of skeptical proposi- tions associated with Nicholas of Autrecourt. Because I feel that this relation- ship has never been properly understood, and that Buridan's reply to Nicho- las is as good a place as any to begin discussing his epistemology, the present study will likewise be addressed to this issue. But it should serve as well to illustrate Buridan's general position on the question of human knowledge, since, as we shall see below, his reply to Nicholas makes no sense unless certain doctrines implicit in his brief remarks are made explicit. As far as Buridan and Nicholas are concerned, two facts stand in need of explanation: on the one hand, the fact that Buridan and Nicholas were con- ' As the late Jan Pinborg once observed, Buridan's "way of doing philosophy and his main tenets affected all European universities for the next 15~ years or more, often to the degree that his works were used as primary textbooks at important courses" (Preface to The Logic. -
Northern Illinois University “A Response to Leibniz's Monadology”
Northern Illinois University “A Response to Leibniz’s Monadology” A Capstone Submitted to the University Honors Program in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Baccalaureate Degree With Honors Department Of Philosophy By DeVonté Fuller DeKalb, Illinois May, 2021 Introduction Gottfried W. Leibniz is one of the many philosophers responsible for significant contributions to the discipline of metaphysics. This school of thought attempts to determine what exists, and a variety of philosophers have advanced theories that they believe to be the best in answering this question: what is reality? Leibniz argued for a version of Idealism, which is the theory that all material objects are fundamentally mind-dependent. This is to say that reality cannot be distinguished from that which is mental. In making his argument for his version of Idealism, Leibniz strayed from the dominant beliefs of his time. He introduced the system of monads to explain the foundation of reality in which his claims regarding the mind-dependence of the world can be found. Many set out to expose the flaws they believe to cause his Idealist arguments to fail. His critics base these arguments on the premise that Leibniz’s system of monads commits him to Occasionalism, a theory that Leibniz claimed was distinct from his version of Idealism. Though some philosophers come to his aid to uphold the distinction between his version of Idealism and Occasionalism, others are quick to dismiss his claims due to what they believe to be inconsistencies and a heavy reliance on a perfect divine being. Despite these contentions, I intend to demonstrate that Leibnizian Idealism withstands arguments that aim to label him an occasionalist for his believed role of God in his system of Monads. -
Sceptical Paths Studies and Texts in Scepticism
Sceptical Paths Studies and Texts in Scepticism Edited on behalf of the Maimonides Centre for Advanced Studies by Giuseppe Veltri Managing Editor: Yoav Meyrav Editorial Board Heidrun Eichner, Talya Fishman, Racheli Haliva, Henrik Lagerlund, Reimund Leicht, Stephan Schmid, Carsten Wilke, Irene Zwiep Volume 6 Sceptical Paths Enquiry and Doubt from Antiquity to the Present Edited by Giuseppe Veltri, Racheli Haliva, Stephan Schmid, and Emidio Spinelli The series Studies and Texts in Scepticism is published on behalf of the Maimonides Centre for Advanced Studies ISBN 978-3-11-058960-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-059104-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-059111-8 ISSN 2568-9614 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 Licence. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Control Number: 2019947115 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2019 Giuseppe Veltri, Racheli Haliva, Stephan Schmid, Emidio Spinelli, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover image: Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, Ms Cod. Levy 115, fol. 158r: Maimonides, More Nevukhim, Beginn von Teil III. Printing & binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Contents Introduction 1 Carlos Lévy Philo of Alexandria vs. Descartes: An Ignored Jewish