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Types of Semi-Presidentialism and Party Competition Structures in Democracies: the Cases of Portugal and Peru Gerson Francisco J
TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Licentiate in Sociology, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Peru), 2005. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in POLITICAL SCIENCE Department of Political Science University of Lethbridge LETHBRIDGE, ALBERTA, CANADA © Gerson F. Julcarima Alvarez, 2020 TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Date of Defence: November 16, 2020 Dr. A. Siaroff Professor Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor Dr. H. Jansen Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. J. von Heyking Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. Y. Belanger Professor Ph.D. Chair, Thesis Examination Committee ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier- presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar. -
Presidential Election in Portugal, from Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy a Round-Up One Week Before the Vote
PORTUGAL European Elections monitor Presidential Election in Portugal, from Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy a round-up one week before the vote D-7 On 23rd January nearly 10 million Portuguese voters are being called to ballot in the 1st round of 7 days before the presidential election. 6 people are standing: the poll - Anibal Cavaco Silva, 71, outgoing Head of State. Professor in Economy and former Prime Minis- ter (1985-1995), he is standing as an independent candidate but has the support of the Social Democratic Party (PSD), the main opposition party, and also that of the People’s Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas; - Manuel Alegre, 74, standing for the Socialist Party (PS), has the support of the Left Bloc (BE) and the Atlantic Democratic Party (PDA); - Francisco Lopes, 35, Communist Party candidate, supported by the ecologists of “Os Verdes” (Greens); - Fernando Nobre, 59, independent candidate, founder of the International Medical Assistance Group (AMI); - Defensor de Moura, 64, former Mayor of Viana do Castelo and Deputy Chair of the Parliamentary Committee for Foreign Affairs. A Socialist MP, he is standing as an independent; - José Manuel Coelho, General Regional Councillor of the Madeira Archipelago and member of New Democracy, a party that is not represented in Parliament at present. If none of the candidates wins the absolute majority on 23rd January a 2nd round will be orga- nised between the two candidates who win the greatest number of votes two weeks later on 6th February. The Financial Crisis at the Heart of the capping of social benefits). These measures were the Campaign source of great discontent on the part of public opi- nion and on 24th November the country experienced Quite predictably the campaign is focusing on the its first general strike in 22 years (3 million on came possible intervention of external forces, notably the out on strike). -
A Campanha Presidencial Portuguesa De 2011: Cobertura Na Imprensa
Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas UNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA A Campanha Presidencial Portuguesa de 2011: Cobertura na Imprensa Luís Pedro Jardim de Almada Nascimento Orientadora: Professora Doutora Nilza Mouzinho de Sena Dissertação para obtenção de grau de Mestre em Comunicação Social Lisboa 2014 Luís Pedro Jardim de Almada Nascimento MESTRADO EM: Comunicação Social ORIENTADORA: Professora Doutora Nilza Mouzinho de Sena Lisboa, 2013 A Campanha Presidencial Portuguesa de 2011: Cobertura na Imprensa RESUMO A comunicação política é parte fundamental do processo democrático, especialmente durante os momentos eleitorais. As campanhas eleitorais desenvolvem-se num sistema de comunicação política que tem sido sujeito ao longo dos tempos a diversas novas dinâmicas que alteraram profundamente o modo de atuação dos atores políticos, mediáticos e dos próprios cidadãos. Consequentemente, as práticas comunicativas eleitorais têm vindo a adaptar-se de forma a acompanhar estas mudanças. Procedeu-se à análise de conteúdo nos jornais Diário de Notícias, Público, Expresso e Sol de forma a perceber como a cobertura mediática aos vários candidatos às eleições presidenciais portuguesas em questão foi exposta, nomeadamente como seria enquadrada e se se recorreria maioritariamente ao jornalismo interpretativo, e se este refletiria alguma discussão acerca da expansão dos poderes presidenciais numa época que fazia prever uma agudizada crise económica e política. Não se tendo verificado um apelo à expansão dos poderes presidenciais, pôde-se, Palavras-chave: -
JAVNOST 4-2014.Indb
PORTUGAL AT THE EYE OF THE STORM: HELENA SOUSA CRISIS, AUSTERITY LUÍS ANTÓNIO AND THE MEDIA SANTOS 62 - Abstract The governmental change which took place in Portugal Helena Sousa is Professor after 2011 was far more than just a new episode in the typi- at Communication and cal rotation between the two major political parties given Society Research Centre, that it occurred whilst the country was initiating a three University of Minho; e-mail: year period of external fi nancial control. As such the three [email protected]. political forces actively engaged in this rough transition have consistently pursued a stern austerity strategy imposed Luís António Santos is by creditors. This uneven platform (shaped by submission Lecturer at Communication rather than by accord) has been the breeding ground for and Society Research Centre, a discourse centred on the existence of a broad national University of Minho, e-mail: consensus in support of the adopted draconian austerity [email protected]. measures. Irruptions of dissent have been met with con- tempt and have been dismissed as self-interested opinions 47 4, pp. (2014), No. Vol.21 or even as anti-patriotic. This article has four main parts. In the fi rst one, the fundamental features of the economic and fi nancial crisis and its consequences will be presented. In the second part, the political impacts and challenges of the crisis will be scrutinised. The political and economic impact is closely articulated with the current situation of mainstream media that is presented in the third part of the paper. As we will see in the last part of this article, a particular combina- tion of factors in a country without fi nancial sovereignty has created the perfect conditions for media reproduction of the government and creditors’ discourses.