UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES, MANILA
Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka nang Malapitan,
Kapit Ka sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan:
A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Online News Coverage of
Typhoons Yolanda and Lawin toward Understanding the Dependency of Filipinos on
(Foreign) Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths
An Undergraduate Thesis
Presented to Dr. Josefina G. Tayag
Department of Social Sciences
University of the Philippines, Manila
In Partial Fulfillment of
The Requirements for the Degree of
Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Presented by
JOSUE‘ A LIBBY‘S R. MAPAGDALITA
2013-03837
Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
University of the Philippines Manila College of Arts and Sciences Padre Faura, Ermita, Manila
APPROVAL SHEET
This undergraduate thesis entitled, ―Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka nang
Malapitan, Kapit Ka sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Online
News Coverage of Typhoons Yolanda and Lawin toward Understanding the Dependency of
Filipinos on (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths‖ prepared and submitted by Josue‘ A Libby‘s R. Mapagdalita is hereby accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science.
______
Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA, ret. Adviser
This undergraduate thesis is hereby accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the course requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science.
______
Prof. Jerome A. Ong Chairperson Department of Social Sciences
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For the Filipino masses, who have been oppressed for a long time, and who, in times of great tribulations, always seek refuge in the arms of their comrades
For the victims of Typhoons Lawin and Yolanda, whose narratives are exploited for the profiteering motives of those in power and whose basic rights were denied by the same entities that swore to protect and aid them
For Mama and Papa, whose love transcends silence and distance
For Kuya Kim, Pam, Van, Caesar, Jill, Brownie, and Ate Joan
2 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First of all, I wish to thank the band, Sugarfree, for creating the song ―Huwag Ka nang Umiyak‖.
Without it, I won‘t be able to create such a witty thesis title. I don‘t claim any of the lyrics embedded in such a wonderful song, but I wish to let you know that I only used such stanza for academic purposes only. Thank you also, Mr. Gary Valenciano, for your existence; please know that your version of the song will always be my favourite, and when I hear it, I am always impelled to write the long paragraphs of this thesis.
I would like to express my most sincere gratitude to my family for supporting me all the way, especially whenever I feel lost and trapped in paths of uncertainty. Thank you for your love that transcends miles. Without you, I would never be able to exert more effort for thesis writing. You are my primary source of motivation, and please know that everything I do is for all of you.
I would like to thank my thesis adviser, Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, for all the pieces of advice you have given me and my classmates. Thank you for all the encouragements and compliments which sufficed to motivate me to continue researching. Thank you for believing in my ability to write, despite the fact that pursuing this topic would be dangerous, especially for an undergraduate thesis.
I would like to express appreciation to my former professor, Prof. Clarinda L. Berja, for allowing me to change topic even if the semester was about to end already. Thank you for guiding me in writing the first few chapter of my thesis. Thank you for always telling me to always respect my work.
I would like to thank my classmates in Pol Sci 198 for your assuring words and for your compliments. I know that I will never belong to the roster of the best students that the Political
Science program has ever produced, but your words make me feel that I am recognised.
3 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
I would like to express gratitude to my friends in LRC, especially Ate Jo and Prof. Sarj, for asking me everytime if I was all right. Thanks to you for lighting up my boring college life and for allowing me to print my papers whenever I was on the rush. Thank you also for the occasional food trips; they had always energised my grumpy soul.
I would like to thank my closest friends in Block 4. Tania, Thea, Helen, and Alex; thank you for everything. I can‘t imagine life in UP without you. The same also goes to my closest Pol Sci friends outside my block — Von, Denise, Ro-Ann, Gab, Majoy, Dea, Liezl, Aliah, Lance, Elijah Rebong, and Benille. You all know that our daily chismis is almost like food — while it keeps me alive, it also makes me desire for more. Charot!
I would like to express my most genuine gratitude to my closest high school friends, Red, Wynard,
Honey, and Joy. Thank you for taking the time to laugh with me and for being there when times get rough. You are my backbone and cornerstone, and I can‘t imagine facing this ordeal without your presence.
Thank you also to Dabon Family for being there when I was panicking and felt the need to visit your lovely and welcoming home. Thank you for letting me borrow Wynard‘s laptop when my laptop crashed. This research would never be possible without your help.
I wish also to express my highest respects and my sincerest gratitude to my former JRP instructor,
Mr. Mark Abalos, for allowing me to acquire his insights regarding the topic. Thank you for the words of encouragement, for guiding me in my theoretical framework, and for the treat last time.
You will always be my idol.
I would like also to thank some people for their contributions for their contributions in this thesis. To
Mr. Ronelo Valente, Mrs. Rosita Dabon, Ms. Angeles Navales, Ms. Cheska Elizaga, and Mr. Paolo
4 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
Mapagdalita, thank you for lending your precious time in order to translate this research's survey questionnaire to four (4) native languages (Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Bikolano, and Waray). As a financially struggling student who is not capable of paying for translation fees, I know your efforts for this research indeed require monetary compensation, and yet, you did not demand anything. For that, I am and will be forever grateful. Special thanks are also given to Mrs. Rosita Dabon and to my friend, Mr. Elijah Joshua Rebong for sending the English and Tagalog versions of my survey questionnaire to your friends and colleagues who translated the material.
I would like to thank also those who answered my survey and my reading exercise. The success of this research is dedicated to all of you.
Of course, most of all, thank you Lord God for the unconditional love. I know I will always be a sinner, but thank you for giving me the will to live, especially whenever I feel mentally, emotionally, and physically exhausted. I dedicate this success to you!
5 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
ABSTRACT
This study is a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the online news coverage of the influx of and the need for (foreign) humanitarian aid during the aftermaths of Typhoons Yolanda and Lawin in the Philippines. Through an in-depth linguistic analysis of verbal texts, the research argues that these online news sites‘ linguistic manipulation of content produced specific ideological impacts that could reinforce (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency among Filipinos, especially among those who read their respective contents.
Such ideological impacts include the properties to evoke emotions directed towards post-typhoon actors, to form an image of post-typhoon actors, and to portray (foreign) humanitarian aid as wielding positive impacts that will benefit its recipients. The study also proves that the consequences of these ideological impacts to the readers could gain more strength and momentum if the online news sites and their respective content possess the two fundamental components of any journalistic endeavour — credibility and objectivity.
The study also reveals that, based on the results of the survey, (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency in an individual level already exists among Filipinos; and the results of reading exercise shows that such dependency is being reinforced by online news sites — a type of channel of discourse — through the media‘s innate power to manipulate public opinion.
Therefore, this study asserts that online news sites are exploited as tools of oppression by global hegemons — the center of the news spotlight — to foster dependency that will aid in their quest to promote and reinforce disaster capitalism in the affected regions; thus, institutionalising and legimitising their neoliberal economic agenda in the country.
Keywords: critical discourse analysis, (foreign) humanitarian aid, discourse, aid dependency, disaster capitalism, hegemony, (linguistic) manipulation
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Approval Sheet 1
Dedication 2
Acknowledgments 3
Abstract 6
Table of Contents 7
List of Tables 11
List of Figures 12
CHAPTER I: Introduction 14
Purpose of the Study 14
Background of the Problem 14
Thesis Statement 17
Research Question 17
Significance of the Study 18
CHAPTER II: Review of Literature 19
Research Methodologies Used 19
The Influence of Humanitarian Aid on Third World Countries 23 The Path of Countries‘ Foreign and Development Policies 23 Local Response to Disasters 25 The Power of Mass Media to Manipulate Public Opinion 27 On Influencing Citizens‘ Views on Humanitarian Aid 27 During Times of Crisis On Reinforcing Hegemony and Dominance over the Oppressed 28 Summary 29
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Gaps in Literature 30
CHAPTER III: Situationer 31
On the Influx of (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid in the Philippines during Typhoon 31 Aftermaths
On the Role of Online News Sites during Typhoon Aftermaths 36
CHAPTER IV: Framework of the Study 38
Theoretical Framework 38
Conceptual Framework 41
Definition of Key Terms 44
CHAPTER V: Methodology 46
Research Design 46
Sampling 49
Limitations 50
Delimitations 50
Ethical Considerations 50
Linguistic Tools for Content Analysis 51
CHAPTER VI: Presentation of Findings 56
Qualitative Data 56
Quantitative Data 68
CHAPTER VII: Analysis of Findings 82
On the Elements of Online News Content 83 Di Ako Biased, Darling 83 I Swear that All I Say is True 89 On Emotions Felt towards Post-Typhoon Actors 92
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I Feel So Sad for Them Talaga, Darla 92 Thank You so much, Mumshie 95 Sadd and Angery Reax Onli 95 On the Image Formation of Post-Typhoon Actors 97 Hamak Ako, ‗Pagkat Ako‘y Lupa 98 Mirror, Mirror on the Wall, Who‘s the Most Ungrateful of them All 100 Chill ka lang! Nandito na si Batman! 101 On (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid as Having Positive Effects to the Recipients 104 Kulang Ako, Kung Wala Ka 104 Because of You, My Life Has Changed 105 Other Pertinent Remarks 107
CHAPTER VIII: Discussion and Implications 109
Limitations of the Study and the Effects Thereof 109
Conclusions Based on Findings 110
Recommendations 112
CHAPTER IX: Final Remarks 115
References 117
Appendix A: A Survey on Filipinos' Views on Foreign Relief Operations 122 and Rehabilitation Programs during Typhoon Aftermaths [English Translation]
Appendix B: Isang Survey sa Pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa mga 126 Banyagang 'Relief Operation' at 'Rehabilitation Program' Pagkatapos ng Pananalasa ng mga Bagyo [Tagalog Translation]
Appendix C: Sarong Survey sa Paghiling kan mga Pilipino 130 sa Tabang-Banwa kan Pagrangkag kang Nakaaging Bagyo.[Albay Bikol (Daraga/ East Miraya dialect) Translation]
Appendix D: Usa nga Survey han Pagkita han mga Pilipino ha 134 Pagbulig Han Mga Tag-iba nga Nasod ha Pagdistroso han mga Bagyo Pag-ragasa han mga Bagyo [Waray Translation]
Appendix E: Isa ka Survey sa Panan-aw sang mga Pilipino sa 138
9 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
Bulig sang Taga Iban nga Lugar pagkatapos sang Pagragasasang Bagyo [Hiligaynon Translation]
Appendix F: Usa ka Survey sa Pagtan-aw sa mga Pilipino sa 142 Tabang-Langyaw Pagkahuman ang bagyo mang Guba [Cebuano Translation]
Appendix G: Interview Questions for Mr. Mark Arthur 147 Abalos (Semi-Structured Interview)
Appendix I: Informed Consent Form for Expert Interview 150
Appendix J (Article No. 1): What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid 152 looks like without US, EU, and UN
Appendix K (Article No. 2): Duterte to EU, US: Withdraw aid, we will survive 156
Appendix L (Article No. 3): US military joins race to help Yolanda survivors 158
Appendix M (Article No. 4): World leaders mourn loss in PH due to 162 Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan)
Appendix N (Article No. 5): Al Gore visits Tacloban, sees destruction 164 caused by ‗Yolanda‘
Appendix O (Article No. 6): No foreign aid yet for victims of 166 Supertyphoon ‗Lawin‘
Appendix P (Article No. 7): Typhoon Haiyan: What‘s a Superpower to Do? 168
Appendix Q (Article No. 8): U.S. Marines Bringing Typhoon Aid to 170 Philippine Shores
Appendix R (Article No. 9): Desperation grows among Philippine survivors 172 of Typhoon Haiyan
Appendix S (Article No. 10): Aid workers struggle to reach victims of 175 Philippines typhoon
Appendix T (Article No. 11): Relief teams rush to typhoon-devastated Philippines 177
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Appendix U (Article No. 12): Philippine typhoon aid delivery picks up speed 180
Appendix V (Article No. 13): U.N. Relief Official to Help 182 Coordinate Aid Efforts
Appendix W (Article No. 14): Rising Despair as Officials Struggle to 184 Get Aid to Typhoon Victims
Appendix X (Article No. 15): Aid Groups Get Strong Response to 186 Philippines Appeals
Appendix Y (Article No. 16): Asia Rivalries Play Role in Aid to the Philippines 188
Appendix Z (Article No. 17): Relief Supplies Pour into Philippines, 190 but Remote Areas Still Suffer
Appendix AA (Article No. 18): Typhoon Response Highlights 192 Weaknesses in Philippine Military
Appendix BB (Article No. 19): After Typhoon Haiyan, Guiuan in the 194 Philippines begins rebuilding
Appendix CC (Article No. 20): Relief is slow to reach victims of 196 Philippine typhoon; looters steal medical supplies
Appendix DD: Participant Responses to Online News Sites' 199 Coverage of Typhoon Aftermaths in the Philippines (Reading Exercise)
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List of Tables
Number Title Page
1 Frequency of Casualties and Amount of Damages Brought by Typhoon Yolanda 29 2 The Top Ten (10) Donor Entities and the Amount ofHumanitarian Assistance 30 Pledged to and Received by the Philippines during Typhoon Yolanda's Aftermath 3 The Dimensions of Discourse with Corresponding Types of Analyses 37 4 Data Set Matrix 43 5 Generation of Themes and Sub-Themes through Open Coding and Axial Coding 54 6 The Survey Respondents‘ Region of Permanent Residence 65 7 Age Brackets of Survey Respondents 66 8 Language Used by Survey Respondents 67 9 Typhoon Victimisation among Respondents 68 10 Frequency of Typhoon Victimisation among Respondents 68 11 Perceived Inferiority of Local Relief Goods 69 12 Preference for Foreign Relief Goods due to Love for Imported Goods 69 13 Trust/Faith to Government Relief Machineries 70 14 Insufficiency of Local Relief Operations as a Rationale to Receive Aid 70 15 Aid from Other Countries as Having No Attached Ill Intentions 71 16 Aid as an Entity that must not be barred from Entering the Country 72 17 Donor Entities as ―Heroes‖ and ―Saviours‖ 72 18 Lack of Self-Reliance when Typhoons Ravage the Country 73 19 Influential Channels of Discourse 74 20 Contribution of Online News Sites to Positive Perception towards Foreign Aid 74 21 Local Online News Sites as Best Suppliers of Disaster News 75 22 Contribution of Online News Sites to the Perceptions towards Their Environment 76 23 Influence of Online News Sites towards a Perception of Humanitarian Aid as 76 Carrying Positive Consequence to Recipients 24 Online News‘ Sites Authenticity and Reliability 77 25 Humanitarian Aid as the Focus or Highlight of Online News 77 Coverage of Typhoons 26 Frequency of Modal Structures Used in the Online News Articles 89 with their Specific Ideological Functions
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List of Figures
Number Title Page
1 Sample negative comments against Duterte in the context of refusal to accept 13 aid from US, EU, and UN during Lawin‘s aftermath 2 Frequency of Destructive Cyclones that Entered the Philippines, 2010-2015. 28 3 Total Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Pledged to the Philippines as a 30 Part of International Community‘s Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in PHP) 4 Total Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Pledged to the Philippines as a 31 Part of International Community‘s Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in per cent) 5 Total Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Received by the Philippines as a 31 Part of International Community‘s Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in PHP) 6 Total Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Received by the Philippines as a 32 Part of International Community‘s Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in per cent) 7 Foreign Aid Pledged to and Received by the Philippines as a Part of 33 International Community's Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in PHP) 8 Fairclough‘s Model for Critical Discourse Analysis 37 9 The Conceptual Framework (What Is) 38 10 The Conceptual Framework (What Ought to Be) 40 11 The Basic Embedded (Qualitative-Quantitative) Design 45 as Applied in this Study 12 The Conceptual Framework (What Is), Reorganised Based on Findings 108
.
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CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
Purpose of the Study
General Objective: To explore the role of discourse and its channels in shaping the people‘s presumed positive insights toward (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths
Specific Objectives:
To discuss the means through which discourse channels, such as online news sites, could
influence the opinions of the populations (in general) and of the Filipino people (in
particular) towards humanitarian aid.
To explain how humanitarian aid dependency could be a form and/or an aspect of hegemony
of First World countries over developing countries, such as the Philippines.
To compare and contrast the forms of linguistic manipulations committed by online news
outlets, especially when writing about the need for relief operations and rehabilitation
programs after typhoons in the Philippines.
To determine if Filipinos are indeed dependent on humanitarian aid during typhoon
aftermaths
To give a final analysis of whether or not the language used and discourse facilitated by the
media, in general, could be used to legitimise the Filipino people‘s of dependency to
humanitarian aid
To recommend ways for creating a counter-hegemonic discourse in order for the Filipinos to
avoid being overly dependent on humanitarian aid, with or without typhoons or natural
disasters
Background of the Problem
14 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
During the researcher‘s stay in the University as an undergraduate student of the Political
Science Program, he has been exposed to various theories of international relations (IR), especially those that fall under Marxism in IR, which put into primacy the understanding of political economy in analysing how conflicts arise between nation-states. One of the theories that fall under the domain of Marxism in IR that piqued the researcher‘s interest was Immanuel
Wallerstein‘s World-Systems Theory, which highlights the relationship between core countries, semi-periphery countries, and periphery countries. Upon understanding the basic tenets of the theory, the researcher is drawn to believe that the dependency of periphery countries on foreign aid was exploited by the core countries in order to promote, institutionalise, and legitimise disaster capitalism, which Naomi Klein (2007) described in her book, The Shock Doctrine. Klein explained how the aid the donor entities had sent in order to mitigate damages and casualties incurred by natural and man-made disasters had been exploited so that the First World countries and the international financial institutions can easily establish neoliberal programs in countries in the Global South and interfere with their respective economies.
The researcher was also inspired by John Paul Naco‘s (2015) undergraduate Development
Studies thesis entitled, ―Kritikal na Pagsusuri ng Representasyon ng Media sa mga Masang
Nasalanta ng Bagyong Yolanda at ang Implikasyon nito sa Kanilang Panlipunang
Pagsasakapangyarihan‖ [―Critical Analysis of Representation of Media to the Masses Victimised by Typhoon Yolanda and its Implication to their Social Empowerment‖]. In that research, Mr.
Naco was able to divulge that the mass media outlets, as conduits of information, was utilised not only by the outlet owners themselves, but also by the governments of and the corporations from developed nations to conceal their hegemonic intentions and further disempower the typhoon victims.
15 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
However, the only time the researcher felt extremely motivated to pursue the topic was when he read the comments section of online news articles produced by online news sites, especially
Rappler and Inquirer, which covered President Rodrigo Duterte‘s sentiments against the United
States, the European Union, and the United Nations for their interference on the affairs of the
Philippine government, especially on the issue of extrajudicial killings. When he said that the country does not need to receive aid coming from such donor entities, such statement drew flak, and the comments sections of online news articles were already being filled with negative comments against the President (see Figure 1).
Figure 1. Sample negative comments against Duterte in the context of refusal to accept aid from US, EU, and UN during Lawin’s aftermath
Source: Comment Sections of Facebook Pages of Inquirer and Rappler
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Because of this, the researcher began questioning if (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency indeed exists in an individual level; he also began to ponder about the factors that contribute to such. He thought that maybe the linguistic manipulation of online news content could be one of those factors. Lastly, he also tried to figure out, through this study, the possible implications of such dependency not only to the State, but also to the Filipinos as well.
Thesis Statement
The research asserts that because of the vulnerability of the Philippines to natural disasters due to its geographical location, the country — belonging to the long list of Third World countries — experiences influx of huge volumes of (foreign) humanitarian aid whenever typhoons cause massive destruction and threaten aspects of security (such as food and shelters) among the victims. Because of this recurring phenomenon, many Filipinos could be driven to believe that without the help of donor countries, their recovery from the impacts of such disasters might slow down or might not happen at all. This research then posits that through the discourse channels, such as online news sites, the post-disaster narratives (especially those that focus on humanitarian aid delivery and distribution) are exploited by the hegemons to institutionalise Filipinos‘ (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency as part of their neoliberal economic agenda in the country.
Research Question
General Research Question: How does the linguistic manipulation of content by the online news sites contribute to the Filipino people's dependency on (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths?
Specific Research Questions
Does (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency, among Filipinos, exist in an individual level? What are the manifestations of aid dependency? What are the specific ideological impacts of linguistic manipulation of content that could further contribute to the formation or reinforcement of such dependency?
17 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
What would happen to the people and to the State if Filipinos continue being dependent on such aid?
Significance of the Study
Foreign relief and rehabilitation programs — especially those coming from the United States and Japan — have been entering the Philippines faster than the people can ever imagine because of two primary reasons which are always stated in the existing body of literature: (1) the frequency of natural and man-made disasters in the archipelago, and (2) the promotion of friendly relations among states, strengthened due to globalisation. There exists little to no scholarly articles yet which fully discuss the role of discourse and its channels as contributory to citizens‘ over- dependency on humanitarian aid during typhoon or natural disaster aftermaths; thus, the primary importance of the research is to contribute to sparse literature on this area of the politics of foreign aid. The research may serve as a wake-up call for both national and local government officials to improve disaster-preparedness, relief, and rehabilitation programs without (or with only minimal) foreign intervention. The research may also enlighten the Filipino people with regard to how channels of discourse manipulate and influence their mentality towards the preservation of the status quo, specifically of Western hegemony in their own country. Lastly, the data in this research can be ulitised by the national government if it wishes to provide bases for its pursuit for an independent foreign policy.
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CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF LITERATURE
There exists already a huge amount of literature discussing the general effect of foreign aid on the receiving countries. However, the literature seems to be sparse when the topic is all about the impacts of humanitarian aid on both victims and non-victims of disasters and about how media influences public opinion with regard to humanitarian aid. This literature review then will highlight the research methodologies used by the scholars in discussing the politics of humanitarian aid. It will also discuss the influence of humanitarian aid on the Third World countries in terms of their respective paths of development and friendly relations with other nation-states and also in terms of how they respond to either natural or man-made disasters. This review will also highlight the analyses made regarding the power of mass media to influence and/or shape the citizens‘ views on humanitarian aid before, during and after times of crises. Lastly, some studies were also reviewed in order to emphasise how mass media portrayal of the disaster victims and of humanitarian aid reinforce hegemony and dominance over the oppressed people, such as the minorities and the citizens of Third World nations.
Research Methodologies Used
Across the broad range of literature discussing the representations and the possible impacts of humanitarian aid on the economy, politics, society, and culture of developing countries, especially now in the era of a globalising world, scholars attempted to prove that such form of aid comes to the affected areas with either visible or invisible conditionalities, depending on how discourse channels, such as the print and television media, attempted to portray it. Various research methodologies used by these scholars were rooted to theoretical traditions utilised either in quantitative or qualitative approaches. Some of these theoretical traditions include critical realism, legal framework, critical discourse analysis, ethnography, discourse analysis, and historical approach.
Of all the articles surveyed for this review, only Jarrod Fiecoat in his 2016 MA thesis entitled, ―With Strings Attached: China‘s Economic Policy in the South China Sea‖, used a quantitative approach in researching China‘s hegemonic tendencies in South China Sea by using critical realism as its theoretical tradition. He studied China‘s influence in Southeast Asian countries such as Cambodia and the Philippines and used data, such as those coming from AidData open
19 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL database, to prove the causes and the effects of China‘s coercive economic policies in such countries (Fiecoat, 2016). At the onset, one could deduce that the author‘s study is biased because he conducted the research in and through a US naval institution; however, it could be proved that the focus on China‘s foreign policy, especially regarding aid, must be recognized as the main limitation of the study, because, notably, there exist already numerous studies regarding the hegemonic motives behind the humanitarian aid coming from the United States and from other Western countries.
Proven essential to this research is the use of the methodology called critical discourse analysis which aims to deconstruct discourses, in order to expose power relations, which include dominance and inequality (Pyles & Svistova, 2015; Fairclough, 1992; Fairclough, 1995). This methodology, while analyzing the properties of text and talk, focuses on how the elites use discourses in order to initiate, promote, and conceal dominance over the oppressed sectors of the society (van Dijk, 1993; Wodak & Meyer, 2001).
Ashlin & Ladle (2007) used critical discourse analysis to analyse how the UK newspapers presented the Asian tsunami and how such presentation reflected the biases of the UK media with regard to what is happening outside the country‘s borders; these biases proved to be a form of perceived superiority of the Western people over other sets of races, such as Asians. Nielsen & Fedorchuk (2014), on the other hand, used the same methodology to analyse the discourses laid down by UK Department for International Development (DFID), through its official documents such as the White Papers, country specific policy papers (as in the case of UK- Rwanda policy), and the speeches of the Secretary of the aforementioned department; these documents had been subjected to scrutiny in order to determine the effect of these discourses to the development policies of the United Kingdom in Rwanda after the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. In the studies of Ashlin & Ladle (2007) and Nielsen & Fedorchuk (2014), although both scrutinised United Kingdom‘s responses in both man-made and natural disasters outside its borders through a critical analysis of discourses, they gathered the data through the collection of different sets of channels of discourse: the former authors derived the data from newspapers while the latter derived their data from a set of policy papers written by a government agency. The methodology used by the authors is noteworthy for employing both qualitative and quantitative research approaches. At the onset, mixing another method with content analysis
20 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL might lead to unclear conclusions, but the software-enhanced coding process — determining the frequency of words related to development — in fact allowed them to maximize the data to be derived from the documents.
Pyles & Svistova (2015) used critical discourse analysis in order to prove that the plight of 2010 Haitian earthquake survivors was exploited by the mass media and by the wealthier countries, attempting to prove that, through news coverage and editorials, Haitians could not stand on their own. Moreover, just like how the methodology is consistently applied, they exposed the hegemonic tendencies proliferated by these discourse channels and delivered a combatting argument against the ‗helplessness‘ of the survivors by promoting the discourses that coming from the perspective of the Haitians.
Pyles & Harding (2011) in their research — "Discourses of post-Katrina reconstruction: a frame analysis‖ — and Davis & French (2008), in their study — ―Blaming Victims and Survivors: An Analysis of Post-Katrina Print News Coverage" — also used critical discourse analysis in order to understand the plight of the survivors and expose the role of elite-powered discourse channels in initiating, promoting, and concealing dominance and inequality. For example, Pyles & Harding (2011) exposed how discourses in mass media portrayed the African-Americans as looters during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, without taking into account the perspectives of the survivors, particularly with regard to their basic right to survive; through another round of critical discourse analysis now focused on the interviews, the authors proved that with the help of community organisers, the Black community was able to counter-act the racist-hegemonic discourses portrayed against them through mass media and contributed in their own recovery programs. Davis & French (2008), on the other hand, used the same methodology to highlight the role of print media in shaping the citizens‘ mindsets regarding their experiences on Hurricane Katrina and even the crisis itself; this approach, coupled with social constructionism, exposed that some rhetorical devices and semantic techniques were used in order to shift the blame of the destruction caused by the disaster to the ―victims‖ and ―survivors‖. In short, while both of the sets of authors used the same methodology, key similarities include the foci of the studies, such as racism, victim-blaming, and victim-empowerment. Their key difference, on the other hand, is how the methodology is applied; to wit, Pyles & Harding (2011) mainly used the transcripts of
21 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL the interviews with the survivors and other Hurricane Katrina-related articles, while Davis & French searched for articles published in print media.
Other than critical discourse analysis, some authors also used discourse analysis — which does not focus on the elites‘ dominance over other sectors. Bornstein, et. al (2013) used discourse analysis in order to assert that the representations of disasters affected the programs (such as reconstruction and human settlements) and consequently, the peoples‘ resilience during the post- 2010 Haiti earthquake era; the team analysed the reconstruction proposals submitted to Building Back Better Communities (BBBC) program in order to identify the roles of such representations to addressing human settlements. Mason (2011), on other hand, used the same methodology in his analysis, highlighting Canada as a hegemon when the mass media presented its humanitarian aid as "gift" to the victims of the Haitian earthquake. The differences between these two researches are their respective loci; to wit, the former focused on the organizational level, while the latter focus on the international level. It could be noted, therefore, that Mason (2011) could have instead utilised critical discourse analysis because his research was capable of proving mass media‘s role in proliferating Canada‘s hegemonic tendencies.
Other research traditions explored in this review are legal approach (which seeks to understand a political phenomenon by analysing statutes and rooting the analysis on existing laws, statutes, and obligations), ethnography (which seeks to understand a political phenomenon by emphasising the uniqueness of the participants‘ cultures), and historical approach (which is used in analyzing a political phenomenon by reviewing historical events).
Black (2013) used the legal approach to analyse how the urgency to address the impacts of humanitarian crises, such as natural disasters, was used as an excuse to circumvent the existing legal instruments, such as the International Disaster Response Law (IDRL) Guidelines, in order to promote the donor countries‘ political agenda in the affected regions. Pyles (2009), on the other hand, applied ethnography in her research in order to tackle the problems that occurred during the local and international recovery efforts after Hurricane Katrina by taking into account the existing discourses around the affected areas through a case study consisting of interviews and participant observations. Lastly, Dupuy (2007) applied the historical approach in order to depict the hegemonic tendencies of Western countries in the guise of donors delivering humanitarian aid during the aftermath of 2010 Haiti earthquake. In all these three researches, it
22 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL could be noted that critical discourse analysis could be applied as one of the possible approaches: to wit, Black (2013) could analyse the discourses behind the creation, promulgation, and violation of the existing laws, statutes, and obligations; Pyles (2009) could use the methodology in analysing the discourse laid down by the interviewees, while Dupuy (2007) could analyse how the scholars, through the use of language, approached humanitarian aid as a vital topic in global politics.
Despite the differences of the methodologies used by the scholars in approaching foreign aid — humanitarian aid, in particular — and in analyzing the roles of mass media in promoting Western hegemony, elite dominance and social inequality before, during, before, and after disasters. Thus, all of them are proven vital in understanding the rationale and the impacts of humanitarian aid, especially in developing countries.
The Influence of Humanitarian Aid on Third World Countries
Due to several factors such as the frequency of either man-made or natural disasters in Third World countries and the lack of resources in order to mitigate the impacts of such disasters, the world saw the influx of humanitarian aid — oftentimes in the form of relief operations and rehabilitation programs — in these countries. However, these humanitarian aid sometimes arrive in these countries with either implied or explicit conditionalities; and these conditionalities, in fact, could inevitably influence the path of countries‘ development and foreign policies and their respective responses to disasters, such as disaster preparedness and recovery programs.
The Path of Countries‘ Foreign and Development Policies
As emphasised in existing body of literature regarding the political economy of natural disasters and of foreign aid, international humanitarian assistance or (foreign) humanitarian aid directly or indirectly affects a nation‘s foreign and economic policies. Included in this section of literature review are the studies conducted by Black (2013), Fiecoat (2016), and Dupuy (2007).
While Black (2013) suggested that the responses of donor countries to disasters must be apolitical, he recognises the fact that it is impossible for some countries, such as the United States and China, to deliver aid without any conditionality. For example, the US used the disastrous situation during the wake of Typhoon Yolanda to showcase its military might and
23 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL further tighten PH-US ties. China, on the hand, failed to deliver a huge amount of assistance as a response to the Philippines‘ claims on the West Philippine Sea. The cases of US-PH and PH- China relations, as presented in the study, are both similar for highlighting the direct and the indirect influence of two superpowers‘ delivery and distribution of humanitarian aid during the aftermaths of natural disasters in the Philippines. In the China-PH relations case as expounded by Fiecoat (2016), it was proven that humanitarian aid — or foreign aid, in general — form a sort of unequal relations between countries, in which China exercises economic and political superiority over the Philippines. The show-off of military might of the United States happened also during the aftermath of 2010 Haiti earthquake, in which the American leaders and soldiers were portrayed by the mass media as ‗heroes‘ (Dupuy, 2007).
Fiecoat (2016) studied the influx of Chinese humanitarian aid in two Southeast Asia countries — Cambodia and the Philippines — and found out that the humanitarian aid from China arrived in Cambodia and the Philippines in huge volumes, rivalling those coming those from its Western counterparts because of two primary reasons: (1) proximity of the countries to China; and (2) China‘s goal to politically and economically dominate Southeast Asia. One of the key findings in his study is the fact that Beijing withheld humanitarian aid delivery to the Philippine government during the aftermath of Typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda apparently because, during that phenomenon, they still had disputing claims over some parts of the South China Sea (or West Philippine Sea — an area of South China Sea that is very near to the Philippine archipelago), particularly at the Scarborough Shoal; the author then concludes that the snobbish attitude of China during the aftermath of the said typhoon, despite the influx of humanitarian aid from Western countries, was actually a manifestation of China‘s coercive economic and foreign policy in the Philippines as such action placed the Philippine government into the pressure of accepting China‘s economic agenda in the country. These findings of Fiecoat (2016) are consistent to the fact that China, along with other Western countries, will never send humanitarian aid to countries or regions affected by disasters if such an act will not benefit their respective countries‘ interests (Black, 2013). In other words, sending humanitarian aid entails the promotion of disaster capitalism (Dupuy, 2007)
Lastly, Alex Dupuy, in his 2007 report about the situation in Haiti, commented that even before — during the regime of Haitian president Jean Claude-Duvalier — the United States and other
24 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL core countries were already influencing the path of Haiti‘s economic development towards neoliberalism. This practice of the hegemonic powers was even deepened during the aftermath of 2010 Haiti earthquake, in which the government of Haiti was forced to accept the strategies implemented by the Western countries in order to promote disaster capitalism (Dupuy, 2007)
Therefore, in other words, all the authors mentioned above were able to prove that humanitarian aid has been instrumental in the proliferation of hegemony of the richer countries over Third World countries. Humanitarian aid could also be instrumental to promoting disaster capitalism in areas affected by disasters because of the donor governments‘ and corporations‘ desire to accumulate profit.
Local Response to Disasters
Inevitably, because of the influence of the donor countries attached to the humanitarian aid they are sending to areas affected by disasters, not only the economic and foreign policies of the governments were affected, but also their individual responses to disasters that oftentimes must be in the form of disaster preparedness and recovery programs. In this section, perspectives from scholars such as Black (2013), Pyles & Svistova (2015), Bornstein et al. (2013), Pyles (2009), Dupuy (2007), and Pyles & Harding (2011) are emphasised.
Noah Black, in his 2013 study entitled, ―Politics of Disaster: Statecraft in the Aftermath of Typhoon Haiyan‖, described the problem at hand by stating that because of barriers to entry, such as visa and custom regulations, relief good and social workers coming from international organizations such as the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) and the United Nations (UN), are often precluded from entering the affected territories. Due to this reason, the delivery and distribution of foreign aid is often going out of control. To address the issue of the delay of relief delivery and distribution, some statutes were specifically designed in accordance to the need for the entry of international aid in affected areas. An example of this is the Philippines implementing laws incorporating the provisions applied by the ASEAN 2009 Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response and by IDRL- Guidelines (Black, 2013).
Bornstein et. al. (2013), on the hand, stated that the representations of 2010 Haiti earthquake, the reconstruction process, and the issues on human settlements influenced the design of the
25 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL proposals submitted to Building Back Better Communities program, which later failed in achieving sustainable resilience. The question of sustainability was also raised by Pyles (2009), who stated that during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, the goal of sustainability for local response to such natural disaster was hindered by neoliberal climate proliferated by international non-governmental organisation so as to subtly promote racism and lesser participation and capacity building of the victims to recovery efforts. Similarly, another case study, which interpreted produced interview transcripts, stated that ideology influenced the practice of community development, especially during the time of post-Hurricane Katrina period; in fact, one group of participants responded that the ruling class played disempowering roles in order to undermine the victims‘ capability to recover and the community practitioners‘ capability to spearhead their own rehabilitation programs (Pyles & Harding, 2011).
Pyles & Svistova (2015) found out that the expertise of the outsiders through the use of discourse channels (i.e. print media), such as the New York Times articles, are always highlighted during the post-disaster coverage of 2010 Haiti earthquake. Furthermore, the Westernised responses of the Haiti government to the impacts of the disaster corresponded to the fact the national government was precluded from moving and deciding on its own, because the core countries had their own economic and political agenda to be implemented by tapping into the trauma and vulnerability of the silent masses (Dupuy, 2007). Both of these statements are consistent with Bornstein et al.‘s (2013) research in which it was stated that the representation of Haiti as a ‗weak state‘ allowed the core countries to make the 2010 earthquake as a pretext to ―recreate national institutions, define ‗Haitian‘ values and claim the sovereignty of the Haitian republic, a partial response to a long history of international aid and domination‖ (p. 6).
However, in spite of the problems regarding local and national management of disasters, the counter-hegemonic, empowering discourse initiated by the victims and the application of post- colonial realists helped induce Haitians to participate in the recovery programs (Pyles & Svistova, 2015). The same emancipatory situation also happened in an area affected by a natural disaster in the United States, in which the author emphasized that the presence of transformative and empowering discourse at New Orleans — signalling small, but powerful resistance against hegemony — could help in stopping the course of disaster capitalism; however, the author noted that such will happen only if the social workers and community organizers themselves will be
26 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL the first ones to lead the fight against social injustice and inequality (Pyles, 2009). Moreover, social movements are proven to be essential in defeating the Western hegemons who control the country within its shadows and who prioritize profiteering during and after disasters, whether natural or man-made (Dupuy, 2007).
Therefore, in other words, the donor countries‘ goals to prioritize profit schemes during disasters and to further entrench their influence into the Third World countries massively affected the latter‘s governments regarding their responses during and after disasters. However, in cases mentioned above, counteracting these hegemonic tendencies seems to be possible. It must also be noted that these hegemonic tendencies are often proliferated through various discourse channels, such as the mass media, which will discussed in the section.
The Power of Mass Media to Manipulate Public Opinion
Many people, especially now in the modern, globalized times, are now using the various mediums of communication. In many cases, people rely on mass media in order to acquire up-to- date information on what is happening around their community or country. However, there exists only a little amount of literature on how the discourses laid down through mass media affected citizens‘ views on humanitarian aid during the times of crisis and reinforced hegemony and dominance over the marginalized and oppressed.
On Influencing Citizens‘ Views on Humanitarian Aid during Times of Crisis
Because mass media is almost universal (and sometimes handy) because of the variety of its forms, e.g. broadcast and print, the views of people, both victims and non-victims of either man- made or natural disasters, regarding humanitarian aid are subject to change because of the mass media‘s subtle capability to influence opinions. In this part of the review, the studies of Pyles & Svistova (2015), Pyles & Harding (2011), Bornstein et al. (2013), and Davis & French (2008) will be highlighted.
Pyles & Svistova (2015) and Bornstein et al. (2013) individually studied the mass media‘s role in changing the people‘s views regarding humanitarian aid during the 2010 Haiti earthquake coverage. The former author stated that media outlets highlighted the humanitarian acts of foreign donors and silenced the voices of the survivors who helped themselves to survive after
27 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL the 2010 Haiti earthquake (Pyles & Svistova, 2015). Moreover, the representation of Haiti in media as a ‗weak state‘ changed the citizen‘s views regarding humanitarian aid during the crisis brought by the 2010 Haiti earthquake (Bornstein et al., 2013). Notably, this changing view then affected the policies created by the national government for recovery and rehabilitation efforts (Bornstein, et al. 2013; Dupuy, 2007).
On the other hand, the case of the survivors of Hurricane Katrina at New Orleans as forwarded by Pyles & Harding (2011) suggest that the discourses in mass media portraying African- Americans as looters during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina contributed to backward, racist mentality against them, without taking into account the perspectives of the victims, particularly with regard to their basic instinct to survive.
In short, the mass media only portrayed the disastrous and helpless situation of the Haitians and New Orleans, subtly legitimising the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in Haiti and New Orleans by influencing the minds of the people, while, at the same time, promoting hegemony and inequality. The role of mass media in reinforcing dominance and hegemony will then be discussed at the next part of this section.
On Reinforcing Hegemony and Dominance over the Oppressed
At the previous part of this section, the discussion about the role of mass media in influencing and manipulating the public opinion was highlighted. It must be noted that such manipulation, through the usage of language and discourse channels, of the public opinion is a clear symptom of dominance and hegemony (Ashlin & Ladle, 2007; Fairclough, 1992; Fairclough, 1995; Mason, 2011; van Dijk, 1997). Thus, to fully understand how such happens, a critical discourse analysis of the text and talk is proven to be vital (Fairclough, 1995; Fairclough, 2003).
Stefanie Nielsen and Gisele Fedorchuk, in their 2014 research, ―Don‘t Worry, We‘ll Save You!: A critical discourse analysis of the DFID policy in Rwanda‖, through a content analysis of official documents of UK‘s Department for International Development, the authors found out that the morality discourse and the leading-nation discourse became instrumental in reinforcing UK‘s influence in Rwanda through a set of development policies. Rwanda is a Third World country, which was influenced by the policies forwarded by the United Kingdom through the discourses initiated through print media, such as policy papers and the scripts of political
28 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL speeches (Nielsen & Fedorchuk, 2014). Alison Ashlin & Richard Ladle, in their 2007 study entitled, ―‗Natural disasters‘ and newspapers: Post-tsunami environmental discourse‖, concluded that UK national newspaper articles about the Asian tsunami paved the way for the UK to reinforce to program and policies to the affected countries without even reaching the consensus — a manifestation of hegemony. The main difference between the two researches is that the latter focused only on newspaper articles, while the former focused solely on policy papers and speeches.
Moreover, there are existing studies, employing critical discourse analysis, in order to understand the role of the mass media in promoting dominance and hegemony during the aftermaths of Hurricane Katrina and of 2010 Haiti earthquake. Davis & French (2008) exposed that the mass media are powerful enough to design techniques, ingrained with their respective ideologies, in order to manipulate the masses into believing that the victims and the survivors must be blamed for the situation that they were into; such cases were exemplified in many articles, such as those from the New York Times on September 2, 2005, entitled "The Man-Made Disaster." Such views affected the non-victims perception over the victims and over the crisis itself. Mason (2011), on the other hand, viewed that the representations used by the media, particularly the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, included humanitarian aid as a form of "gift", while masking the real intentions of the Canadian government, such as the binding obligations within conditionalities and exploiting the vulnerability of the victims. Because of such representation, the Canadians then approved their government's support for Haiti's recovery and rehabilitation, unwary of the consequences of such approval. In CBC's "Haiti's Recent History" timeline, the authors argues that in such program, the Haitians were viewed as "violent" and "barbaric" while Canada was viewed as a "peacekeeper", thus legitimising Canada's hegemonic influence in the country by sending military personnel. Both of these researches prove that mass media, in fact, promote, initiate, and even conceal dominance and inequality, primarily because the news coverage of the disasters was not primarily meant to cater the victims of disasters; instead, such coverage was instrumental to further forward dominance and hegemony over poorer nations.
Summary
Despite the differences in the methodologies used by the scholars in approaching their respective topics, all of them are proven to have used their own approaches to highlight dominance,
29 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL inequality, and hegemony — all of which happen in our society both in micro and macro level. The trend among all these researches is that all unhealthy power relations took place during the times of great crises, including man-made and natural disasters. Donor countries are often viewed by people as ‗heroes‘ and ‗saviors‘, without minding the concealment of harsh realities concerning the influx of international relief efforts and rehabilitation programs. Lastly, the social constructions of humanitarian aid, whether influenced by mass media or not, are proven to be vital in reinforcing the hegemony of donor countries to the Third World nations.
Gaps in Literature
There have been no current studies regarding the ideological impacts of linguistic manipulation of content that could be considered as factors that could contribute to aid dependency among peoples of the Global South; thus, the gap in this area of research is needed to be filled. Moreover, none of the literatures highlighted how powerful social media is during natural or man-made disasters. Another perceived gap is the fact that none of the literatures scanned had seen online news sites, in particular, and social media, in general, could be used as a tool for the advancement and perpetuation of Western hegemonic intentions over the least developed countries.
30 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
CHAPTER III: SITUATIONER
On the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines during typhoon aftermaths
The Philippines — an archipelagic country composed of more than 7,100 islands — is also known for its susceptibility to natural disasters such as earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, because of its inclusion to the Pacific Ring of Fire and its proximity to the equator. The country is also susceptible to tropical cyclones, tropical storms, and typhoons due to the presence of warm ocean waters (a main factor that leads to the creation of low pressure area, which, if not countered by a high pressure area, becomes a typhoon) as the country itself is located just above the equator. In fact, from 2010 to 2015, sixty (60) destructive cyclones (which include tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons) entered the archipelago (see Figure 1). This could entail that the entry of such cyclones had led to massive casualties and immense damage to agriculture and infrastructure. In fact, in 2013, by the wake of Typhoon Yolanda (international name: Haiyan), around 6,300 people were reported to have died (see Table 1); a largest percentage of rate of mortality had been reported to have come from Eastern Visayas. Moreover, the typhoon also resulted to a total of PHP 89.5 billion worth of damages to the four (4) socio-economic factors, as stated in Table 1.
Figure 2. Frequency of Destructive Cyclones that Entered the Philippines, 2010-2015.
Source: National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC)
31 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
Table 1. Frequency of Casualties and Amount of Damages Brought by Typhoon Yolanda
CASUALTIES Region Dead Injured Missing Bicol Region (Region V) 6 21 0 CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 3 4 0 Caraga (Region XIII) 1 0 0 Central Visayas (Region VII) 74 348 5 Eastern Visayas (Region Region VIII) 5,877 26,186 1,005 MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 19 61 24 Western Visayas (Region 294 2,068 27 Zamboanga Peninsula 1 1 0 Total 6,300 28,689 1,061 DAMAGES Aspect Cost (in PHP) Cost (in USD) Productive 21,833,622,975.09 499,969,224.19 Infrastructure 9,584,596,305.69 219,478,150.03 Social 55,110,825,740.69 1,261,985,554.18 Cross-Sectoral 3,069,023,613.41 70,277,725.17 Total 89,598,068,634.88 2,051,710,653.57
Source: National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC)
Hence, despite national (mainly through NDRRMC and PAGASA) and local governments‘ formation and implementation of plans for disaster-preparedness (such as how to avoid injuries and death and how to secure food and medical supplies), yearly many Filipinos from various regions in the country die because of hunger, fatal injuries, and other unexpected damages inflicted by typhoons. Therefore, because of this scenario that demands for the continuing need for relief operations and rehabilitation programs in affected areas, (foreign) humanitarian aid arrives in the country in enormous volumes (see Table 2), even surpassing those that are domestically produced.
The Foreign Aid Transparency Hub of the Philippine government gives us a glimpse of the amount of (foreign) humanitarian aid that came to the Philippines during the aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda. The data it also provided had also stated the differences in the amounts pledged to and received by the Philippines. For example, in Table 2, we can see that Japan had the highest amount of pledged donations set at around PHP 28 billion, but, in reality, it only sent PHP 930 million. On the other hand, despite placing second only in rank in terms of pledged donations, the United Kingdom was the donor entity that donated the highest actual amount of
32 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL donations, which was set at PHP 5.5 billion. The United States did not lag behind either, as the amount of assistance it had sent was, in actuality, much higher than the amount it pledged.
Table 2. The Top Ten (10) Donor Entities and the Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Pledged to and Received by the Philippines during Typhoon Yolanda's Aftermath
Donor Entities Total Pledges (in USD) Total Received (in USD) 1. Japan 27,983,336,230 930,271,873 2. United Kingdom 11,847,152,010 5,464,138,090 3. Germany 10,859,777,800 156,398,568 4. Australia 4,551,157,085 3,126,959,819 5. United States of America 4,054,107,062 4,117,286,773 6. Canada 1,798,232,413 1,086,933 7. Norway 1,534,075,903 No value specified 8. European Union 1,234,016,986 No value specified 9. South Korea 1,115,425,000 283,222,858 10. United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian 1,115,425,000 No value specified Affairs
Source: Foreign Aid Transparency Hub Such amount of aid pledged by donor entities to the Philippines was classified into two: (1) cash and (2) non-cash (see Figure 3). We can see in the data below that the highest percentage of pledges was in cash (62%), instead of non-cash (38%), which would perhaps consist of relief goods and disaster response tools and equipment.
Figures 3 & 4. Total Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Pledged to the Philippines as a Part of International Community‟s Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in PHP & in per cent)
₱80,000,000,000.00
₱70,000,000,000.00
₱60,000,000,000.00
₱50,000,000,000.00
₱40,000,000,000.00
₱30,000,000,000.00
₱20,000,000,000.00
₱10,000,000,000.00
₱0.00 TOTAL CASH TOTAL NON-CASH FOREIGN AID PLEDGED PLEDGES PLEDGED
33 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
38% TOTAL CASH PLEDGED
TOTAL NON-CASH PLEDGES 62%
Source: Foreign Aid Transparency Hub In terms of the total actual amount received by the Philippines, we can see here in Figures 5 & 6 that the joint of amount of cash and non-cash donations received by the government were significantly lower than the total amount of donations received by non-governmental, multilateral (such as United Nations), and other organisations, who were tasked or were expected to distribute or deliver such aid to the victims of Typhoon Yolanda.
Figures 5 & 6. Total Amount of Humanitarian Assistance Received by the Philippines as a Part of International Community‟s Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in PHP & in per cent)
₱20,000,000,000.00 ₱18,000,000,000.00 ₱16,000,000,000.00 ₱14,000,000,000.00 ₱12,000,000,000.00 ₱10,000,000,000.00 ₱8,000,000,000.00 ₱6,000,000,000.00 ₱4,000,000,000.00 ₱2,000,000,000.00 ₱0.00 TOTAL CASH TOTAL NON- TOTAL RECEIVED TOTAL FOREIGN RECEIVED BY CASH RECEIVED BY NGOS, AID RECEIVED GOVERNMENT BY MULTILATERALS GOVERNMENT AND OTHERS
34 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
7% 7% TOTAL CASH RECEIVED BY GOVERNMENT
TOTAL NON-CASH RECEIVED BY GOVERNMENT TOTAL RECEIVED BY NGOS, MULTILATERALS 86% AND OTHERS
Source: Foreign Aid Transparency Hub However, despite the huge amount of donations pledged by the donor entities aforementioned, there was already a difference when we look into the actual amount of donations received by the Philippines after such typhoon (see Figure 7). For example, of the entire amount pledged, only 24% of it was actually received by the Philippines, not taking into account the actual amount that indeed went to the beneficiary victims.
Figure 7. Foreign Aid Pledged to and Received by the Philippines as a Part of International Community's Response to Typhoon Yolanda (in PHP)
80,000,000,000.00
70,000,000,000.00
60,000,000,000.00
50,000,000,000.00
40,000,000,000.00
30,000,000,000.00
20,000,000,000.00
10,000,000,000.00
0.00 FOREIGN AID TOTAL FOREIGN AID PLEDGED RECEIVED
Source: Foreign Aid Transparency Hub
35 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
The data presented above suggests that the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid took place due to the large-scale socio-economic impacts of Typhoon Yolanda, not only in the heavily devastated regions or areas, but also in the Philippines as a whole. Such impacts, as many climate and disaster experts suggest, might be repeated again due to the very fact that the geographical location of the country had made it more vulnerable to the effects of climate change. Therefore, for this reason, the Philippine government and the Filipinos themselves may further witness more years or decades of influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the country, regardless of the change of administration and regardless of the gravity of the damage brought by these typhoons; unless, however, circumstances change (such as when the President continues its pursuit for an independent foreign policy).
However, despite the perceived generosity of (foreign) donor entities such those mentioned above, on October 2016, during the aftermaths of Typhoon Karen (international name: Sarika) and Typhoon Lawin (international name: Haima), the country reportedly had received zero humanitarian assistance from the US, allegedly because of President Rodrigo Duterte‘s anti-US rhetoric. A quick search on websites of online news media outlets
Many utilised social media platforms (such as social networking sites and online news sites) to blame the President for this reason. However, despite Department of Social Welfare and Development Secretary Dr. Judy Taguiwalo‘s statement that accepting foreign aid was not necessary to address the immediate needs of the victims of Typhoons Karen and Lawin, many still believed that humanitarian aid — especially those coming from the United States and Japan — was an urgent need and should never be disregarded.
On the role of online news sites during typhoon aftermaths
Many relevant news articles have indicated that social media, in general, and online news sites, in particular, played an important role during the aftermaths of Typhoon Yolanda and Lawin.
For example, during the aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda, people around the world went beyond mere information dissemination when they used Twitter and Facebook. Instead, they used these platforms in order to call on the authorities in the Philippines to respond quickly and to gather funds from those who wished to donate. The same also happened in the part of those who owned
36 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL blogs and online news sites; most of their respective contents were also primarily shared through social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter.
The following are the key trends that researcher had found out upon scanning the contents of online news sites regarding the wakes of Typhoons Yolanda and Lawin:
Some online news articles were written in order to demand accountability from government officials, particularly President Aquino, Mayor Romualdez, DSWD Secretary Soliman and President Duterte. Some online news articles were written in order to call the people of the world to unite and help the victims of Typhoon Yolanda. Some online news articles were written to acknowledge the help that came from (foreign) donor entities.
Because of the capability of online news sites to quickly disseminate pieces of information, the readers became more aware of the plights of the victims. Thus, because of the two-way communication that social media, in general and online news sites, in particular, allow, the readers of the online news content concerning the situation during the aftermaths of Typhoons Yolanda and Lawin were not anymore passive recipients of information, and thus, they were able to send their replies or comments of agreement of disagreement on the articles written; to wit, they were able to post their comments against President Duterte for its refusal to accept aid from US, EU, and UN.
37 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
CHAPTER IV: FRAMEWORK OF THE STUDY
Theoretical Framework
Even though nowadays there exist many communication and sociological theories that could explain the recurring dependency of people of different nationalities on humanitarian aid through the mainstream media‘s portrayal of its influx and of the situation of disaster victims, this research will adopt Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) — whose main proponents include Norman Fairclough (1992, 1995, 2003) and Teun van Dijk (2001) — as a guiding theory and discipline to explain the phenomenon. Tracing its basic tenets from the critical theory of Frankfurt School developed by Jurgen Habermas and his co-scholars, this theory seeks to expose dominance and inequality in the society and the (re)production of such power relations happening because of either strategic and non-strategic use of language and discourse channels through different means, which include, but not limited to, concealment, manipulation, control, and alteration (Fairclough, 1992; Pyles & Svistova, 2015; Tenorio, 2011; van Dijk, 2001). Moreover, CDA highlights the ways by which the texts are positioned and the interests served by — and the social consequences of — such positioning (Janks, 1997; Widdowson, 2004).
CDA, as an evolving discipline, is described as inter-disciplinary and trans-disciplinary — characteristics that attract not only linguists, but also other social scientists like sociologists and anthropologists, to adopt its existing approaches or guiding frameworks to scrutinise, through their respective researches, the discourses that seem to legimitise dominance and inequality in between members of a society and in between nations (Fairclough, 2003; Tenorio, 2001). These approaches include Socio-Cognitive Discourse Analysis (van Dijk, 1997), Dialectical-Relational Approach (Fairclough, 2009), Discourse-Historical Approach (Wodak & Meyer, 2009) and Mediated Discourse Analysis (Scollon & Scollon, 2005).
The first approach is the ‗socio-cognitive discourse‘ type — forwarded by van Dijk — which highlights the interaction between cognition (the dividing line between discourse and societal structures), discourse, and society (1997, 2001). Upon examination of many articles written under this type, this approach has been proven to be convenient in doing a critical analysis of discourses involving stereotypes, ethnic prejudice, the elites‘ cyclical power abuse, and the oppressed people‘s narratives of resistance. It also focuses on the roles of channels of discourse
38 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL in legimitizing, institutionalising, and confirming social structures — which include those that are erected to oppress the minorities (van Dijk, 2009, as cited in Tenorio, 2011).
The second approach is the ‗discourse-historical‘ type, espoused by Wodak and Meyer, whose vital assumption is that CDA would be more effective if the researcher undertaking the study will be able to link the results of two separate levels of analysis — textual and contextual (2009). It employs socio-linguistics and ethnography (which gives observation a great emphasis) and is oftentimes used in analysing the discourses such as those related to memory politics and the principle of ‗otherness‘ in global politics (Reisigl and Wodak 2009, as cited in Tenorio, 2011).
The third approach is the ‗mediated discourse analysis‘ which was explained by Scollon & Scollon (2005). Unlike the two previous approaches, this approach tells us that texts are ‗viewed as situated discourse‘ (Scollon, 2003, as cited in Tenorio, 2011) and do not form a separate structure from the entire concept of ‗discourse‘. Moreover, in analysing data, it places primary importance to semiotics and ethnography (Scollon & Scollon, 2005; Tenorio, 2011).
The fourth and last approach is the ‗dialectical-relational‘ type anchored in Marxist framework and espoused by Fairclough (1992, 2003). In this type of approach, it is essential that the researcher will look first if one social problem or phenomenon is embedded with a ‗potential semiotic [and stylistic] dimension‘ which is analysed through the identification and comparison (or differentiation) of styles, genres, and discourses — all of which must be analysed within a social context in which they are embedded (Fairclough, 1989, 1995, 2003; Tenorio, 2011).
Among all of the CDA approaches aforementioned, this research will employ the ‗dialectical- relational‘ type because it allows fluidity, as explained by Tenorio (2011):
Regardless of the apparent neatness of this methodology, Fairclough (2009) denies there is one single way of analysing any problem. Interestingly, he believes that, after selecting one research topic, the scholar constructs their object of research by theorising it. Its transdisciplinarity is one of the outstanding strengths of one approach where researchers may prefer (detailed but not always too rigorous) analysis of few data, selected, sometimes, by using somewhat unclear methodology and, to some extent, opaque style encouraging less critical thinking than one might expect. (p. 8) Having said that, crucial to the understanding of texts concerning the social phenomenon under study is Fairclough‘s model for CDA (see Figure 1), which, according to him, is composed of dimensions with their corresponding kinds of analyses (Fairclough 1989, 1995, as cited in Janks, 1997) (see Table 1).
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Figure 8. Fairclough’s Model for Critical Discourse Analysis
Table 3.The Dimensions of Discourse with Corresponding Types of Analyses
Dimension of Discourse Kind of Analysis object of analysis (verbal text, visual text, or a combination of both) text analysis processes by means of which the object is produced and received by human subjects (writing/speaking/designing and processing analysis reading/listening/viewing) the socio-historical conditions which governed the processes social analysis
In the first dimension, the researcher could handpick texts, either visual or verbal, embodied in photographs, essays or articles of any type or style, videos, speeches, or even interviews. He or she then has to analyse these texts through the use of techniques used in linguistics, which include, but not limited to, transitivity, modality, contrasting, naming, equating, and negation.
In the second dimension, the analysis is now directed to the human subjects‘ actions towards the production and reception of the objects of analysis (in this case, the texts). For instance, the researcher could ask how texts were arranged and packaged to influence the audience. He or she could also identify the ideologies and motives of speakers, writers, or presenters by analysing their respective backgrounds, like their linkages to large corporations and analyse how such backgrounds affect the packaging of texts.
Moreover, because in many scenarios visual and verbal texts could not, at all times, be autonomous from their own meanings, all of these dimensions (including the third dimension) will be analysed in conjunction with each other.
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In the third dimension, social practice entails how visual and verbal texts are used (or manipulated or altered) with respect to the prevailing socio-political situations in which a flow of discourse takes place. In other words, the researcher is looking at the social context — which could be at a macro-level (e.g. regimes types and global anarchy) or micro-level (e.g. organisational pandemonium and local social movements).
Finally, the apparent strength of the CDA model is the fact that, despite displaying a multi-level analysis, it provides ‗multiple points of entry‘ (Janks, 1997) as long as the researcher could explain a political phenomenon through the linkages of the kinds of analyses aforementioned (Fairclough, 1995). Since Fairclough (2003) — in his dialectical-relational approach to CDA — does not, in any way, impose to the researcher the ordering of the dimension to be analysed, the researcher undertaking this study will use a bottom-up approach, which starts with first dimension of discourse and ends with the third dimension of discourse. Regarding to the question of whether or not CDA is, by nature, deconstructive or constructive, Luke (2000) states that:
CDA, however, is notorious for its main weakness that lies on the fact that when the researcher is forced to take the side of the oppressed, he or she is bound to water down the objectivity that usually needs to be achieved in mainstream research. However, in this study, the researcher will try to be as objective as possible by grounding his raw data from the findings of other researchers and other relevant materials that will supplement the information that will be derived from the analyses of each discourse dimension.
Conceptual Framework
Critical discourse analysis (CDA), both as a theory and approach, does not prescribe any form or template for both theoretical and conceptual frameworks. However, the conceptual framework of this study (see Figure 2) is rooted on Fairclough‘s model for CDA (see Figure 1) in order to shed light to the interaction between the independent and dependent variables and to describe the outcomes that might arise from such interaction.
Figure 9. The Conceptual Framework (What Is)
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The independent variable (or the contributing factor) of this study is: ―The linguistic manipulation of content by the online news sites to promote (and conceal the consequences of) the influx of humanitarian aid in the Philippines during typhoon aftermaths‖. The dimensions of discourse, as firstly portrayed in Fairclough‘s model of CDA, are now applied to fit into the phenomenon under study and are subsumed under the independent variable. Exclusion of this model in the conceptual framework might lead to the interaction between the independent and the dependent variables being hard to construe; thus, by default, the research altogether is to be deemed questionable.
Hence, the three (3) dimensions of discourse are contributory to the independent variable. The first dimension (object of analysis), which is located at the lowest level, is represented by ―Visual and verbal texts portraying the need for humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths in the Philippines through news stories, editorials, and commentaries.‖ The second dimension (processes by means of which the object is produced and received by human subjects), which is located at the middle level, is denoted by ―the outlets of production and distribution of texts related to influx of humanitarian aid in the Philippines during typhoon aftermaths; the strategies used to convince human subjects to consume such texts‖. Lastly, the third dimension (the socio- historical conditions which governed the processes), which is located at the highest level, is epitomised by ―through the influx of humanitarian aid in the Philippines during typhoon aftermaths.
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The dependent variable, on the other hand, is: dependency, a manifestation of hegemony and oppression, of Filipinos on humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths. Upon the interaction of the two variables, the two possible outcomes are as follows: (1) legitimisation and institutionalisation of neoliberal policies in the affected areas and in the Philippines, in general; and (2) Filipinos holding on to the belief that they will not be able to recover from the damages caused by typhoons in the absence of humanitarian aid in any form.
This research forwards a conceptual framework that emphasises on the possible effects and outcomes of the study (see Figure 3). Its contributing factors are (1) exposure of local and foreign online news sites‘ linguistic manipulation of content to reinforce the Filipinos‘ dependency on humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths, and (2) exposure of how the dependency of Filipinos on humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths could be ulitised by the aid donors to fulfill their main agenda — to capitalise from the damage and destruction caused by natural disasters, like typhoons, in the Third World countries, especially the Philippines.
The desirable effect, on the other hand, is: ―Filipino people‘s awareness that such hegemony, through humanitarian aid dependency, will never cease to exist unless they unite for a creation of a counter-hegemonic discourse‖. Lastly, the desired outcomes are the following: (1) empowerment of Filipino people — that we can rise up after typhoons without being too dependent on humanitarian aid sent by foreign donors and (2) prevention of institutionalisation of neoliberal programs in the country, especially in disaster-torn areas.
Figure 10. The Conceptual Framework (What Ought to Be)
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Definition of Key Terms
Critical Discourse Analysis: a multidisciplinary linguistic theory and approach which
seeks to expose the dominance and inequality in the society and the (re)production of
such power relations through the use of language and discourse channels — a type of
resource accessed and controlled only by the manipulative elite (Fairclough, 1992; Janks,
1997; van Dijk, 1993).
Disaster Capitalism: a practice of governments and private firms taking advantage of
both man-made and natural disasters happening inside or outside the country in order to
either gain profit or impose neoliberal economic policies in the affected areas or regions
which will most likely reject such policies under ordinary circumstances (Klein, 2007).
Hegemony: a concept, phenomenon, or situation in which a stronger entity culturally and
politically dominates another and legitimizes its power through influence and
manipulation in order to fulfill its interest (Gramsci, 1971; Hall, 1981)
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Humanitarian Aid: a type of either short-term or long term foreign aid given by donor
entities (such as donor governments, non-governmental organizations, corporations,
foundations, and even individuals) to the victims of both natural and man-made disasters
in another recipient area, region, or country (Morgenthau, 1962).
Aid Dependency: a phenomenon common among Third World countries that reinforces
the belief that the plight of naturally destitute and of victims of various circumstances
(i.e. natural and man-made disasters) can never be addressed or solved without the aid of
(foreign) donor entities (Tandon, 2005).
(Linguistic) Manipulation: a phenomenon that takes place when a speaker or a writer
utilises linguistic mechanisms or measures so that the audience will not be able to see
through or detect the speaker's or writer's true intentions or agenda, which then would
affect the audience's perception and/or opinions on a particular event (Asya, 2013).
45 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
CHAPTER V: METHODOLOGY
Research Design
The research approach employed in this study is the basic embedded design (see Figure 4) — a type of mixed methods approach in which a set of data (either quantitative or qualitative) is targeted to provide a supportive, subordinate role in a study based primarily on the other type (Creswell, et. al, 2003). In this study, the design will be helpful in achieving the research objectives and in answering the research question, because, according to Creswell (2006):
... The premises of this design are that a single data set is not sufficient, that different questions need to be answered, and that each type of question requires different types of data. Researchers use this design when they need to include qualitative or quantitative data to answer a research question within a largely quantitative or qualitative study. (p. 67) Table 4. Data Set Matrix
Data Needed Source How Analysed Ethical Aspects cite the sources and primary materials usage of common put the whole article or (written coverage of linguistic tools and transcript of videos in typhoons) techniques (in Critical the appendices; 1. Explore the role of Stylistics) images to be derived discourse and its channels from videos are to be in shaping the people’s cited also. presumed positive insights relating the information cite the source; give towards humanitarian aid expert interview (with to the data derived informed consent; ask during typhoon aftermaths Mr. Mark Arthur from primary and permission to use Abalos) secondary materials recorder and to use direct quotations responses of relating the information participants to the to the data derived informed consent reading exercise from primary and secondary materials 2. Discuss the means by secondary materials which discourse channels, (articles and books cite the sources such as online news sites about Critical could influence the Discourse Analysis) relating the information opinions of the populations to the data derived (in general) and of the expert interview (with from primary materials Cite the source; Filipino people (in Mr. Mark Arthur informed consent particular) toward Abalos) humanitarian aid. 3. Describe how humanitarian aid secondary materials relating the information dependency could be a (articles and books to the data derived cite the sources form of hegemony over about Disaster from primary materials Third World countries, such Capitalism) as the Philippines. conducting a survey on 221-222 prospective relating the quantitative
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participants from each data gathered to the ensuring the anonymity main island group data derived from and confidentiality of through Google Docs, qualitative data, the responses and of 4. To determine if Filipinos an online application in primarily composed of the participants; are indeed dependent on which survey the results of content informed consent humanitarian aid during questionnaires may be analysis typhoon aftermaths disseminated responses of relating the information participants on the to the data derived reading exercise from primary and secondary materials 5. To compare and contrast the usage of cite the sources and language by the media primary materials usage of linguistic tools put the whole article or outlets, especially when (written coverage of and techniques transcript of videos in writing and presenting typhoons) commonly used in the appendices; about the need for relief Stylistics images to be derived operations and from videos are to be rehabilitation programs cited also. after typhoons in the Philippines. 6. To give a final analysis of whether or not the language used and all primary materials linking the data discourse facilitated by the and secondary gathered from primary cite sources; ensure media, in general, could be materials materials and anonymity and used to legitimise the secondary materials confidentiality of Filipino people’s of respondents dependency to humanitarian aid 7. To recommend ways for creating a counter- hegemonic discourse in linking the data order for the Filipinos to primary materials and gathered from primary cite sources avoid being overly secondary materials materials and dependent on humanitarian secondary materials aid, with or without typhoons or natural disasters
Since the very backbone of this study is Critical Discourse Analysis — a theory and discipline that inherently demands qualitative data —this study will be, by its very nature, qualitative. In other words, its main target is the collection of data from expert interview, from the responses of participants of the reading exercises on online news articles, and from the content analysis of verbal texts derived from the news coverage of online news sites. Meanwhile, the quantitative data — to be collected from the survey answers of a sample of Filipino population from each of the three main island groups of the Philippines (Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao) — supplements the data collected and analysed through the qualitative approach.
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Thus, the quantitative data will be analysed according to the results derived from qualitative data. However, due to time constraints, both the actual analysis of the texts and the administration of survey and reading exercises will be done on the same time frame; the survey will end in two weeks since the beginning of the dissemination, while considering the minimum and the maximum number of participants. On the other hand, the qualitative part will go on as soon as data saturation is already achieved.
Figure 11. The Basic Embedded (Qualitative-Quantitative) Design as Applied in this Study
As mentioned earlier, this study will employ CDA, thus the researcher is expected to use a special kind of analysis to each discourse dimension explained earlier at Fairclough's model. The researcher will begin the (content) analysis of verbal and visual texts through the use of common linguistic tools such as modality, naming, transitivity, negation, nominalisation, and opposition. In this part, the primary materials to be used, such as online news articles about typhoons and entry of humanitarian aid, are to be cited appropriately. The contents of the online news articles will be placed in the appendices section of this paper.
While CDA does not require interviews with human participants, significant in this part is a key informant interview with a linguist, Mr. Mark Arthur Abalos, who will share his insights on how language and discourses could be used as a means to manipulate peoples‘ perceptions and opinions on a specific phenomenon — in this case, the need for and the influx of humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths in the Philippines. The interview is expected to be conducted in English, and during such interviews, the researcher shall jot down notes and shall ask for consent of the key informant to allow him to record the whole conversation (please see attached ICF at Appendix B and List of Interview Questions at Appendix C).
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Through this research tradition, the research exposes the social and mass media‘s usage of the text and talk in influencing people‘s mentality towards humanitarian aid, especially during the aftermaths of natural disasters in the Philippines. Primary data are to be derived from main pools of instruments ulitised by various discourse channels: news coverage written and produced by online news sites to describe the situation of Filipinos during and after typhoons, especially typhoons Yolanda and Lawin (see Table 2).
Sampling
In the qualitative aspect of this study, the sampling technique to be used is purposive sampling because the researcher only chose primary materials that will satisfy the goals of research. Thus, for the content analysis, the researcher will collect the twenty (20) news articles from online news sites — Rappler, Philippine Daily Inquirer, Time Magazine, New York Times, and Washington Post.
Moreover, for the reading exercise on online news articles, the researcher also used purposive sampling and had set a target number of participants to twenty-four (24), who were survey the respondents, who did not express any manifestation of (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency. Thus, they were chosen in order to determine if online news articles are capable of stimulating the change in a person‘s opinion, especially on the (foreign) aid that the country typically receives during typhoon aftermaths.
The qualitative data derived from the CDA aspect is to be supplemented by the data gathered through a survey containing two sets of Likert-type items: (1) on manifestations of (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency among Filipinos; and (2) on degree of influence that online news sites wield. The survey questionnaire is to be translated to six (6) languages — English, Tagalog, Bikolano, Waray, Cebuano, and Hiligaynon, — to, at least, mitigate the language barrier. The survey questionnaire shall be created using Google Docs, and it will be shared through Facebook via a transmission of the survey's link address through private messaging and posting on Facebook groups, timelines, and news feeds.
Furthermore, because of time constraints, the researcher used convenience sampling to gather quantitative data. He had set the target total number of respondents to 660; thus, from each main island group, 220 respondents are expected to answer the survey. Lastly, the collected
49 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL quantitative data will be analysed only through descriptive statistics — which would be produced via SPSS.
Limitations
The timeframe, set at four months, indicate the primary limitation of this research. This limited timeframe will never enable the researcher to conduct the study in such a way that the research covers the various perspectives concerning the research question centered on the politics of humanitarian aid. Because of this, the researcher has limited the number of news articles from online news sites to analyse to twenty (20). The expert informant is only limited to one.
Nevertheless, the researcher will try to acquire Filipino people‘s perspectives on humanitarian aid through a survey that represents a sample of the population in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.
Delimitations
The research only focuses on the linguistic manipulation of content by the online news sites so as to evoke or spark (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency among Filipinos during typhoon aftermaths. It does not anymore, however, assess the same acts that the traditional media outlets do to achieve the same effect. The part of content analysis also focused only on pure texts written in English and on few photographs, due to time constraints and possible overload of data.
Ethical Considerations
Free, prior, and informed consent will be consciously obtained before any interview or data- gathering will begin (see Appendix I). Even if post-disaster discourse could be a sensitive topic, the research method and framework used in this study will guarantee that the survey participants and the interviewee will never be damaged psychologically or in any other way.
During the interview, the researcher will ask the expert if he will allow the whole conversation to be recorded for the sole purpose of preventing the loss of significant information to be shared by him. If he does not agree, the researcher ought to jot down pertinent notes instead.
On the other hand, even if there might be little possibility wherein typhoon victims might recall their past traumatic experiences, the researcher ensured that the questions in the survey
50 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL questionnaires will not lead to such. In case the human participants do not wish to continue answering the survey questionnaires, they may freely exit the Google Docs in which the questionnaires are located. Furthermore, once they exited the online questionnaire, the data that could be derived from their answers will not be used by the researcher out of respect for the confidentiality, anonymity, and integrity of the participant.
The researcher also will safeguard the anonymity and the confidentiality of the responses and of the participants. In the Introduction of the Survey Questionnaire, it was in fact stated:
Since this survey form contains questions regarding your experiences during typhoons, it may affect you psychologically. You may opt not to continue answering this form in case you experience anxiety, discomfort, or any another negative emotions. However, please be minded that your identity will be kept confidential and that your responses will only be ulitised by the researcher undertaking the study (see Appendix A). The responses will be discarded after the duration of the study and will only be accessed by the researcher and his thesis adviser.
On the aspect of reading exercise, those who earlier participated in the survey who classified themselves under those who never became or felt victimised by typhoons are purposively selected in order to avoid psychological damage to any of the prospective participants. Just like in survey and expert interview, free, prior, and informed consent is also obtained in this case.
Linguistic Tools for Content Analysis
Central to the discussion of how online news sites and their benefactors use language is understanding how Stylistics — a branch of applied linguistics focusing on linguistic and tonal styles and on how such styles can be used in the interpretation of texts — can be utilised to expose that language is manipulated and/or altered in order to actualise their hegemonic intentions over the receipients of the texts. In Stylistics, the most common tools used are modality, transitivity, naming, equating, contrasting, and negation. These six tools will be ulitised in each word, phrase, and sentence to uncover the hidden ideologies of the online journalists in their own writings that highlighted the post-typhoon narratives in the Philippines.
Modality: Among all the linguistic tools to be applied in this research, modality is one of the easiest to spot as the usage of modal auxillaries — such as ‗can‘, ‗could‘, ‗will‘, ‗would‘, ‗shall‘, ‗should‘, ‗may‘, ‗might‘, ‗must‘, ‗need‘ and ‗ought‘ — in our daily lives is almost unavoidable. However, contemporary Stylistics has also included the analyses of other modal structures such as conditional structures (e.g. ‗would‘ and ‗if‘) modal
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adjectives (e.g. ‗possible‘ and ‗certain‘) modal verbs (e.g. ‗think‘, ‗believe‘, and ‗know‘), and modal adverbs (e.g. ‗probably‘, ‗regrettably‘, and ‗definitely‘) (Fowler, 1985 as cited in Lillian, 2008). Moreover, in general, modality transforms a proposition into a hypothesis, which may have ideological impacts, depending on the context of a situation. (Jeffries, 2010; Sulkunen & Torronen, 1997). Lastly, the power of modality to manipulate public opinion relies on the relationship between the reader and the writer (or the discourse channel itself), especially if the latter has been proven to have a certain degree of influence over the former (Richardson, 2007; Simpson & Mayr, 2010). Transitivity: As a system, this linguistic tool works under the assumption that any complete or full sentence comprises either a partial or complete proposition, which describes a process (Jeffries, 2010; Richardson, 2007). When used in a Critical Discourse Analysis, the researcher must aim to explain the whole clause, instead of partitioning the analysis of each part of the sentence and/or proposition (Simpson & Mayr, 2010). The full benefits of transitivity, as a linguistic tool, cannot be realised if the researcher failed to analyse the sentence with consideration of its context or of the situation it presents (de Carvalho-Figueiredo, 1998; Richardson, 2007). In this study, the researcher will use the four (4) major categories of transitivity which were laid down by Halliday‘s Systemic Functional Grammar (Halliday & Hasan, 1985 as cited in Beji, 2016): a. Material action processes: The process of describing that something is being acted out or done (Jeffries, 2010); in such process, the participants or interlecutors may take an active (such as doers of the action) or passive roles (such as beneficiaries or receivers of the action) (Halliday, 1994 as cited in Beji, 2016). This process is further divided into material intention process (if the action committed was intentional) and material action supervention process (if the action committed was unintentional) (Simpson & Mayr, 2010). b. Mental processes: Take place when the actor acts by ‘sensing’ (e.g. taste, smell), by ‘reacting’ (e.g. love, like, afraid), and by ‘thinking’ (Simpson & Mayr, 2010). According to Toolan (1988, as cited in Beji, 2016), the main participant (or the ‗central-doer‘) of the whole proposition or sentence is the ‗senser‘ or ‗experiencer‘.
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c. Verbal processes: The central goal of this process is to describe a verbal action (Jeffries, 2010). This process‘s aim is to establish who is the speaker or the audience in a written or spoken communication (Beji, 2016). d. Relational processes: The main intention of this process is simply to state the connection between a ‗carrier‘ and an ‗attribute‘ (Jeffries, 2010). The underlying assumption of this process is that one actor or object influences the other (Richardson, 2007). Relational processes are further sub-divided into three: (1) ‗possessive‘ (X has/owns A); (2) ‗circumstantial‘ (B is at/on C); and (3) ‗intensive‘ (A is Y) (Beji, 2016; Jeffries, 2010; Richardson, 2007).
In general, transitivity will be beneficial in this study because it will enable the researcher to assess how the actors (donor entities, typhoon victims, and the national and local governments) were framed or presented by online news sites during typhoon aftermaths.
Naming/Describing: This linguistic tool perhaps is one of the easiest ones to spot as it only focuses on how someone or something is being referred to or described as (Ruiz & Bataller, 2010). It includes in its analysis how the choice of noun (and/or any modifier), which the writer used to ascribe to a specific person or group, reflects his or her motives (Jeffries, 2010). For example, framing gays as ‗fags‘ in an article gives us a valid judgment that the writer is indeed homophobic. Moreover, one of the most crucial aspects of naming is the concept of nominalisation which happens when the writer or speaker concretises a verb (which describes a process) into a ‗thing‘ (Richardson, 2007). For example, the verb ‗fail‘ is nominalised to be the noun ‗failure‘. This linguistic tool will be very important in this study because of two reasons: (1) how national and local governments, typhoons victims, and donor entities were framed or represented in an online news article depends on how the writer described them through any noun or modifier; and (2) the process of nominalisation has an ideological impact on the consumer of texts, to wit, the potentially contestable view or information (regarding any processes that took place during typhoon aftermaths, such as (foreign) humanitarian aid delivery), such as laid down by the writer in an online news article becomes completely believable and inarguable.
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Equating: This linguistic tool (sometimes called equivalence) is primarily expressed in various ways, but for this study, the researcher will only look for (1) synonymy (which will be analysed for how the synonyms of a particular word are ascribed to a particular referent), and (2) apposition (which will be analysed for how two noun phrases are utilised despite the fact that using only one will suffice grammatically, for these two noun phrases only refer to the same thing) (Jeffries, 2007; Richardson, 2007). Similar to transitivity and naming, the analysis of equivalence will be crucial in assessing how media portrayed the actors during typhoon aftermaths. It will be analysed also in order to attest if the choice of words in online news articles is planned in order to evoke a certain feeling or emotion among readers of these articles related to humanitarian activities during typhoon aftermaths. Contrasting: This linguistic tool, also referred to as opposition, is utilised to analyse texts that provide information or opinions on two or more different objects, people, or events. One of the properties of opposition is that it creates a dichotomy between two parties, and portraying one as much better choice, while the other as the worse choice (Jones, 2002). Some of the categories that will be used in this study are: (1) negated opposition (A not B); (2) transitional opposition (Turn A into B); (3) comparative opposition (More A than B); (4) replacive opposition (A instead of B); (5) concessive opposition (Despite A, B); (5) explicit opposition (A by contrast with B); and (7) contrastives (A, but B) (Jones, 2002; Richardson, 2007) Similar to transitivity, equivalence, and naming, the analysis of opposition will be crucial in assessing how media portrayed the actors (especially with regard to their relationships with each other in local and national perspective) during typhoon aftermaths. It will be analysed also in order to attest the choice of trigger words signalling opposition as a factor for a reader to realise the transformative impacts of the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines, especially when the local and national governments are perceived to be inefficient in their mandate of service delivery, especially to victims of natural disasters like typhoons. Negation: This linguistic tool is almost similar to opposition simply because it also uses the trigger word ‗not‘; however, unlike opposition, it mainly focuses on how the triggering word ‗not‘ can be used in order for the reader, with or without him or her
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realising, to visualise a situation that contradicts a circumstance constructed or presented in any parts or aspects of the text (Jeffries, 2010). Aside from the negative particle ‗not‘, the researcher will look into other signs of negation such as pronouns (e.g. ‗none‘, ‗no one, ‗nobody‘, and ‗nothing‘), nouns (e.g. ‗lack‘ and ‗absence‘), verbs (e.g. ‗decline‘ and ‗refuse), and adjectives (e.g. ‗absent‘) In this research, negation will be crucial because there might be possibility that an online news writer has used such linguistic tool in order for the reader to (re)imagine a scenario, possibly, an aftermath of a devastating typhoon without (foreign) humanitarian aid flowing into the country. Negation could also possibly be used by a writer in order to exalt one party (e.g. donor entities) described in the text, while putting into bad light the other party (e.g. the Philippine government).
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PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS
This study focuses on how the online news sites‘ linguistic manipulation of content could contribute to the dependency of Filipino people on (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths. It primarily revolves around an in-depth (content) analysis of texts embedded in the articles in order to uncover their ideological impacts to a layman reader so that, in the end, they may end up being dependent on such type of aid whenever typhoons ravage the country.
As this research adopts a basic embedded design in mixed methods research, this data presentation is divided into two parts. The first part is the presentation of qualitative data, in which themes are generated through open coding and axial coding. These types of coding are prominent in Grounded Theory methodology; however, since CDA is flexible as a form of methodology and is — by nature — both deconstructive and constructive, the researcher adopts such types of coding in order to try to fulfill the study‘s objectives.
The second part is the presentation of quantitative data primarily gathered from the results of the survey. Tables will be used to present the results per question.
Qualitative Data
The table below shows the open and axial coding prepared by the researcher in order to generate themes from in-depth content analysis, reading exercises, expert interview, and survey. Notably, in-depth content analysis is also included in the process of coding of themes as one of the assumptions of this research is that the researcher himself is considered a research participant, who dons the cloak of a ‗critical reader‘. In the reading exercises, on the other hand, the perspectives of layman readers are gathered through the questionnaires sent to them after reading the articles. Lastly, although surveys are considered quantitative tools, the question located at the
56 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL last part of the survey — that is, ―In general, do you think that the Philippines can survive or stand on its own feet after being hit by tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super- typhoons without the need for humanitarian aid?‖ — cannot be interpreted quantitatively; therefore deeming the need to be included as part of qualitative data, as the responses of the participants in such question cannot be plotted numerically.
Table 5. Generation of Themes and Sub-Themes through Open Coding and Axial Coding
PROPERTIES OPEN CODING AXIAL CODING Online news content on disaster response and on humanitarian aid delivery deemed more reliable when produced by someone with great journalistic authority. Reliability of Online news content on disaster response and on online news humanitarian aid delivery deemed more reliable when content on also produced by other channels of discourse disaster Online news content on disaster response and on response and on Elements of humanitarian aid delivery deemed more reliable if the influx of online news content receives high likes, shares, or reactions humanitarian aid content on Online news content on disaster response and on disaster humanitarian aid delivery deemed more reliable if response and relevant statistics are presented, with citation included on influx of Neutrality of online news content on disaster response humanitarian and on humanitarian aid delivery achieved when both aid toward sides of the story are presented or when all actors are Neutrality of influencing represented online news opinions of Neutrality of online news content on disaster response content on consumers of and on humanitarian aid delivery achieved when disaster texts single or multiple citations are included response and on Neutrality of online news content on disaster response humanitarian aid and on humanitarian aid delivery achieved when delivery respondents are quoted directly. Neutrality of online news content on disaster response and on humanitarian aid delivery achieved when the reality from the ground is presented Gratitude and/or debt of gratitude felt towards donor entities for their presence during aftermaths of typhoons Emotions felt Sense of alarm felt upon learning of possible towards donor withdrawal of humanitarian aid due to anti-donor entities sentiments Delight upon learning the positive impacts of aid coming from donor entities Emotions felt Sadness, pity, and/or hopelessness felt upon knowing towards post- the anarchic situation experienced by desperate Emotions felt typhoon victims during typhoon aftermaths towards typhoon actors Concern and/or sympathy felt upon knowing the victims victims’ situations after typhoons
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Sadness upon learning of the inefficiency within Philippine bureaucracy, especially in the context of typhoon aftermaths Feeling of disgust against government officials Emotions felt because of slow response and corruption within the towards Philippine bureaucracy, especially in the context of elements of typhoon aftermaths Philippine Feeling of anger against government officials for bureaucracy prioritising political agenda over the welfare of the victims Victims and survivors portrayed as “looters”, “gangs”, and “mobs”. Disempowering Victims and survivors portrayed as famished, representation “uncivilised” and incapable people. of typhoon Victims as worthy of blame for causing “anarchic” victims and situation survivors Victims as mere recipients of foreign aid Government officials as ungrateful and corrupt Government officials’ statements against donor entities not holding any truth value Negative The State as incapable of meeting the needs for depiction of Image disaster response state officials formation of post-typhoon Problem of coordination between government bodies and of the State actors Inefficiency in Philippine bureaucracy, especially in the itself context of disaster response Philippine military as full of weaknesses Donor entities as “peacemakers”, “civilised” and “game-changers” Donor entities as “good”, “benevolent”, and “kind” Exalting Superiority of donor entities in terms of disaster portrayal of response strategies and technologies donor entities Donor entities as having no ill intentions Donor entities as worthy of appreciation and praise State officials’ anti-US, EU, and UN statements could (Re)imagining drive away possible donors the Philippines Driving away foreign donors could lead to failure of and the typhoon rehabilitation after devastating typhoons victims’ welfare Framing Further deaths and destruction if foreign aid fails to when deprived (foreign) arrive in the country of humanitarian humanitarian Slow economic growth if the aid did not come aid aid as having The typhoon victims and affected areas in the country positive are better-off upon receiving humanitarian aid Transformative effects to the Foreign aid as helpful in going back on track after impacts of recipients losing major economic gains humanitarian aid Short-term and long-term recovery became possible to the country after arrival of aid from donor entities and typhoon Chaotic situation was mitigated upon arrival of foreign victims aid workers and of foreign military personnel.
The themes obtained from axial coding are explained in each sub-section that follows.
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Elements of online news content on disaster response and on humanitarian aid delivery toward influencing opinions of consumers of texts Reliability
The study shows that the degree of influence that online news content wields depends on its reliability, especially before the eyes of the consumers of texts. In the reading exercises conducted, some of the participants mentioned that the online news content sounds more reliable when the producers of the texts (i.e. journalists and publishers) have been very-well known or are respected in the field of journalism. This, in effect, may change a person‘s views on (foreign) humanitarian aid upon reading the texts as the writers‘ or publishers‘ established authority could also be of significant support to their degree of persuasiveness. In the reading exercise, a respondent noted:
―Yes. I believe it‘s true kasi Inquirer naman ang nag-publish. The people there are professionals and veterans already when it comes to reporting everything that is happening at the typhoon- stricken communities.‖ (Yes, I believe it‘s true since Inquirer is the one who published [the news]. The people there are professionals and [are] veterans already when it comes to reporting everything that happens at … typhoon-stricken communities.) (p.40) (emphasis added)
In the reading exercises and in the survey, some of the respondents believed that online news content is more reliable when it is also similarly produced by other channels of discourse. These respondents mentioned instances in which the news coverage of Rappler and Inquirer, especially during the aftermaths of Typhoon Yolanda and Typhoon Lawin, is almost the same as those they have been watching in the television or hearing in radio. A reading exercise participant quotes:
―I mostly agree with the information because of the news I heard and read across most online articles and tabloids and television shows. They briefly attest the purpose and the partnership of the Philippine and US governments regarding giving aids.‖ (p.40) (emphasis added)
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Other respondents also mentioned that the test of the reliability of online news content, especially those that covers news about disaster response and humanitarian aid delivery, is contingent on the (1) online news‘ sites engagement — i.e. number of likes, shares, and reactions) — and (2) the validity of the statistical data presented.
Neutrality
The study shows that the degree of influence that online news content and its producers exert depends on its perceived neutrality whenever the authors present the news. In the reading exercise conducted, some of the respondents answered that the online news content is considered neutral when all actors are presented with their own versions of or opinions about the prevailing situation — to wit, when the corresponding opinions of donor entities, local and national government officials, and the typhoon victims themselves are included in the texts. One respondent noted:
―I think the content is neutral or unbiased because, from what I read, the victims, the US & other donors, and the government officials involved are properly represented with direct [quotations] from all [of] them.‖ (p.45) (emphasis added) Some respondents also mentioned the necessity of including citations in order to prove the online news content‘s neutrality. These citations are also noted to have been helpful to prove the authors‘ claims while avoiding to be ‗truly‘ biased by merely stating his opinions without laying down sufficient evidence provided by other sources. One respondent said:
―Yes, I think this article from Rappler is neutral because they properly cited some relevant articles to prove their general claim that we cannot do it alone without other countries‘ help.‖ (p.12) (emphasis added) Some respondents also stated that online news content‘s neutrality can also be achieved when the reality happening on ground is presented by the writer. For them, this means that the content is not rigged with biases, as those embedded in texts are ‗pure‘ facts. One participant had stated:
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―Yes, it is neutral for it says what really happens without hiding anything that is needed to be told and known by the public. It seems to be what is really happening at the damaged communities‖ (p.39) (emphases added)
Emotions felt towards post-typhoon actors
Towards donor entities
The study shows that, upon reading the texts assigned, the content of each article has evoked among the participants different emotions and attitudes towards donor entities, such as international organisations and foreign governments, in the context of sending humanitarian aid to the country. Some of the reading exercise participants have expressed gratitude and/or debt of gratitude towards donor entities, in recognition to their humanitarian efforts during the wake of
Typhoon Yolanda. One respondent noted:
―As a Filipino, although, I am not a victim of the said typhoon, I feel thankful with what the US, UN, and EU [have] done [for] our countrymen who were victims of Yolanda. I think not only we should be thankful; we should also return their efforts even through little means.‖ (p.31) (emphases added)
Some of the participants also felt a sense of alarm upon learning of possible withdrawal of humanitarian aid due to anti-donor sentiments, most notably, by President Duterte and figures of the Philippine Left. It is as if they do not want the donor entries to neglect the country when typhoon strikes it. One participant said:
―I felt alarmed and concerned at the same time because the statements of Duterte and Taguiwalo could harm us, because [we] can be victims also of these calamities. This huge amount of aid [that] came from these countries will be helpful. And, as far as I know, they helped us during these calamities, without asking for anything in return.‖ (p.35) (emphasis added)
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Lastly, some of the participants expressed delight upon learning the positive impacts of aid coming from donor entities, especially when the insufficiency of government efforts could be more detrimental to welfare of the remaining survivors. One participant noted:
―After reading the online news article, I felt glad upon knowing the initiative of the U.S. Marines to help our country and bringing typhoon aid. Also whenever the country needs succour during calamities, the U.S. marines are swift to respond immediately and give aid.‖ (p.26) (emphasis added)
Towards typhoon victims
The study shows that the content of the online news articles has evoked certain emotions and attitudes towards the typhoon victims described in the texts. Some of them felt pity, sadness, and/or hopelessness upon knowing the anarchic situation instigated by desperate victims during typhoon aftermaths. One respondent noted:
―I wonder kung nabigay ba talaga sa kanila lahat ng tulong dahil sobrang laki kasi ng tulong all in all na naibigay ng ibang bansa or baka kinupit lang ng government. Nakakalungkot. And I feel fearful too, kasi di nila deserve ang ganoon.‖ [I wonder if all the help was given to them since the total humanitarian aid given by other countries is indeed huge […] or only stolen by government [officials]. I feel sad and fearful too, since they don‘t deserve that.‖ (p.34) (emphases supplied)
Some of the respondents expressed concern and/or sympathy too upon knowing the circumstances the victims must have gone through. One respondent said:
―As I finished scanning the article, I felt sympathy towards the people in Quinapondan. Besides, getting upset with the response of the Philippine government to their people, I was also thankful that they were able to seek and receive help from other organizations and countries.‖ (p.29)
Towards elements of Philippine bureaucracy
The study shows that the articles were able to bring out among the participants some particular emotions and attitudes towards elements of Philippine bureaucracy (e.g. government officials).
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Some of them felt sadness and/or disgust upon learning of the inefficiency within Philippine bureaucracy, especially in the context of typhoon aftermaths. They primarily mentioned how their sadness rooted on how such inefficiency had led to the detriment of typhoon victims. One participant noted:
―I feel sad and disappointed and disgusted because of the inefficiency in our government, both national and local. The mechanisms are so slow and bureaucratic that they [were] not able to address all this chaos.‖ (p.31) (emphasis supplied)
Some of the respondents also had felt disgust and disappointment, not because of bureaucratic inefficiency, but because of them prioritising their political agenda over the welfare of typhoon victims. One respondent noted:
―Naiinis at nadidisappoint ako sa gobyerno. Mukhang kinurap lang ata nila yung mga tulong na binigay ng ibang mga bansa. ‗Yung mga naging biktima ng bagyo, naging biktima lang sila ng political agenda ng mga pinuno. At mukhang umasa lang din sila sa tulong ng ibang bansa.‖ [I feel disgust and disappointment towards the government. It seems that the help that came from other countries was only subjected to their corrupt acts. The typhoon victims also became victims of these leaders‘ political agenda. And it seems that they only relied on the help from other countries.] (p.29)
Image formation of post-typhoon actors
Disempowering representation of typhoon victims and survivors
The study shows that victims and survivors during typhoon aftermaths were represented as disempowered citizens. The in-depth content analysis of online news content undertaken by the researcher reveals that they were framed ―uncivilised‖ or instigators of an anarchic situation.
They were also represented as people who were mere recipients of foreign aid, who did not have any initiative to rebuild on their own.
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Most notable among some of the online news content scanned by the researcher is the usage of the terms ―looters‖, ―gangs‖, and ―mobs‖ to refer to typhoon victims. Such repeated usage of terms to refer to victims noticeably had an ideological impact on a participant of the reading exercise:
―Naalarma ako kasi paano na kung di na dumating 'yung aid from US, UN, at EU? Eh di mahihirapan tayo makarecover nyan kapag binagyo tayo. Para sa'kin, kahit na nagpapanic ang mga tao, hindi dapat sila naging looter ng mga gamit at pagkain na hindi sa kanila to begin with. Sana naghintay man lang sila kahit kaunting oras o araw man lang. Darating naman 'yung aid sa kanila eh.‖ (I feel alarmed because, what if the aid from US, UN, and EU do not anymore come here? I think we will have a hard time recovering if typhoon strikes the country. For me, even if the people are already panicking, they should not resort to looting items and foods that are not theirs to begin with. They should have had waited for a few more hours or days as the aid will come to them anyway.) (p.34) (emphasis added)
Negative depiction of state officials and of the State itself
The study shows that, across texts examined, the online news sites negatively portrayed the state officials and the State itself in the context of typhoon aftermaths in the country. The researcher, through an in-depth content analysis, found that they are largely framed as ―corrupt‖, ―slow‖,
―inefficient‖, ―unreliable‖, ―weak‖, and ―ungrateful‖.
One of the weaknesses in the Philippine bureaucracy highlighted by the examined texts was the weaknesses of the Philippine military, especially in the context of disaster response. The repeated focus on such weakness had an ideological impact to the readers. In fact, one participant of the reading exercise noted:
―I feel bad because our military is weaker compared to other countries, especially when it comes to disaster-response and containing many looters and large mobs who ransacked supplies. I feel glad also that US military helped to add some sense of security.‖ (p.29) (emphasis supplied)
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In two articles written by Rappler, the writers framed Duterte and other officials as ―ungrateful‖ for bringing into the mainstream discourse the President‘s supposed hatred against US, EU, and
UN. These two articles that highlighted the positive impacts of the influx of humanitarian aid in the country, especially during the wake of Typhoon Yolanda, had serious ideological impact to the readers. In effect, one reading exercise participant said:
―I felt enlightened and disgusted by the news article upon reading, kasi si Duterte ay tipo ng pinuno na di marunong tumanaw ng utang na loob sa mga tumulong sa bansa natin.‖ [I felt enlightened and disgusted upon reading the news article, since Duterte is the type of leader who does not carry within him the debt of gratitude towards the countries who helped us.] (p.25)
Exalting portrayal of donor entities
The study shows that the online news sites‘ content, in which relevant pieces of information about the situation happening in disaster-stricken areas are embedded, donor entities, i.e. international organisations, foreign governments and their officials, and multinational corporations are put under the spotlight. The in-depth content analysis undertaken by the researcher reveals that, during the anarchic situations instigated by massive destruction and increasing death counts, these donor entities are generally framed as ―peacemakers‖, ―civilised‖,
―game-changers‖, ―good‖, ―benevolent‖, ―kind‖, ―saviours‖, and ―heroes‖.
Throughout the examination of the articles, the researcher found out that the donor entities are viewed positively for their ‗heroic‘ actions as such actions helped the victims and the country itself. In fact, one participant of the reading exercised noted:
―I am thankful [to donor entities] but it only shows how weak our government is when it comes to disaster [response]. Without them, not only the victims will be poorer, but also the Filipino people in general because the typhoon has undermined or slowed down our economic gains.‖ (p.31)
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The content of the articles apparently have been written to present donor entities as having no ill intentions whenever they send aid to typhoon-stricken communities. Such framing had an ideological impact to the layman respondents of the reading exercise as they had defended such entities from anti-donor rhetoric and thought that their acts deserve appreciation. As such, one respondent said:
―I think what they did is actually good. Because of them, kumonti ang mga nagugutom noong panahon na 'yon, and I think di rin dapat ipakita na para may motibo silang masama when in fact wala naman talaga.‖ [I think what they did is actually good. Because of them, the number of hungry people during that period had lessened, and I think that they should not be presented as having ill intentions or bad motives when, in reality, there‘s none. And I think we should appreciate their efforts more.‖ (p.32)
(Foreign) humanitarian aid as having positive effects to the recipients
Re-imagining the Philippines and the typhoon victims’ welfare when deprived of humanitarian aid Through an in-depth analysis of texts, the study reveals that the producers of the texts wrote and packaged their respective online news coverage of typhoon aftermaths in order to compel the readers to (re)imagine the country. Some articles were written to blame the state officials for their anti-donor sentiments, as such could possibly drive them and their aid away, especially when typhoon already causes massive destruction in the country and its communities. Such packaging of texts had ideological impacts to the readers, who thought that recovery and rehabilitation during typhoon aftermaths might never be possible without the donor countries help. One respondent, in fact, has noted:
―It felt like once Duterte said something against US, we are about to be left behind. He should stop making statements against US, UN, and EU as much as possible since it will endanger our capability to [recover] after typhoons if we fail to receive aid from them.‖ (p.27)
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Some articles were also packaged in order to instil to the readers that, if the aid from donor entities did not arrive, that the country‘s economic situation might worsen. Such ideological impact manifests in the response of one reading exercise participant, who noted that:
―We need them during these situations. Without these [aids], survival of the victims will never be [ensured]. And I think that, the growth of the economy will be much slower because there have been great damages in the agriculture and infrastructure.‖ (p.36)
Transformative effects of humanitarian aid to the country
The study shows, through an in-depth content analysis, that all of the online news articles selected for examination portrayed humanitarian aid as something that carries with it the capability to transform the situations of the typhoon victims from negative to positive. Some of the articles were written with the aim to instil into the minds of the readers how typhoon victims and affected areas in the country had become better-off (both in short-term and long-term) upon receiving aid from donor entities. This ideological impact manifests on the response of one participant of reading exercise conducted:
―I think wala namang masama kung tatanggapin natin 'yung aid from other countries. Kasi makikita naman talaga ‗yung pagbababago sa bansa at sa buhay ng mga biktima nung natanggap natin ‗yung tulong mula sa kanila. Malaki naman talaga ang naitulong ng US at ibang bansa gaya ng Japan. Kung magmamatigas pa tayo, baka mas lalong marami pa ang mamatay.‖ [I think there‘s nothing wrong if we accept the aid from other countries, because we can really observe the changes that happened in our country and in the lives of the victims upon receiving the aid. If we do not swallow our pride, there‘s a possibility that the death count will increase.] (p.36)
Some of the articles also were written in order the readers to adopt the thinking that, because of the aid of foreign relief workers and military personnel, the chaotic situation was finally mitigated and solved. Such ideological impact is evident on the response of one reading exercise participant, who said:
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―UN and EU are not mentioned in the article. But I believe that US has poured lots of efforts for the victims of Yolanda. And I think, in the context of the article, yes, we should allow US military to come back since they are the most effective people when it comes to disaster response. The anarchic situation was only solved once the US military and relief aid workers came.‖ (p.33)
Quantitative Data
Socio-demographics
Since the research revolves around the ideological impact of linguistic manipulation of content to the Filipino people, the researcher tried to reach out to Filipino citizens from three main island groups — Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao — through Google Docs, with the help of a link spread via Facebook.
The result of the survey with regard to the respondent‘s region of domicile reveals that the highest frequency of respondents was from Eastern Visayas, which comprises 8.8% of 660 survey participants, while the lowest frequency was from Cagayan Valley (3.6%). The researcher believes that the largest frequency of respondents being from Eastern Visayas is reasonable since
Visayas is only sub-divided into four (4) regions. On the other hand, Luzon is sub-divided into eight (8) regions, while Mindanao is sub-divided into six (6) groups. It could be observed in the data below that the frequency of respondents per region within each main island group does not have serious deviation.
Table 6. The Survey Respondents‘ Region of Permanent Residence
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The researcher tried to reach to Filipino citizens of all age brackets. The lowest number of participants came from those who are aged 65 years old and above, which comprised 6.4% of the frequency of respondents. The highest frequency of respondents came from those who are aged
18 to 21 years old.
Table 7. Age Brackets of Survey Respondents
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The survey questionnaire is primarily written in English and in Tagalog. It was further translated into four other languages: Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya), Hiligaynon, Waray, and Cebuano.
24.8% of the respondents, the highest percentage, chose to answer the questionnaire in English; while, 7.1% of the respondents, the lowest percentage, answered the survey in Albay Bikol
(Daraga/East Miraya)
Table 8. Language Used by Survey Respondents
The researcher also asked the respondents about whether or not they experienced being a victim of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons. 320 (48.5%) said yes, while
340 (51.5%) said no.
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Table 9. Typhoon Victimisation among Respondents
The researcher provides a follow-up question and asks about how many times they have felt they were victims of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons. Since 340
(51.5%) of the respondents said no, the responses of those who said yes were further divided into five. The survey results reveal that 14.8% (the highest percentage) of those who said yes have felt victimised by the said disasters for three (3) to four (4) times, while only 6.4% (the lowest percentage) of the respondents felt victimised by the said disasters for more than seven (7) times.
Table 10. Frequency of Typhoon Victimisation among Respondents
Part II: (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid (Dependency)-Related Likert-Type Items Results
The researcher asked the respondents about whether or not local relief goods are much better in terms of quality and freshness than foreign relief goods. 28.8%, 12.6%, 58.6% of the respondents expressed agreement, neutrality, and disagreement respectively. The survey results then reveal
71 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL that most of the Filipino respondents, at 58.6%, believed that local relief goods are inferior to foreign relief goods in terms of quality and freshness.
Table 11. Perceived Inferiority of Local Relief Goods
The researcher asked the respondents about whether or not they would prefer receiving foreign relief goods instead of local relief goods whenever tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, or super-typhoons strike the archipelago, out of their love or likeness for imported goods. 29.1%,
13.6%, 57.2% of the respondents expressed disagreement, neutrality, and agreement respectively. The survey results then reveal that most of the respondents, at 57.2%, prefer receiving foreign goods instead of local relief goods whenever the aforementioned disasters strike the country, simply out of their love or likeness for imported goods.
Table 12. Preference to Foreign Relief Goods due to Love for Imported Goods
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The researcher asked the respondents about whether or not, unlike foreign agencies, local and national governments are efficient enough in delivering and distributing the urgent needs of the victims of typhoons. 15.3% expressed disagreement, 13.5% expressed neutrality, and 71.2% expressed agreement. The survey results reveal then that, when it comes to disaster response, most of the Filipino respondents, at 71.2%, still trust the Philippine government machineries when it comes to relief delivery and distribution.
Table 13. Trust/Faith to Government Relief Machineries
The researcher asked the respondents about whether or not the insufficiency of local relief operations must be a valid reason for the Filipinos to be in need of foreign aid after typhoon aftermaths. 25.2% expressed agreement, 14.5% expressed neutrality, and 60.3% expressed disagreement. This entails that most of the respondents believed that despite such insufficiency of local relief operations, foreign aid should not arrive just to fill in the gaps.
Table 14. Insufficiency of Local Relief Operations as a Rationale to Receive Aid
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The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that when disasters, most especially tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons hit the country, other countries will help the country and its citizens without getting or expecting anything in return.
21.8% of the respondents expressed disagreement, 15.2% expressed neutrality, and 63.1% expressed agreement. The results imply that most of the respondents believe that the aid coming from other countries does not carry with it any conditions or is not attached with any ill intentions.
Table 15. Aid from Other Countries as Having No Attached Ill Intentions
The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that whether or not we are hit by tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, or super-typhoons, foreign aid should enter our country without any hindrance or prevention. 16.1% of the respondents expressed disagreement,
16.5% expressed neutrality, and 67.4% expressed agreements. The results entail that most of the
74 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL respondents believe that the aid coming from donor entities should not be barred from entering the country regardless of the prevailing situation.
Table 16. Aid as an Entity that Must not be Barred from Entering the Country
The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that donor countries must be considered ‗heroes‘ or ‗saviours‘ because they sent humanitarian aid in the Philippines during the aftermaths of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, or super-typhoons. 66.8% of the respondents expressed agreement, 16.2% expressed disagreement, and 17.0% expressed neutrality. The results reveal that most of the respondents agreed that it is only right to hail the donor countries as ‗heroes‘ or ‗saviours‘ simply because they sent humanitarian aid during the aftermaths of the said natural disasters.
Table 16. Donor Entities as “Heroes” and “Saviours”
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At the last part of the survey, the researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that the Philippines can survive or stand on its own feet after being hit by tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons without the need for or receiving humanitarian aid. 31.4% of the respondents voted yes, while 68.6% voted no. This entails that majority of the respondents believe that the country cannot do everything alone (e.g. disaster response, relief operations, and rehabilitation programs after the said natural disasters) if humanitarian aid is not received.
Table 18. Lack of Self-Reliance when Typhoons Ravage the Country
Part III: Online News Sites‟ Influence-Related Likert-Type Items Results
The researcher first asked the respondents to pick the discourse channel that influenced their current views on foreign relief operations and rehabilitation programs. The largest percentage goes to online news sites, which is at 33.3%, followed by television media, which is at 12.0%.
This implies that online news sites have influenced the Filipino respondents‘ current views on humanitarian aid, especially in the form of relief operations and rehabilitation programs.
The combination of percentage (at 43.9%) of respondents who picked either social networking sites or online news sites reveals that the Filipino respondents‘ current views on such aid are influenced by social media readership and engagement. It is also notable that, in the contrary, only 27.9% of the respondents chose traditional media outlets (radio media, television media,
76 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL and print media) as a factor that influenced such views. Furthermore, only 14.7% of the respondents chose face-to-face interactions (usual daily discourses, classroom discourses, and direct, personal experiences) as a factor that influenced their current views on such humanitarian aid. Lastly, based on the table below, we can deduce that leaders‘ pronouncements on foreign aid could exert only a little influence to the Filipino people, as only 2.0% of the respondents chose such option as their answer.
Table 19. Influential Channels of Discourse
The researcher asked the respondents whether or not online news sites have contributed a lot to their positive perception towards foreign relief operations and rehabilitation programs in the
Philippines. 10.6% of the respondents expressed neutrality, 30.8% expressed disagreement, and
58.7% expressed agreement. The results entail that the online news sites have become influential in shaping positive perception of the Filipino respondents towards foreign aid, especially in the form of relief operations and rehabilitation programs in the country.
Table 20. Contribution of Online News Sites to Positive Perception towards Foreign Aid
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The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that local online news sites supply the best coverage of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons in our country. 12.3% of the respondents expressed neutrality, 29.3% expressed disagreement, and
58.5% expressed agreement. The result reveals that local online news sites (e.g. Rappler,
Inquirer, and Philippine Star) are considered that best suppliers of disaster-related news in the country. It also entails that, despite the seemingly high popularity of foreign online news sites, local online news sites were still trusted as disaster-related news providers by the Filipino respondents.
Table 21. Local Online News Sites as Best Suppliers of Disaster News
The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that online news sites, whether local or foreign, have influenced their thinking towards their immediate surroundings. 67.4% of the respondents expressed agreement, 15.9% expressed neutrality, and 16.7% expressed
78 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL disagreement. The result implies that, among Filipino respondents, online news sites, regardless of nationality, have been influential in shaping their views towards their environment.
Table 22. Contribution of Online News Sites to the Perceptions towards Their Environment
The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that online news sites, whether local or foreign, have influenced them to think that foreign relief operations and rehabilitation programs always good for the Philippines, especially in devastated areas or regions. 22.7% of the respondents expressed disagreement, 60.9% expressed agreement, and 16.4% expressed neutrality. This entails that online news sites, regardless of nationality, has influenced the
Filipino to believe that such humanitarian aid carries with it a positive consequence to the
Philippines and disaster-stricken areas.
Table 23. Influence of Online News Sites towards a Perception of Humanitarian Aid as Carrying Positive Consequence to Recipients
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The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they agree with everything that is being said in the news coverage of online news sites especially with regard to tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons in the country. 17.3% of the respondents expressed neutrality, 22% expressed disagreement, and 60.7% expressed agreement. This result reveals that most of the Filipino respondents have found online news sites‘ disaster coverage as authentic and reliable.
Table 24. Online News‟ Sites Authenticity and Reliability
The researcher asked the respondents whether or not they believe that the help coming from other countries should be the highlight of the news coverage (in online news sites) after tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and super-typhoons in our country. 62% of the respondents voted to agree, 21.5% of the respondents voted to disagree, and 16.5% of the respondents voted to be neutral. This result implies that most of the Filipino respondents believe that online news‘ sites disaster coverage should put into spotlight the aid coming donor countries.
Table 25. Humanitarian Aid as the Focus or Highlight of Online News Coverage of Typhoons
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CHAPTER VII: ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
This chapter will jointly analyse all the data presented in the previous chapter. The researcher has grounded the data analysis on this study‘s conceptual and theoretical frameworks. The relevance of the quantitative data on the qualitative data will manifest based on the research design explained earlier at the Methodology section of this paper.
In other words, the themes and sub-themes that arose from open and axial coding conducted at the previous section will be explained based on the main goal of every CDA study, that is, to expose the role of language in legitimising and reinforcing dominance, inequality, and hegemony in the society. Furthermore, before the analysis of findings commences, the reader of this research must also be reminded that one of the main assumptions of this research is that, (foreign humanitarian) aid dependency, as a socio-behavioural phenomenon, exists, not only in the
Philippines, but also in other countries belonging to the Third World. The online news sites, as channels of discourse, in general, and as forms of media outlets, in particular, have been presumed by the researcher to have a crucial role in shaping Filipino people‘s views towards
(foreign) humanitarian aid, so that, in the long run, they would grow dependent on it, especially whenever typhoon ravages the country and its communities. Such role is further described by
Tandon (2008):
4. A psychology of aid dependence among the peoples of the South, reinforced by a lack of self-confidence in their own ability, inadequate feelings of responsibility for self and national development, and a lack of courage to displease the donors by failing to show gratitude for their generosity. Disillusioned with the policies and corruption of their leaders, the ordinary people are sometimes even more inclined to seek outside assistance to get them out of their current predicament.
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5. Third world governments who do not accept aid are often made to feel (by the donors, by the media, and by their own citizens) that they are being irresponsible about the plight of the poor, which they believe only donor aid can adequately address. (p.76) (emphases supplied)
Having said that, this section then tries to link the themes generated in order to identify the forms of linguistic manipulation that took place in the online news coverage of Typhoons Yolanda and
Lawin and explain how such linguistic manipulation could contribute to the socio-behavioural phenomenon described in this study, that is, the dependency of Filipinos to (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths. The succeeding sections below further dig deeper into the issue at hand.
On the elements of online news content about disaster response and influx of foreign aid
The study shows that, based on all qualitative and quantitative data gathered, that the content produced by online news sites, especially in the context of influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines could have ideological impacts on the readers based on the two main properties commonly advocated in mainstream journalism: reliability and neutrality or objectivity.
Di Ako Biased, Darling: On legitimising and reinforcing (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency as the status quo through an illusion of journalistic objectivity
Several literatures already have pointed out that neutrality (or objectivity) is a vital element of journalism which the writers exploit to convince the readers that the information stated in the news are indeed factual and significant. Entman (1989, as cited in Beder, 2004) identified the two primary components of journalistic objectivity; they are (1) ‗depersonalisation‘, which means that the content writers or journalists must never blatantly express their opinions, beliefs, and value systems in a write-up, (2) ‗balance‘, which entails that the content writers or journalists must present all the actors involved in an issue or controversy without favouring or
83 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL supporting one side. Beder (2004) adds another component, that is, ‗accuracy‘, ―which requires journalists to quote people and relay ‗facts‘ from sources accurately‖.
Remarkably, the results of the reading exercise conducted have shown that the Filipino participants believed that the online news sites‘ respective coverage of typhoon aftermaths, particularly those that focused on the influx of humanitarian aid in the Philippines, is indeed credible if the properties ‗depersonalisation‘, ‗balance‘, and ‗accuracy‘ are achieved.
In the case of ‗depersonalisation‘, the producers of the texts of the online news coverage of typhoon aftermaths, except for those who wrote opinion articles on such matter, have succeeded in avoiding in blatantly embedding their worldviews in the texts.
However, the in-depth content analysis of this research reveals that such content writers or journalists have committed linguistic manipulation of texts in order for them to generate an illusion that ‗depersonalisation‘ is indeed achieved. Although they did not necessarily state their respective opinions, their hegemonic worldview has inevitably influenced the production of the texts by simply putting statistical data and direct quotations that are hugely in favour of donor entities and in the detriment of the country‘s government officials.
For example, in Rappler‘s articles ―What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without US,
EU, and UN‖ (Gavilan, 2016) and ―Duterte to EU, US: Withdraw aid, we will survive‖ (Ranada,
2016), only the statistical data highlighting the amount of aid that the country has received from
US, EU, and UN have been presented; this particularly shows that they only presented the positive consequences of receiving and influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid during aftermaths.
The same linguistic manipulation also took place in ―Typhoon Response Highlights Weaknesses in Philippine Military‖ (Jacobs, 2013) of the Washington Post and ―Typhoon Haiyan: What‘s a
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Superpower to Do?‖ (Thompson, 2013) of the Time Magazine, both of which only wrote and copied the numbers and statements that only stressed the positive consequences of having the US military within the Philippine territory, while never mentioning any data regarding its negative consequences that have been recorded throughout the history of their stay here in the country. On the other hand, ‗depersonalisation‘ was also used in order to highlight the ‗ingratitude‘ of leaders who uttered counter-hegemonic statements against donor entities such as US, EU, and UN. For example, in Rappler articles aforementioned, although the writers directly quoted President
Duterte‘s anti-US, EU, and UN statements, they only quoted the harsh anti-aid remarks, while, at the same time, diluting Duterte‘s real statement: the country‘s dependency on (foreign) humanitarian aid is being used as an excuse by the donor entities to continue their interventionist policies.
Therefore, the research finds out that ‗depersonalisation‘ is only used as a façade in order to conceal the hegemonic motives of the producers of the texts, that is, to conceal the negative consequence of the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid, while, at the same time, only putting into spotlight its positive consequence. Moreover, dependency on such aid will be further reinforced by these online-shared texts as people might develop a tendency to accept or to not struggle against something that largely benefits them, as such aid is presented positively or something that does not carry with it any negative effect upon acceptance.
In the case of ‗balance‘, the articles, in general, succeeded in presenting the sides of the ‗relevant actors‘ during typhoon aftermaths: typhoon victims, local and government officials, and donor entities. The research finds out that the content writers or journalists may not have been, at first impression, taking sides as they, as reading exercise respondents point out, had been only reporting what was happening on ground.
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However, the research discovers a linguistic manipulation of content in which the producers of text repeatedly underlined the efforts of foreign donor entities so as to undermine the collective efforts of the victims themselves. For example, in the New York Times article, ―Relief is slow to reach victims of Philippine typhoon; looters steal medical supplies‖ (Harlan, 2013), the writer indeed had acknowledged the presence of post-typhoon actors; however, the ‗balance‘ began to be diluted when the perspective of the donor entities dominated the whole text and when no one from the locals were asked about their state of well-being that made them loot such supplies in the first place. They were only asked about what they were feeling, but never were they given the chance to explain the cause of anarchic situation. Such phenomenon common in (online) journalism is further described by Beder (2004):
Balance means getting [the] opinions from both sides (where the journalist recognises two sides) but not necessarily covering the spectrum of opinion. More radical opinions are generally left out […] [It] does not guarantee neutrality even when sources are treated fairly, since the choice of balancing sources can be distorted (emphases supplied).
Therefore, in general, the articles examined by the researcher have something in common: an illusion of ‗balance‘ is formed in order to put into primacy the perspectives of the foreigners concerning the plight of the victims rather than highlighting the perspectives of the victims themselves regarding the situation they were going through. Having said that, the producers of these online texts could reinforce (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency when the Filipino readers would have instilled in their minds that the help coming from donor entities could be good as they may start to believe that they can get out of their predicament based on how (1) foreigners see the typhoon victims‘ plights and (2) their recommended corresponding mechanisms to solve them.
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Lastly, in the case of ‗accuracy‘, the articles, in general, succeeded in demonstrating their neutrality or objectivity on their respective coverage of typhoons Yolanda and Lawin by not simply describing what they had observed on ground; in fact, they also included the statements uttered by donor entities and of state leaders. However, the problem now lies on how the producers of text choose quotations in order emphasise a point or highlight a specific aspect of a story (Beder, 2004).
Having said that, the research reveals that such ‗component‘ of journalistic objectivity has been used frequently by the writers to highlight the expertise of outsiders and the positive effects of receiving aid from them. Such scenario is evident in the Washington Post article, ―After
Typhoon Haiyan, Guiuan in the Philippines begins rebuilding‖ (Pittman & Gelineau, 2013) in which it was stated:
―Having the U.S. military here is a game-changer,‖ said Col. Miguel Okol, a spokesman for the Philippine air force. ―For countries that we don‘t have these kinds of relationships with, it can take a while to get help. But with the U.S., it‘s immediate.‖
The same scenario was also found in the Time Magazine article, ―U.S. Marines Bringing
Typhoon Aid to Philippine Shores‖ (Thompson, 2013), in which it was stated:
―It‘s the right thing to do,‖ Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III, the Pacom commander, told the American Forces Press Service. ―If something is going to happen in the Pacific that is going to create a churn in the security environment, the most likely thing will be a humanitarian disaster problem of some kind.‖
Furthermore, as we can see from the examples above, the articles had clearly utilised the principle of ‗accuracy‘ by quoting directly some ‗experts‘ in order to convince a layman reader that aid dependency is normal, as it would largely benefit the country and its citizens.
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In conclusion, the research reveals that ‗depersonalisation‘, ‗balance‘, and ‗accuracy‘ as the three major components of journalistic objectivity were used by the producers of text in order to legitimise aid dependency as the status quo. Such ideological impact of the status quo-motivated discourses is primarily bared by Beder (2004):
Journalists are free to write what they like if they produce well-written stories ‗free of any politically discordant tones‘, that is, if what they write fits the ideology of those above them in the hierarchy. A story that supports the status quo is generally considered to be neutral and its objectivity is not questioned, while one that challenges the status quo tends to be perceived as having a ‗point of view‘ and therefore biased. Statements and assumptions that support the existing power structure are regarded as ‗facts‘, while those that are critical of it tend to be rejected as ‗opinions‘ (Parenti 1986: 35, 50) (emphases supplied).
An expert interview with Mr. Mark Abalos also stated his view regarding the scenario, especially in a linguists‘ point-of-view:
―When we review grammar, we also ask ourselves who produced those texts. To whom are these producers of the text affiliated? Who revises such content? Why do they need to create/revise [such] content?‖ (p.25) (emphases supplied).
Upon further inspection of all the articles related to the aftermaths of Typhoons Yolanda and
Lawin, the producers of the texts have been found to have succeeded in supporting the ideology and motive of donor entities (as entities that are above the online journalists and their employers, who support the capitalist system) that is, to legitimise aid dependency, by not embedding into the texts any statements, quotations, or any other data that indicate the negative consequences of
(foreign) humanitarian aid to the Filipinos. We can also deduce that such acts of linguistic manipulation in order to achieve such effect are already ‗normal‘ among Rappler, Philippine
Daily Inquirer, Los Angeles Times, New York Times, and Washington Post because they have
88 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL been proven in many instances already that they are indeed supporters of the status quo (Abalos,
2017, personal communication).
In sum, this section of data analysis proved that what Mr. Abalos (2017, personal communication) had said in the interview, that is, ―Sometimes, discourses are manipulated in order to create an illusion of neutrality‖ is true. The in-depth content analysis was essential in uncovering that the journalistic objectivity subsumed in post-typhoon discourses produced and distributed by online news sites was only exploited in order to fulfill a hegemonic goal, that is, to reinforce and legitimise (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency among Filipinos during typhoon aftermaths.
I swear that all I say is true: on Filipino’s (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency as a result of opinion-shaping capabilities of reliable online news outlets Many related scholarly articles on mass communications theory point out that, in order for a media outlet to exert a considerable degree of influence, its audience must firstly acknowledge such outlet as a reliable source of information (Prior, 2013; Shoemaker, 1996). Such reliability could also be used as a measure to understand if the content written by the producers of online texts could indeed have a significant ideological impact on the readers themselves (Abalos, 2017, personal communication; Beder, 2004).
Because of that, the researcher tried to gauge first, through an online survey, if Filipinos believe that online news sites are indeed reliable as a source of information, especially with regard to the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines. The results point out to the fact that, at
60.7%, most of the Filipino respondents believe that online news‘ sites disaster coverage as
89 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL authentic and reliable. Therefore, the study has proven that, at least among the survey respondents, online news sites are trusted as channel of discourse related to disasters and their aftermaths because of their reliability.
However, Abalos (2017, personal communication) warns about the possible ideological impact of journalistic reliability as such factor could affect an online news site‘s exercise of a degree of influence so as to convince the readers to believe everything written in the online texts. He also stated:
―Social media, particularly online news sites or outlets, could exert a certain degree of influence depending on its reliability. The more shares, likes, or reactions that a news blog or outlet, such as Rappler, or a [social] networking site, such as Facebook, receives, there‘s a higher chance that [the] readers will believe their [respective] news content.‖ (p.24)
In the reading exercise and survey conducted, the researcher finds out that, in order for a layman reader to consider online news content regarding disaster response and humanitarian aid delivery to be reliable, (1) the texts must be produced by someone with great journalistic authority; (2) the content presented must be (re)produced also by other channels of discourse; and (3) relevant statistics, with citations included, must be embedded within the texts.
In the case of reliability rooted in ‗great journalist authority‘, the research reveals that Rappler,
Los Angeles Times, Philippine Daily Inquirer, Time Magazine, Washington Post, and New York
Times are considered to have exercised a great degree of journalistic authority, especially during the times of crises, such as Typhoons Yolanda and Lawin. Many of the respondents of the reading exercise expressed agreement on the content related to influx of humanitarian aid in the
Philippines during typhoon aftermaths because they believed that the aforementioned online news sites have proven throughout the years their journalistic expertise. For example, Rappler and Inquirer were considered two of the top news sites in the Philippines, while the New York
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Times, Los Angeles Times, Time Magazine, and Washington Post had received many awards in print journalism already.
However, scholars such as Speakman (2011) and Mason (2011) warn us about the possible ideological impacts of ‗journalistic authority‘ as a source of reliability of a media outlet, as both scholars agree that a media outlet could be powerful enough to manipulate a reader‘s worldview if he or she finds out that the source of the content he or she is reading is indeed reliable or credible. Applying this view, the research reveals that, upon analysis of the results of the reading exercise, the aforementioned online news sites were powerful enough to influence layman readers‘ thinking towards (foreign) humanitarian aid that comes in the Philippines; and since such aid were never put into negative light by the said sites, the Filipino readers might develop aid dependency as what they have read were all about the positive impacts of such aid and the dangers of failing to be accommodating of donor entities.
In the case of reliability rooted in ‗the reproduction of content‘, the research reveals that some of the information, even the same, exact content, gathered or written by one site could be used by another site, as part of the information-sharing scheme that occurs within social media. However, as Abalos (2007) notes, it is difficult to determine the impact of such scheme, because of the fact that it is also tough to trace or investigate if connivation among media outlets has indeed taken place. However, the researcher believes that, even if connivation never took place, the unconscious desire of these outlets to share pieces of information from other sources which only showed the positive consequences of humanitarian aid to the Philippines and to the typhoon victims was enough reason to make them accountable for reinforcing aid dependency as the status quo or as something ‗normal‘, simply because these pieces of information shared from one
91 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL site to another never showed or discussed the negative consequences of such aid to the impoverished post-typhoon actors.
The same also took place in the case of reliability rooted in ‗the presentation of statistical data‘, as these data embedded in the texts examined, whether in tables or graphs, had produced the same effect as that of the previous property of reliability.
In sum, this section of data analysis proved that the reliability of online news sites, whether shaped intentionally or unintentionally, contributes to the believability of such sites‘ content.
Having said that, the in-depth content analysis and the analysis of the responses to the reading exercise also reveal that such property could be utilised as an apparatus by the aforementioned producers of texts in order to reinforce and legitimise (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency among Filipinos during typhoon aftermaths, as many of the respondents (who were also survey participants), who believed that the sites and their respective content are reliable, have experienced a shift of view —that is, from a negative perception of foreign aid to a positive one.
On emotions felt towards post-typhoon actors
The study shows that, based on all qualitative and quantitative data gathered, that the content produced by online news sites, especially in the context of influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines could have ideological impacts to the readers as such content produced has the ability to evoke certain emotions that could trigger aid dependency. Such emotions that have been evoked after reading the texts examined are commonly felt towards post-typhoon actors, particularly Filipino typhoon victims, (foreign) donor entities, and the Philippine government, both local and national levels.
I feel so sad for them talaga, Darla: on emotions felt and produced as a reaction to the plight of typhoon victims
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Of great importance in this study is finding out what a layman reader would feel upon reading
the examined texts, which were produced by online news sites. The study shows that two sets of
emotions (influenced by different contexts) have emerged from all the reading exercise
responses: (1) sadness, pity, and/or hopelessness felt upon knowing the anarchic situation
experienced by desperate victims during typhoon aftermaths, and (2) concern and/or sympathy
felt upon knowing the victims‘ situations after typhoons.
The in-depth analysis of the online news content reveals that the emotions of sadness, pity,
and/or hopelessness directed towards the victims were evoked through the repeated use of
modality in order to compel the readers to (re)imagine scenarios that are not explicitly stated in
the texts.
. Table 26. Frequency of Modal Structures Used in the Online News Articles with their Specific Ideological Functions
EMOTIONS EVOKED BASED ON SPECIFIC IDEOLOGICAL FUNCTIONS MODAL Sadness, Pity, Concern Alarm and/or (Debt of) Disgust Sadness Anger STRUCTURE and/or and/or Panic Gratitude (Philippine (Philippine (Philippine Hopelessness Sympathy (donor (donor bureaucracy bureaucracy bureaucracy (victims) (victims) entities) entities) & officials) & officials) & officials) MODAL AUXILIARIES can 15 15 11 2 0 5 5 could 12 24 5 2 2 5 0 will 2 2 2 5 5 13 0 shall 4 1 3 1 2 0 18 may 15 3 17 1 1 0 2 might 11 3 3 4 25 19 30 must 0 7 2 13 12 17 4 need 2 1 2 23 3 23 1 should 0 3 1 20 5 14 19 ought 2 2 0 11 12 13 0 MODAL ADJECTIVES possible 19 1 15 3 0 1 0 certain 11 0 4 2 0 5 3 CONDITIONAL STRUCTURES would 19 15 12 19 2 5 7 if 13 22 14 13 11 16 5 MODAL VERBS think 5 3 2 0 12 5 1 believe 0 7 2 0 2 8 5 know 1 2 5 2 5 7 3 MODAL ADVERBS probably 20 0 12 0 5 6 15 definitely 4 5 8 4 9 5 2 regrettably 0 4 0 0 8 1 9
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For example, upon scanning the articles to find out the respective ideological functions of select modal structures, the research reveals that modal auxiliaries (―can‖, ―could‖, ―may‖, and
―might‖), conditional structures (―would‖ and ―if‖), modal adjectives (―possible‖ and ―certain‖), and modal adverbs (―probably‖) were frequently used by the writers in order to transform propositions into hypothesis to create a specific ideological impact (also called ―secondary ideological function‖) to the readers, that is, they will be compelled to think about the possible and probable impacts of the failure of (foreign) aid to enter the Philippines or the damage communities, considering that, the typhoon victims are already submerged in destitute situations
(see Table 5). Such destitute situations, as some participants of reading exercises believe, could lead to anarchy — which they believe is a situation in which relief operations and rehabilitation programs would not be strategically and calmly controlled.
The articles also succeeded in evoking feelings of concern/sympathy to the plight of typhoon victims, through the usage also of modal structures. Such feelings are normal, of course, since it is already innate in people to show sympathy to those victimised by disasters, whether natural or man-made. However, the research reveals that modal structures like ―can‖, ―could‖, ―would‖ and
―if‖ were frequently used in order for the readers to attach the emotions they felt to the possible impacts of failure of foreign aid to enter the country (see Table 5). This is almost the same as the ideological impact of the emanation of feelings of sadness, pity, and/or hopelessness as discussed earlier; however, in this case, especially in the eyes of the participants of reading exercise, such feelings of concern and/or sympathy are attached not only to their desire to make their leaders accountable, but also to their desire to express gratitude to the entities that helped the victims of typhoons.
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Thank you so much, mumshie: on emotions felt and produced as a reaction to the help extended by donor entities The study reveals that particular emotions were also evoked not only upon knowing the plight and the situation of the typhoon victims, but also upon knowing the ‗positive‘ actions which donor entities, like the US, EU, and UN, had committed during post-typhoon scenarios. The study shows that two sets of emotions (influenced by different contexts) have emerged from all the reading exercise responses: (1) gratitude and/or debt of gratitude felt towards donor entities for their presence during the aftermaths of typhoons; and (2) sense of alarm felt upon learning of possible withdrawal of humanitarian aid due to anti-donor sentiments.
The in-depth analysis of texts reveals that feelings of gratitude and/or debt of gratitude arose because of the strategic usage of modality in order to tap into the conscience of the readers that such feelings are necessary due to the acts that these donor entities have committed for the sake of typhoon victims, which the State officials cannot otherwise do for their constituents. For example, modal structures like ―would‖, ―if‖, ―must‖, ―need‖, ―should‖, and ―ought‖ were frequently used by the writers to compel the readers to don such obligation (see Table 5).
The in-depth analysis of texts also reveals that sense of alarm arose upon learning the possible impacts of the withdrawal of foreign aid due to anti-donor sentiments. For example, modal structures, such as ―can‖, ―would‖, and ―if‖, were frequently used to evoke such emotion (see
Table 5). Moreover, upon consideration of the respective contexts of the articles, we can also deduce that such emotion was utilised in order to force the readers to reimagine a scenario in which foreign aid will not anymore come to the Philippines during typhoon aftermaths.
Sadd and Angery Reax Onli: on emotions felt and produced as a reaction to the failures of and loopholes in Philippine bureaucracy
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Even before the reading exercise and the linguistic analysis of texts commenced, the research has already revealed that, based on the results of the survey conducted, that many Filipinos, at least among the respondents, have already expressed disgust against government officials because of their slow response and corrupt practices, especially in the context of typhoon aftermaths. Some also felt sad upon learning the inefficiency within the Philippine bureaucracy. Hence, what the reading exercises and the in-depth analysis of texts instead reveal is the fact that online news articles were written not to evoke such emotions, but to further reinforce them.
The research reveals that such negative emotions were reinforced because of the repeated use of modality in order to highlight the impacts of such government weaknesses. To wit, modal structures, such as ―may‖, ―might‖, ―need‖, ―must‖, ―should‖, ―ought‖, and ―if‖, were frequently utilised in order to evoke the feeling of sadness, which arose out of acquiring information regarding the inefficiency within Philippine bureaucracy, especially in the context of typhoon aftermaths (see Table 5). Moreover, upon further analysis of the respective contexts of the texts in which these modal structures were frequently used, it could be deduced that such feeling also arose because such inefficiency also led to the slow delivery of foreign aid. Some participants of the reading responses, in fact, expressed such emotion, not only because of the impact of such inefficiency, but also because of their concern for the feelings of donor entities who presumably expected that the relief operations and rehabilitation programs would go smoothly.
Modal structures, such as ―will‖, ―may‖, ―might‖, ―must‖, ―need‖, ―should‖, ―ought‖, and ―if‖, were also used not to evoke feeling of disgust against government officials, but to reinforce it
(see Table 5). These modal structures, upon first glance, are often used to denote responsibility or obligation. Thus, modality was used by the online news writers in order to reinforce such feeling which could arise out of the people‘s desire to make their leaders accountable for their
96 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL actions. However, further analysis of the texts reveals that the online news writers used such reinforcement of the feeling of disgust in order to emphasise that, if the Philippine state officials are failing in their duties, then the donor entities can do them on their behalf.
The last emotion evoked and reinforced by the online news content was anger that arose because of government officials‘ prioritisation of their respective political agenda, instead of the welfare of the people. Some of the modal structures frequently used by the writers include ―shall‖,
―might‖, ―should‖, and ―probably‖. These modal structures, upon first glance, are often used to make the readers reimagine a scenario in which the State officials did not, in the first place, prioritise their political agenda. Thus, modality was used in order to reinforce such anger that arose because of their belief that the State officials could help them when typhoons come has been crushed.
However, further analysis of the texts reveals that the writers had exploited such emotion in order to arrange the spotlight for the benefit of donor entities, whose hegemonic intentions behind their ‗benevolent‘ acts are concealed. This is because of the fact that the modality was able to create a dichotomy between the government officials and the donor entities, in which the former would be perceived as ‗bad‘ and the latter as ‗good‘.
On the image formation of post-typhoon actors
The study shows that, based on all qualitative and quantitative data gathered, that the content produced by online news sites, especially in the context of influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines could have ideological impacts to the readers as such content produced has the ability to project into the minds of the readers images of post-typhoon actors, especially Filipino typhoon victims, (foreign) donor entities, and the Philippine government, both local and national
97 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL levels. The results suggest that the online news content were linguistically manipulated in order to negatively frame Filipino typhoon victims and State officials and to positively frame donor entities, such as the United States, European Union, and United Nations.
Hamak ako, ‘pagkat ako’y lupa: on the disempowering representation of typhoon victims and survivors The research reveals that the producers of online news content regarding post-typhoon situations had linguistically manipulated the content in order to put victims and survivors into bad light. To wit, these writers used linguistic tools in order to achieve such goal.
The research reveals that most of the online news articles examined had reduced, before the eyes of the readers, typhoon victims and survivors into ―looters‖, ―gangs‖, and ―mobs‖; such usage of words is an issue subsumed under the linguistic tool naming/describing (or description / ascription). It must be noted that the words ‗looters‘, ‗mobs‘, and ‗gangs‘ are nouns that, upon first thought, have negative connotations and are often ascribed to ‗lack of civility‘. A layman reader, therefore, might think that the typhoon victims are ‗uncivilised‘ without even considering the gravity of the situation during typhoon aftermaths.
Such negative framing of typhoon victims and survivors could have an ideological impact not only to the readers of the texts, but also to the Filipino society as well. Such impact is described by Mr. Abalos (personal communication, 2017) as the ‗culture of inferiority‘, which forms when the people themselves become disempowered because they regard foreigners as superior in all aspects (e.g. economically and socially) and thus, not anymore inspired to move on their own. In the interview, he stated his strong opinion against the linguistic manipulation that took place in the online news content:
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―No, because the writers failed to take into consideration the severity of the situation or of the plights of the typhoon victims, especially during and after the onslaught of Typhoon Yolanda. I believe that, even in a linguistic sense, to represent or frame the [typhoon] victims as ―looters‖, ―mobs‖, or ―gangs‖ can never be justified, because all these words have negative connotations. If writers continue using these words to represent the victims, when the audience read the text, there is a possibility that the „culture of inferiority‟ might be developed.‖ (p.32) (emphasis added)
Further analysis of the articles reveals that some online news writers frequently used apposition
(a concept in equivalence) in order to make the noun ―(Filipino) typhoon victims‖ essentially the similar to nouns ―looters‖, ―mobs‖, and ―gangs‖ by using them interchangeably, until the readers cannot anymore the differences between the nouns.
Moreover, in the articles in which the apposition is prevalent, the writers also used material action processes (a concept in transitivity, in which determining the doer and recipient of an action is essential in the analysis) in order to highlight the fact that, the recipients of foreign aid
— the typhoon victims — were the ones creating an anarchic situation, in which even the donor entities were affected (e.g. Red Cross‘s truck of medical supplies was ransacked).
Further analysis of the contexts of the articles reveals that the writers used the chaotic situation in order to justify the entry of U.S. military, because, they were perceived to be ‗powerful‘ enough to contain the chaos.
In sum, because of such negative representation of the Filipino typhoon victims and survivors, the readers of the online texts examined could develop (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency because of the ‗culture of inferiority‘ promoted through the texts. This is further explained by
Mr. Abalos (2017, personal communication) in the interview conducted:
99 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
There‘s a possibility that we might adopt that kind of thinking. As I said earlier, language is powerful enough to influence our views on a particular issue. Baka isipin ng isang layman reader na hindi natin kakayanin tumayo sa sarili nating mga paa kasi nga, ni-re- reinforce ng isang article na economically and socially inferior tayo to begin with. [There‘s a possibility that we might adopt that kind of thinking. As I said earlier, language is powerful enough to influence our views on a particular issue. A layman reader could think that we won‘t be able to stand on our own feet, because, an article reinforces the fact that we are economically and socially inferior, to begin with.] (p.32)
Mirror, mirror on the wall, who’s the most ungrateful of them all: on the negative depiction of state officials and of the State itself The research reveals that the producers of online news content regarding post-typhoon situations had linguistically manipulated the content in order to put the State and its officials into bad light.
To wit, these text producers used linguistic tools in order to fulfill such goal.
Corruption and inefficiency within the Philippine bureaucracy are the most common themes of such negative depiction of such actors in the online texts. However, such themes were already discussed in the previous section. Hence, this sub-section will primarily focus on the concept of
―ungratefulness‖ or ―ingratitude‖ and its ideological impact.
Having said that, the research reveals that, the online news writers used the linguistic tool — description — against State leaders, such as President Duterte, who promote counter-hegemonic discourse, especially in the context of receiving foreign aid after typhoons. It was committed by attaching specific adjectives such as ―indignant‖, ―infuriated‖, and ―wrathful‖ beside Duterte‘s name. It must be noted, moreover, that, in Critical Stylistics, such attachment of a modifier to a noun creates a noun phrase — a linguistic unit which becomes a ‗fact‘ that cannot anymore be contested. To wit, the phrase ―the indignant Duterte‖ sounds incontestable, while ―Duterte, who is indignant because of …‖ sounds contestable.
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Having said that, further analysis of the contexts in which texts were embedded reveals that the online news content framed Duterte as someone who is ―ungrateful‖ despite all the aid the donor entities had sent to the Philippines. Some of the participants of the reading exercise conducted, in fact, saw Duterte‘s ―uncontrolled emotions‖ as a sign of ungratefulness. Thus, because Duterte was already put into bad light — with his counter-hegemonic statements already being undermined — the shift of blame went towards him, instead of going towards donor entities who, as explained in many political studies, have hegemonic intentions behind their acts of generosity.
The research also reveals that such concept of ―ungratefulness‖ also extends to the Filipinos themselves. For example, in online news article entitled, ―U.S. Marines Bringing Typhoon Aid to
Philippine Shores‖ (Thompson, 2013), the writer had written:
Twenty years after Manila kicked the U.S. military out, it‘s among the first there to help (p.24) The writer clearly used material action process in other to highlight the fact that, we Filipinos, as recipients of foreign aid (such as the ‗aid‘ that U.S. military could contribute to disaster response) have become ‗ungrateful‘ to the U.S. by ―kicking‖ the U.S. military out of our borders.
Further analysis of the context of the article reveals that such linguistic manipulation has specific ideological goal: that is, to tap into the conscience of the reader in order to justify the return of the U.S. military in the Philippines.
Chill ka lang! Nandito na si Batman: On the portrayal of donor entities as superior and messianic entities The research reveals that the writers of online news content regarding post-typhoon situations had linguistically manipulated the online news content in order to frame donor entities, especially the United States, as something messianic. To wit, these writers used linguistic tools in order to fulfill such goal.
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Having said that, the in-depth analysis of texts reveals that the first problem is the frequent use of material action processes in order to highlight the degree of civility that the donor entities have; such concept of ―civility‖ is forwarded in order to emphasise that the ‗heroic‘ attitude of these donor entities have limitations and/or conditions. For example, in a Rappler article entitled,
―What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without US, EU, and UN‖ (Gavilan, 2016), it was stated:
Many officials have cautioned Duterte to be careful with his words against foreign leaders and international bodies. US Senator Patrick Leahy in September already warned the Philippines of "further conditions" on US aid over the rise of extrajudicial killings.
Thus, in such instance, linguistic manipulation is undertaken in order to force the readers to believe that the main issue here is the ―rise of extrajudicial killings‖, when in fact, the main issue is the continuous intervention of the United States and of other donor entities in the State‘s affairs. (It must be noted that ―extrajudicial killings‖ are considered ―barbaric‖ and unacceptable, especially before the international law.) Hence, the online news writers‘ act of linguistic manipulation through the use of material action processes was committed to conceal the hegemonic intentions of these donor entities.
Thus, if such intentions were concealed, the readers of texts will think highly of them, as they will never be able to know that such intentions exist, which could harm them. As such, they will be forced to defend them from those who criticise them. More so, there might be a possibility that they must be worthy of appreciation and praise from the Filipinos themselves, as explained earlier in the previous sub-section.
The in-depth analysis also reveals that the ‗heroic‘ or ‗messianic‘ aura of donor entities, especially the United States, emanates from the fact that they are superior in terms of strategies
102 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL and technologies — a quality that online news writers repeatedly emphasised through linguistic manipulation. One key example manifests in a New York Times article entitled, from ―Typhoon
Response Highlights Weaknesses in Philippine Military‖ (Jacobs, 2013), in which it was stated:
―As American cargo planes and military helicopters zipped across the sky above this decimated city, ferrying badly needed supplies to typhoon survivors, Philippine soldiers were working with what little they had — relying on motorcycles and boats to ferry messages between the army‘s provincial headquarters and stricken municipalities along the eastern coast of Samar, some of them more than a hundred miles away.‖ (Emphasis added)
In the above example, the writer used comparative opposition in order to highlight not only the weakness of the Philippine military in terms of disaster response, but also the strength of the U.S. military. Upon consideration of the context of article per se and the contexts of other articles related to such topic, such usage of linguistic tool clearly had ideological functions, including (1) to justify the return of the U.S. military in the Philippines and (2) to show that the country would be better if we accept the aid coming from donor entities, especially the United States through its armed forces.
The in-depth content analysis also reveals that the online news writers exploited the quarrelling between world superpowers in order to highlight the messianic act of the ‗better, more benevolent‘ superpower. For instance, in an article entitled, ―Typhoon Haiyan: What‘s a
Superpower to Do?‖ (Thompson, 2013) published by the Time Magazine, it was stated that:
―Yet while American aid is flowing across the Pacific to the hard-hit archipelago, where thousands have died, Chinese help is barely trickling across the South China Sea in the wake of last weekend‘s typhoon.‖ In the above passage, the writer used explicit opposition in order to stress that the United States was the one who truly helped the Philippines during the wake of Typhoon Yolanda. By undermining China‘s measly relief efforts, the writer succeeded in imposing into the minds of
103 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL the reader that the Philippines will be in much better position if it continues to side with the
United States, simply because of the huge amount of donations that we have been receiving from them during typhoon aftermaths. Furthermore, this dichotomisation between the ‗good donor‘ and the ‗bad donor‘ only created a façade which helps conceal the fact that, regardless of how huge those donations are, receiving such aid will further reinforce aid dependency and disaster capitalism in the Philippines.
On (foreign) humanitarian aid as having positive effects to the recipients
The study shows that, based on all qualitative and quantitative data gathered, that the content produced by online news sites, especially in the context of influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines could have ideological impacts to the readers as such content produced has the capability to make the readers believe that receiving (foreign) humanitarian aid will have positive effects to its recipients, such as the typhoon victims, in particular, and the country, in general.
Kulang ako, kung wala ka: on (re)imagining the Philippines and the typhoon victims’ welfare when deprived of humanitarian aid The research reveals that the writers of online news content regarding post-typhoon situations had linguistically manipulated the content in order to compel the readers to (re)imagine a scenario in which they would suffer if they were deprived of (foreign) humanitarian aid. To wit, these writers used linguistic tools in order to fulfill such goal.
The research reveals that most of the online news articles scrutinised used negation in order to produce such effect. For example, in a Rappler article entitled, ―What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without US, EU, and UN‖ (Gavilan, 2016), it was stated herein:
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On Tuesday, October 4, Duterte said he would never "kneel" before the US and even told President Barack Obama to "go to hell". (p.1)
In this case, the word "never" is used to cause negation. Now, we take into consideration the context of the article — which emphasises the 'leadership' of the US, EU, and UN during disaster relief operations and rehabilitation programs. The producer of the text forces us to think, "What if the reverse happened? What if Duterte didn‘t say such words to Obama?‖
Upon considering the situation described in the article, one possible scenario might appear in their minds: that humanitarian aid may not come here in the Philippines anymore if Duterte does not stop making statements against heads and representatives of donor entities. Thus, based on this finding, we can deduce that aid dependency evolves out of such (re)imagination by undermining the counter-hegemonic discourse forwarded by President Duterte.
In the headline also of the same article, the word ―without‖ therein was utilised to cause negation. Unlike any other statements in the article that causes negation, this headline is clearly explicit in making the readers visualise what will happen if they would not receive foreign aid from US, EU, and UN. Such effect also manifested in some of the responses of the participants of reading exercise; most of them felt alarmed and concerned as the counter-hegemonic statements issued and enunciated by officials could drive away possible donors. And when such donors were driven away and did not anymore send their aid, possible scenarios that may pop out of their heads include, but not limited to, further casualties and damages, failure of implementation of rehabilitation programs, and slow economic growth.
In other words, the online news writers exploited not only the readers‘ feelings of concern and alarm, but also their imaginations in order to reinforce aid dependency.
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Because of you, my life has changed: on the transformative impacts of humanitarian aid to the country and typhoon victims The research reveals that the writers of online news content regarding post-typhoon situations had linguistically manipulated the content in order to highlight the transformative impacts of humanitarian aid to the country and typhoon victims. To wit, these writers used linguistic tools in order to fulfill such goal.
For example, in a Rappler article entitled, ―What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without the US, EU, and UN‖ (Gavilan, 2016), it was stated:
For the families in hard-hit communities, there was also more suffering in the days, weeks, and months to come.
Donations from foreign governments and non-governmental organizations, however, poured in for the 1,472,251 affected families and helped ease their burden. (p.2) (emphasis added)
The linguistic analysis of the sample passage reveals that the writers of the online news content occasionally used transitional opposition in order to highlight the transformation of the situation primarily experienced by typhoon victims from negative to positive. In the particular aforementioned instance, considering the context of the whole article, the writer suggests to the readers that the victims will be better off if they receive foreign aid, especially without any hesitation.
The research also reveals that the writers also used explicit opposition in order to highlight the impacts of failing to receive aid. For example, in an Inquirer article entitled, ―No foreign aid yet for victims of Supertyphoon ‗Lawin‘‖ (Gascon, 2016), it was stated: ―The aftermath of Lawin‘s fury in Cagayan and other northern Luzon provinces this week was compared to that left by ―Yolanda,‖ which flattened Eastern Visayas in November 2013 and drew world attention and massive foreign aid and numerous aid workers. In contrast, residents here on Saturday noticed the absence of foreigners then cope with Lawin‘s destruction.‖ (p.21) (Emphasis added)
In the above example, the writer compares two post-disaster scenarios: during the aftermath of
Typhoon Yolanda, ―massive foreign aid‖ arrived with ―numerous aid workers‖ while during the
106 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL aftermath of Typhoon Lawin, there was an ―absence of foreigners‖. Further analysis of the texts points out that the writer was attempting to imply that the destruction caused by Yolanda and
Lawin are almost similar or comparable to each other. Taking into consideration the context of the article, comparing these post-disaster scenarios is a technique used to suggest to the readers that the Filipinos will not be better off when foreign humanitarian assistance is absent.
In other words, the online news writers of the examined articles linguistically manipulated the texts in order to highlight the positive impacts of receiving foreign aid and concealing its negative consequences.
Other pertinent remarks
The quantitative data collection also reveals that such (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency is also rooted on the preferences of Filipino recipients of aid — whether or not they will choose foreign aid on the basis of quality and cultural attachment. Connecting this to the linguistic analysis of findings above, we can deduce that the online news articles reinforce such dependency through a dichotomisation between the aid from (foreign) donor entities and the aid from (Philippine) government officials — the latter was portrayed as ‗inferior‘ and ‗of bad quality‘, while the former was represented as ‗modern‘, ‗superior‘, and ‗of high quality‘. Thus, the readers of the texts would further feel the need to prefer receiving aid from the former, especially if the writers impose into the minds of the readers that only one option must be chosen.
The quantitative data collection also reveals that despite all the failures in Philippine bureaucracy
(which manifests in corrupt and inefficient practices) during the wake of typhoons, majority of the respondents still have faith in the government machineries and still believe that foreign aid
107 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL should not just arrive to fill in the gaps. Connecting this to the linguistic analysis of findings above, we can deduce that the online news writers were trying to alter this view by portraying the donor entities as someone or something that can get typhoon victims or survivors out of their current predicament, which the government officials cannot solve in their behalf. In short, negative portrayal of state actors was used in order to reinforce aid dependency.
The quantitative data collection also reveals that the majority of the respondents believe that the aid coming from other countries was not sent with any conditions or was not attached with any ill intentions. Such fact also is supported by the result of another set of survey responses; in which majority of the respondents believe that online news sites were able to compel them to think that (foreign) humanitarian aid carries with it a positive consequence to the Philippines and to disaster-stricken areas. Looking back, the producers of online texts linguistically manipulated the content in order to achieve such goal; and by achieving such, the recipients of aid will be impelled to defend something that benefits and does not harm them, aid dependency will be formed or reinforced.
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CHAPTER VIII: DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS This study is a linguistic approach to the politics of humanitarian aid dependency; hence, it gives a fresher take to understanding how political economy works on an individual level, especially on the peoples of the Global South. As stated in the first part of the study, the mainstream studies of the politics of humanitarian aid mainly focus on the dependency that occurs in the State level and on the institutionalisation of neoliberal policies — a consequence of disaster capitalism — as a result of such dependency.
Limitations of the study and the effects thereof
This study has several limitations. First, the researcher was not able to generalise and conclude that Filipinos are indeed dependent on (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths, because he used convenience sampling for the survey. However, despite the inability to generalise, the research had shown that the topic deserved to be studied because even a few instances in which dependency (on an individual level exists) is already significant, as, when time goes by, it could further proliferate until we reach a point in which return will not anymore be possible.
Second, the researcher was not able to do a linguistic analysis of online news content written in
Tagalog and other regional languages, because there are no guiding principles yet regarding how to do a critical discourse analysis in such language. Moreover, most of the online news content accessible both by the researcher and by the online readers was written in English — the
―universal language‖. Because of that, the research might have failed to take into account how different the ideological impacts of online texts would be if the articles examined were written in
Tagalog and other regional languages.
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Third, the researcher was not anymore able to do a semiotic analysis of the photos and videos that the online news sites had put beside the texts, because, in the first place, Semiotics and
Stylistics are two different fields. In this study, the researcher only used the tools commonly used in Stylistics, thus, only the verbal texts were examined. The researcher furthermore believes that if semiotic analysis was undertaken, the results of this study would be further supported.
Lastly, the research does not anymore cover the linguistic analysis of texts produced by mainstream media outlets, and only focused on the linguistic analysis of online news content.
This is because of the researcher‘s belief that the production of online news content is not oftentimes a focus on the study of the linguistic manipulation of texts that could support the develop countries‘ hegemony over the developing ones.
Conclusions based on findings
In sum, this study exposes one pertinent fact: that (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency, both in individual and state levels, is the prevailing status quo. The producers of online news content, just like the texts producers in the mass media, linguistically manipulated the texts in order to create specific ideological impacts to the readers in order to make them dependent on (foreign) humanitarian aid when disasters, such as typhoons, ravage the country. The clearest manifestation of such impacts could be seen right away in the results of reading exercise, in which all of the respondents, after the reading the articles, expressed changes in opinions regarding (foreign) humanitarian aid and its senders from negative to positive, and showed signs of dependency.
Therefore, the research failed to prove the entirety of the conceptual framework of the study. The findings suggest that the linguistic manipulation of online news content alone is not sufficient
110 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL enough to reinforce (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency among Filipinos. In fact, such reinforcement of dependency could arise from the ideological impacts of such manipulation. If the conceptual framework (what is) would be reorganised, it would look like this:
Figure 12. The Conceptual Framework (What Is), Reorganised Based on Findings
These specific ideological impacts are the following:
Exalting the donor entities and the aid they sent, while putting into bad light the victims
and the domestic officials
Undermining the collective efforts of the typhoon victims themselves
Highlighting the Messianic attitudes of donor entities and the impossibility of recovery
and rehabilitation if aid is not received
Concealing the negative consequences of receiving such aid
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Furthermore, the results of reading exercise reveal that these specific ideological impacts could have an increased force and momentum if the online news sites and their content possess the elements of journalistic objectivity and journalistic credibility. It is because of the fact that if they sound more credible and objective, their capacity to manipulate or influence public opiniom also strengthens, as Abalos (2017, personal communication) suggests.
However, such failure to prove the entire conceptual framework had paved the way for the research to answer the research question, ―How does the linguistic manipulation of content by the online news sites contribute to the Filipino people's dependency on (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths?‖, because the specific ideological impacts stated above are the exact mechanisms which online news sites exploited in order to reinforce Filipino people‘s dependency on (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths. Lastly, the collection of primary and secondary data undertaken by the researcher had led to the attainment of the general and the specific objectives of this research.
Recommendations
While the research succeeded in exposing the existence of and the impacts to the Filipinos of linguistic manipulation of online news content, the research failed to cover some aspects of the politics of information dissemination in social media and of humanitarian aid dependency.
Because of that, the researcher forwards this set of recommendations:
To future researchers: Because this study failed to generalise due to sampling methods,
the researcher wishes that other researchers or scholars will also use quantitative methods
in order to prove that, in general, (foreign) humanitarian aid dependency exists in an
individual level, not only among Filipinos, but also to other nationalities as well. They
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might as well use inferential statistics to correlate exposure to social media and aid
dependency.
To public servants: The qualitative and quantitative data presented in this research
suggest that the faith of Filipinos on the systems that the government had established is
already dwindling because of corrupt and inefficient practices within the Philippine
bureaucracy. Thus, this research calls for a legislation of policies that will help reduce
corruption and ensure accountability, especially in the context of disaster response.
Moreover, in order to halt Filipinos‘ dependency on (foreign) aid, the government must
produce better campaigns for disaster response and risk management.
To media outlets: The linguistic analysis of online news context reveals that the
perspectives of typhoon victims were drowned out in favor of the perspectives of donor
entities and of the Philippine government officials. Therefore, this research calls out to
news outlets, whether social media-based or traditional media-based, to provide fresh
perspectives from the typhoon victims themselves and highlight their self-empowering
acts — acts in which they can rebuild on their own.
To the Filipino people: To read articles from mainstream and social media outlets is all
right, as long as the sources are reliable. However, as this study exposed that journalistic
credibility and objectivity are used as tools so that the readers will absorb the information
embedded in the texts in which hegemonic intentions are concealed, the researcher
advises them to read articles or watch videos from alternative media outlets like Bulatlat
and Altermidya, because these outlets provide alternative facts which the online news
sites failed to show because of their respective ideologies. The research also encourages
the Filipino people to be more self-reliant and do not depend too much on (foreign) aid
113 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
when typhoon comes, because in the end, they will be the ones who will be affected when
neoliberal programs had become legitimised and institutionalised as a consequence of
receiving such aid.
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CHAPTER IX: FINAL REMARKS
In this world in which rapid technological advancement occurs and the impacts of globalisation are increasingly felt in almost all regions, social media is slowly taking the dominion over the business of information dissemination. As more people become exposed to worldly realities through the narratives presented by social media, their views and beliefs on specific phenomena become prone to alteration and manipulation, until such time they will not anymore recognise that such acts are used as oppressive tools against them by the very institutions they deemed reliable and objective to begin with.
The results of data analysis of this study — when further analysed in conjunction with the discussions in related literatures — lead us to deduce that, when a nation-state, especially in the
Global South, becomes dependent on foreign aid, it becomes more prone to negative impacts of the policies promoted by regional hegemons. Such effect could also happen when (aid) dependency becomes present in an individual level, because once the public opinion start to be concentrated toward a positive outlook towards receiving foreign aid, the people would be inspired to defend it; and when the people begin doing so, the institutionalisation and legitimisation of neoliberal and other oppressive programs will take place, as explained by Klein
(2007). One example of this scenario manifests on the fact that linguistic manipulation of online news content was used to convince Filipino readers that the return of U.S. military to the
Philippines will bring no harm, and instead, will only bring good opportunities, like more jobs that will address unemployment and faster disaster response that will help lessen casualties.
Furthermore, the findings of this thesis are summarised in this passage I have written:
Not all those who pledged to help you in times of great distress will do such an act out of compassion and generosity. Remember that even your 'kindest' neighbours may aid you when you
115 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL
are struggling to cope up after a storm, and yet, because you trusted them so much, you would never know how they have been exploiting your situation in order to exalt themselves. And sometimes, in order to conceal such intention, they would connive with your info-disseminating neighbours; they would control discourses and manipulate narratives concerning your situation so that, in the end, they would profit from your own vulnerability.
Therefore, in order to be more self-empowered and to emancipate themselves from the shackles of disaster capitalism, the Filipinos themselves must produce counter-hegemonic discourses; and in quest for such, they must utilise and accept every opportunity that will help develop their critical thinking, because, in the end, if they failed to do so, they will be the ones who will suffer.
This is because of the fact that when we remain apathetic, there would be a time when big businesses and powerful governments would leave our land barren with its resources depleted, because we are overly preoccupied by our own state of affairs.
Hence, in order to defeat disaster capitalists, the people must first unite in tackling the root causes of the problem of aid dependency. The people, thus, must stand united in making the media accountable for their respective news coverage that reflect their biases and ideologies — whose consequences would be detrimental not only to those who were victimised by either natural or man-made disasters, but also to, us, the Filipino masses, whose vulnerability to
‗disaster shocks‘ was taken as an advantage by the global hegemons for a very long time.
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Appendix A: A Survey on Filipinos' Views on Foreign Relief Operations and Rehabilitation Programs during Typhoon Aftermaths [English Translation] (Page One) Region of Permanent Residence 1. Ilocos Region (Region I) 2. Cagayan Valley (Region II) 3. Central Luzon (Region III) 4. CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 5. MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 6. Bicol Region (Region V) 7. Western Visayas (Region VI) 8. Central Visayas (Region VII) 9. Eastern Visayas (Region VIII) 10. Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) 11. Northern Mindanao (Region X) 12. Davao Region (Region XI) 13. SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) 14. Caraga (Region XIII) 15. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) 16. Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) 17. National Capital Region (NCR) 18. Negros Island Region (NIR) Age 1. Below 18 years old 2. 18-21 years old 3. 22-28 years old 4. 29-35 years old 5. 36-43 years old 6. 44-49 years old 7. 50-57 years old 8. 58-65 years old 9. Above 65 years old In which of the following languages would you wish to read and answer this survey? a. Tagalog b. English c. Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) d. Waray e. Cebuano f. Hiligaynon (Page Two) A Survey on Filipinos' Views on Foreign Relief Operations and Rehabilitation Programs during Typhoon Aftermaths
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Hello! I am Josue‘ A Libby‘s R. Mapagdalita, a senior undergraduate student of University of the Philippines Manila Political Science program. I am under the supervision of my faculty adviser Dr. Josefina G. Tayag. I would like to invite you to answer this survey as a form of participation in my research study entitled, ―Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka Nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka Sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Online News Articles to Understanding the Increasing Dependency of Filipinos on Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths.‖ In order to achieve the best results, I would like to obtain your opinions regarding (the influx of) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths in the Philippines, which will add to the knowledge related to the politics of humanitarian aid dependency. Since this survey form contains questions regarding your experiences during typhoons, it may affect you psychologically. You may opt not to resume answering this form in case you experience anxiety, discomfort, or any another negative emotions. If so, your replies will then be discarded and no longer used. We do intend to aggregate data. So please be minded that your identity and will be kept confidential and that your individual responses will be kept anonymous, will only be ulitised by the researcher undertaking the study, and will be discarded immediately after the duration of the study. If you have questions concerning this survey or the entire research, please contact me at 09978473097 or at [email protected]. You are also free to contact my professor, Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, at 0917-8580-569 or at [email protected]. Name/Nickname (optional): ______Do you wish to receive a copy of this survey and of this study? If yes, please write your e- mail below. ______(Page Three) Victim's and Non-Victim's Experiences Have you experienced being a victim of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons? (The 'victim' in this question refers to a person who was severely hurt or damaged — whether physically, psychologically, economically, financially, socially or in any other aspects — during and after tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons. The 'victim' may also refer to a person who has experienced psychological trauma after seeing his or her friend(s) or relative(s) die or fall ill due to the aforementioned disasters.) a. Yes b. No (Page Four) Victim's Experiences How many times have you felt you were a victim of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons? a. Once b. Twice
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c. 3-4 times d. 5-7 times e. More than 7 times (Page Five) General Views on Foreign Relief Operations and Rehabilitation Programs in the Philippines Express your agreement with the following statements using this scale: 1 - Strongly Agree; 2 - Agree; 3 - Neutral; 4 - Disagree; and, 5 – Strongly Disagree 1. I believe that local relief goods are much better in terms of quality and freshness than foreign relief goods. 1 2 3 4 5 2. When tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, or supertyphoons arrive and have made significant damages, I would prefer receiving foreign relief goods instead of local relief goods because I love goods that are produced and sent from other countries like the United States and Japan. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I believe that unlike foreign agencies, local and national governments are efficient enough in delivering and distributing the urgent needs of the victims of typhoons. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I believe that local relief operations are not enough so we really need foreign aid after the destruction caused by tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons in the country. 1 2 3 4 5 5. I believe that when disasters, most especially tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons hit our country, other countries will help us without getting or expecting anything in return. 1 2 3 4 5 6. I believe that whether or not we are hit by tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, or supertyphoons, foreign aid should enter our country without any hindrance or prevention. 1 2 3 4 5 7. I believe that donor countries must be considered ‗heroes‘ or ‗saviors‘ because they sent humanitarian aid in the Philippines during the aftermaths of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, or supertyphoons. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Six) Online News Sites and Television Media's Influence in Shaping Filipino People's Views towards Humanitarian Aid Which of the following deeply influenced your current views on foreign relief operations and rehabilitation programs? Choose only one. a. Social networking sites (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) b. Online News Sites (rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com,philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc.) c. Print media (books, newspapers, journals, policy papers, etc.) d. Television media (GMA 7, ABS-CBN 2, TV 5, People's Television, CNN, BBC, etc.) e. Radio media (DZMM, Radio Inquirer, Bombo Radyo, Monster Radio, DZRH News, etc.) f. Advertisements g. Personal, direct experiences h. Conversation with my teachers or professors i. Conversation with friends, acquaintances, relatives, and strangers j. Pronouncements of state and local leaders
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1. Online news sites, such as rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, have contributed a lot to my positive perception towards foreign relief operations and rehabilitation programs in the Philippines. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Local online news sites supply the best coverage of tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons in our country. 1 2 3 4 5 3. I do not believe that online news sites, whether local or foreign, have influenced my thinking towards my immediate surroundings. 1 2 3 4 5 4. I do not believe that online news sites, whether local or foreign, have influenced me to think that foreign relief operations and rehabilitation programs always good for our country, especially in devastated areas or regions. 1 2 3 4 5 5. In general, I agree with everything that is being said in the news coverage of online news sites especially with regard to tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons in our country. 1 2 3 4 5 6. In general, I believe that the help coming from other countries should be the highlight of the news coverage (in online news sites) after tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons in our country. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Seven) Filipinos' Opinions on Being Dependent on Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths ('Humanitarian aid' refers to any aid, usually in the form of relief operations, coming from other countries, foreign corporations, and international organizations. Technically, it may only be a relief operation, a rehabilitation program, a combination of both, or a combination of relief operations, rehabilitation programs, and other types of possible assistance.) In general, do you think that the Philippines can survive or stand on its own feet after being hit by tropical cyclones, tropical storms, typhoons, and supertyphoons without the need for humanitarian aid? a. Yes b. No Why or why not? ______
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Appendix B: Isang Survey sa Pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa mga Banyagang 'Relief Operation' at 'Rehabilitation Program' Pagkatapos ng Pananalasa ng mga Bagyo [Tagalog Translation] (Page One) Rehiyon ng Permanenteng Paninirahan 1. Ilocos Region (Region I) 2. Cagayan Valley (Region II) 3. Central Luzon (Region III) 4. CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 5. MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 6. Bicol Region (Region V) 7. Western Visayas (Region VI) 8. Central Visayas (Region VII) 9. Eastern Visayas (Region VIII) 10. Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) 11. Northern Mindanao (Region X) 12. Davao Region (Region XI) 13. SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) 14. Caraga (Region XIII) 15. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) 16. Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) 17. National Capital Region (NCR) 18. Negros Island Region (NIR) Edad 1. Below 18 years old 2. 18-21 years old 3. 22-28 years old 4. 29-35 years old 5. 36-43 years old 6. 44-49 years old 7. 50-57 years old 8. 58-65 years old 9. Above 65 years old Sa aling wika nais mong basahin at sagutan ang survey na ito? a. Tagalog b. English c. Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) d. Waray e. Cebuano f. Hiligaynon (Page Two) Isang Survey sa Pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa Tulong-Banyaga Pagkatapos ng Pananalasa ng mga Bagyo
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Hello po! Ako po si Josue Mapagdalita, isang undergraduate na mag-aaral ng Agham Pampolitika (o Dalubbanwahan) sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (UP) Maynila. Ako ay nasa ilalim ng pangangasiwa ng aking gurong tagapayo na si Dr. Josefina G. Tayag. Inaanyayahan ko po kayo na sagutan ang survey form na ito bilang partisipasyon sa aking pag- aaral na pinamagatang, ―Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, kung Wala Ka Nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: Isang Kritikal na Pagsusuri sa Diskurso ng ‗Online News Articles‘ tungo sa Pag-unawa sa Patuloy na Pagiging Palaasa ng mga Pilipino sa Tulong- Banyaga (Humanitarian Aid) Matapos Manalasa ng mga Malalakas na Bagyo‖. Upang makamtan ang pinakamaganda at pinakamahusay na resulta, nais ko po sanang kunin ang inyong opinyon patungkol sa pagpasok ng mga tulong-banyaga (foreign humanitarian aid) pagkatapos manalasa ng mga malalakas na bagyo. Anomang impormasyon na iyong ipamamahagi ay makatutulong sa pagpapadagdag ng kaalaman patungkol sa pagiging palaasa sa tulong-banyaga (humanitarian aid dependency) at sa pagpapalalim ng isyung politikal na nakakabit dito. Dahil ang survey na ito ay naglalaman ng mga katanungan patungkol sa inyong mga karanasan sa panahon ng mga malalakas na bagyo, ito ay maaaring makaapekto sa inyo sa aspetong sikolohikal. Maaari ninyo pong piliin na hindi ipagpatuloy ang pagsasagot sa form na ito kung sakali mang makaranas kayo ng pagkabalisa, takot, o anomang negatibong damdamin. Kung mangyari man ito, ang inyong mga kasagutan ay buburahin at hindi na gagamitin sa pag-aaral. Layunin namin na pagsama-samahin ang mga datos. Kaya naman asahan po ninyo na ang inyong pagkakakilanlan ay mananatiling lihim at ang inyong mga kasagutan ay gagamitin lamang ng mananaliksik na nagsasagawa ng pag-aaral na ito. Kung may mga katanungan po kayo patungkol sa survey na ito o sa mismong pag-aaral, maaari ninyo po akong kontakin sa numerong 09978473097 o sa pamamagitan ng pagpapadala ng e- mail sa [email protected]. Maaari niyo rin pong kontakin ang aking propesor na si Dr. Josefina G. Tayag sa 09178580569 o sa [email protected]. Pangalan/Palayaw (opsyonal): ______Nais mo bang makatanggap ng kopya ng resulta ng survey at ng pag-aaral na ito? Kung oo, mangyaring pakisulat ang iyong e-mail rito. ______(Page Three) Karanasan ng mga Biktima at Hindi-Biktima Naranasan mo na bang maging biktima ng mga bagyo sa anomang lakas ng mga ito? (Ang ‗biktima‘ sa katanungang ito ay tumutukoy sa taong lubos na nasaktan o napinsala — maging sa pisikal, sikolohikal, ekonomikal, pinansyal, sosyal, o kahit sa iba pang mga aspeto — sa panahon ng pananalasa ng bagyo. Ang ‗biktima‘ ay maaari ring tumukoy sa taong nakaranas o nakararanas ng sikolokihal na trauma matapos na masaksihan ang pagkakasakit o pagkamatay ng mga kaibigan o mga kamag-anak dahil sa pananalasa ng mga bagyo.) a. Oo b. Hindi (Page Four) Karanasan ng mga Biktima Sa iyong palagay, ilang beses ka nang naging biktima ng mga bagyo at ng mga pananalasa nito?
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a. Isang beses b. Dalawang beses c. Tatlo hanggang apat na beses d. Lima hanggang pitong beses e. Higit sa pitong beses (Page Five) Pangkalahatang Pananaw o Pagtingin sa „Relief Operations‟ at „Rehabilitation Programs‟ ng mga Banyaga sa Pilipinas Sagutan gamit ang mga sumusunod na puntos: 1 - Lubos na Sumasang-ayon; 2 - Sang-ayon; 3 - Walang Pagkiling; 4 - Hindi Sumasang-ayon; at 5 - Lubos na hindi Sumasang-ayon 1. Naniniwala ako na ang relief goods na mula sa loob ng ating bansa ay mas maganda ang kalidad at mas sariwa kaysa sa relief goods na mula sa mga banyaga. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Kapag mananalasa ang mga bagyo at magdudulot ng pinsala, mas nanaisin ko pang makatanggap ng relief goods mula sa mga banyaga kaysa sa relief goods mula sa loob ng ating bansa dahil mas tinatangkilik ko ang mga produkto na nagmula sa ibang mga bansa gaya ng United States at Japan. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Naniniwala ako na, di katulad ng mga banyagang ahensya o organisasyon, ang lokal at pambansang pamahalaan ay mabisang nagpapadala ng tulong at mabisang naipamamahagi ang mga kagyat na pangangailangan ng mga biktima ng bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Naniniwala ako na ang lokal na ‗relief operations‘ ay hindi sapat kaya kailangan natin ng tulong-banyaga pagkatapos manalasa ng mga bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Naniniwala ako na sa tuwing may tatamang kalamidad, gaya ng bagyo, sa ating bansa, ang ibang mga bansa ay tutulong sa atin na walang hihingiin na kapalit. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Naniniwala ako na tamaan man tayo o hindi ng bagyo, ang tulong-banyaga ay marapat lamang na makapasok sa ating bansa na walang pagkontrol o pagpigil. 1 2 3 4 5 7. Naniniwala ako na, ang ibang mga bansa na nagpapadala ng tulong (sa anomang anyo) pagkatapos ng pananalasa ng mga bagyo ay dapat nating ituring na mga ‗bayani‘ o ‗tagapagligtas‘. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Six) Impluwensya ng Online News Sites sa Paghuhubog ng Pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa Tulong-Banyaga (Humanitarian Aid) Alin sa mga ito ang pinakanakaimpluwensiya sa iyong kasalukuyang pagtingin o pagtrato sa „relief operations‟ at „rehabilitation programs‟ na mula sa mga banyaga? Pumili lamang ng isang sagot. a. Social networking sites (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) b. Online News Sites (rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com,philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc.) c. Print media (mga aklat, pahayagan, dyornal, peryodiko, etc.) d. TV media (GMA 7, ABS-CBN 2, TV 5, People's Television, CNN, BBC, etc.) e. Radio media (DZMM, Radio Inquirer, Bombo Radyo, DZRH News, etc.) f. Mga palastastas g. Personal at direktang karanasan h. Pakikipag-usap samga guro o propesor i. Pakikipag-usap sa mga kaibigan, kakilala, kamag-anak, at sa mga taong di-kilala j. Pahayag ng mga lider ng probinsya o ng estado
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1. Malaki ang naiambag ng lokal o banyagang uri ng ‗online news sites‘ — gaya ng rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com — sa aking positibong pananaw sa ‗relief operations‘ at ‗rehabilitation programs‘ na isinasagawa ng mga banyaga sa ating bansa. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Ang lokal na ‗online news sites‘ ay nagsusuplay ng pinakamahusay na ulat tungkol sa mga bagyong dumarating sa ating bansa. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Di ako naniniwala na ang ‗online news sites‘, banyaga man o lokal, ay nakaimpluwensya sa aking pagtingin o pananaw sa aking kapaligiran. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Di ako naniniwala na ang ‗online news sites‘, banyaga man o lokal, ay nakaimpluwensya sa akin na isipin na palaging nakatutulong ang ‗relief operations‘ at ‗rehabilitation programs‘ ng mga banyaga rito sa ating bansa, lalo na sa mga lugar na nasalanta ng mga bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Sa pangkalahatan, sumasang-ayon ako sa lahat ng nilalaman ng mga ulat ng ‗online news sites‘ lalo na kung ang ulat ay may kinalaman sa mga bagyong dumating sa ating bansa. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Sa pangkalahatan, naniniwala ako na ang tulong na natatanggap ng Pilipinas mula sa ibang bansa pagkatapos ng pananalasa ng mga bagyo ay siyang dapat na maging sentro ng pag- uulat ng ‗online news sites‘. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Seven) Opinyon ng mga Pilipino patungkol sa Pagiging Palaasa sa Tulong-Banyaga (Humanitarian Aid) Pagkatapos Manalasa ng mga Bagyo (Ang ‗humanitarian aid‘ ay tumutukoy sa kahit anong tulong — kadalasan sa porma ng ‗relief operations‘,‗rehabilitation programs‘, kombinasyon ng mga ito, o kombinasyon ng ‗relief operations‘, ‗rehabilitation programs‘ at iba pang posibleng uri ng tulong — na mula sa iba pang mga bansa, mga dayuhang korporasyon, at mga pandaigdigang organisasyon o samahan.) Sa pangkalahatan, naniniwala ka ba na kakayanin ng Pilipinas na tumayo sa sarili nitong mga paa matapos manalasa ng mga bagyo, gaano man kalakas ang mga ito? a. Oo b. Hindi Bakit o bakit hindi? ______
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Appendix C: Sarong Survey sa Paghiling kan mga Pilipino sa Tabang-Banwa kan Pagrangkag kang Nakaaging Bagyo. [Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) Translation] (Page One) Rehiyon ng Permanenteng Paninirahan 1. Ilocos Region (Region I) 2. Cagayan Valley (Region II) 3. Central Luzon (Region III) 4. CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 5. MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 6. Bicol Region (Region V) 7. Western Visayas (Region VI) 8. Central Visayas (Region VII) 9. Eastern Visayas (Region VIII) 10. Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) 11. Northern Mindanao (Region X) 12. Davao Region (Region XI) 13. SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) 14. Caraga (Region XIII) 15. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) 16. Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) 17. National Capital Region (NCR) 18. Negros Island Region (NIR) Edad 1. Below 18 years old 2. 18-21 years old 3. 22-28 years old 4. 29-35 years old 5. 36-43 years old 6. 44-49 years old 7. 50-57 years old 8. 58-65 years old 9. Above 65 years old Sa unong wika muya mong sabihun sain simbagan an survey na ini? a. Tagalog b. English c. Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) d. Waray e. Cebuano f. Hiligaynon
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(Page Two) Sarong survey sa Paghiling kan mga Pilipino sa Tabang-Banwa kan Pagrangkag kang Nakaaging Bagyo. Hello tabi, ako tabi si Josue Mapagdalita, sarong estudyante na nagaadal kan Agham Pampolitika sa UP Maynila. Sa irarum kan pagdangad kan sakuyang maestro na si Dr. Josefina Tayag, DPA, ret. Pigaimbitaran ko tabi kamo na cimbagan an survey form na ini na sakuyang pigadalan na igwang titulong "Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, kung Wala Ka Nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka sa Akin... Hindi kita Bibitawan: Sarong Mapagal na Pagadal sa Diskurso kan 'Online News Articles' Manungod sa Pagkasabot sa Padagos na Pirming Pagako kan mga Pilopino sa Tabang Banwa (Foreign Humanitarian Aid) kan Rapaduhun ki Makusog na Bagyo". Asin makua an pinakamagayon asin marhay na resulta, manungod ko po na kuwaon an saidong opinyon manungod sa paglaog kan tabang banwa (foreign humanitarian Aid) kan mga nakaaging pagrapado kang bagyo. Anumang aram an saindong ikatao eyung makatabang dagdagi an aram manungod sa pirming pagako kang tabang banwa (humanitarian aid dependency) asin kan pagpapairarum kan isyung politikal na amo digdi. Ta an survey na ini ay nagalaog kan mga apot manungud sa saidong mga agiagi sa aldaw kang nakaaging bagyo. Ini pweding makaulakit sa saindo pagabot sa sikolohikal. Pwede man nindong dae piliun na ipadagos an pagsimbag sa form na ini kung makamuot man kamo nin pagduwaduwa, takot, asin maskianong maraot na pagmati. Sa gabos, tubodannindo na an saindong pagkamidbid ay satuya sana asin an saindong mga simbag iyu gagamitun sana kang mananaliksik na nagagibo kan pagadal na ini. Kun igwa ki kahaputan manungod sa survey na ini o maski sa pagadal, pwede nindo akong apudan sa numerong 09978473097. Pwede man nindo akong padarahan ki e-mail sa [email protected]. O pwede man nindo apudan sakuyang maestra sa 09178580569 o sa [email protected]. Pangaran (opsyonal): ______Kun muya mong makakua ki kopya kan resulta kan survey asin sa pagadal na ini? Kun eyu, ikaag an e-mail digdi. ______(Page Three) Agiagi kan Nakaekpiryensya Asin dae kan Bagyo. Naagihan mo na ika saro sa nakaekspiryensya kan mga bagyo sa maski anong kusog kaidto? (An ‗biktima‘ sa apod na ini iyu an nakulugan asin naraotan— maging sa pisikal, sikolohikal, ekonomikal, pinansyal, sosyal, o sain mang aspeto — kan aldaw na nagagi an bagyo. An ―biktima‖ pwede man magngaran sa tawong nakaekspiryensya kan sikolohokal na trauma kan mahiling an pagkagadan kan mga kaibigan asin kadugo na taggibo ki bagyo.) a. Eyu b. Dae (Page Four) Agiagi kan mga Nakaekspiryensya kan Bagyo. Sa indong pagkasabot, pirang beses ka nang naagihan ki bagyo asin narautan kaito?
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a. Sarong beses b. Duwang beses c. Tulo sangkid apat na beses d. Lima sangkid pitong beses e. Dakol pa sa pitong beses (Page Five) Sa Gabos na Pagtubod Asin Paghiling sa „Relief Operations‟ at „Rehabilitation Programs‟ sa Luwas ning Vanwa kan Pilipinas Simbagan ang minasunod: 1 - Siguradong Pagtubod; 2 – Nanubod; 3 - Daeng Pakiaram; 4 - Dae Nagtubod; 5 - Siguradong Dae Nanunubod 1. Nagatubod ako na ang relief goods na yaon digdi sa satuyang banwa ay maray ang kalidad asin bago kaysa sa relief goods na pigtao kang ibang banwa. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Pag yaon na ang bagyo asin nagduros ki dakulang pagkaraot, mas maray na makua ko ang relief goods na tao kang ibang banwa kaysa sa relief goods na yaon digdi sa satuyang banwa ta mas pigakua ko an produkto na yaon sa luwas kang banwa arog kang Unietd State asin Japan. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Nanunubod ako na, dae arog kang ibang banwa o organisasyon, ining lokal asin pangbanwang pamahalaan ta lamang nagapadara ki tabang asin maray na naitatao an mga munang pangangaipo kan tawo sa inagihan kang bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Nanunubod ako na an banwang relief operations ay dae gabos matataoan ta kaipuhan ta an tabang banwa pagkaagi kan bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Nanunubod ako na pagigwang nagaabot na delubyo arog kang bagyo sa satiya, an ibang banwa matabang satuya na daeng balik. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Nanunubod ako na agihan man kita o dae kang bagyo, an tabang hale sa luwas kan banwa ay makaabot o makalaog sa satuyang banwa na daeng pagpugol o pili. 1 2 3 4 5 7. Nanunubod ako na, an yaon sa lwas kang satuyang banwa na nagapadara ki tabang (sa ano mang paagi) pagkaagi kan bagyo na sinda midbid tang bayani o tagapagligtas. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Six) Nakakaulakit An Online News Sites sa pagsabot kan mga Pilipino sa Tabang - Banwa. Arin sa mga ini ang pinakanakauulakit sa saimong pagtubod o paghiling sa relief operations asin rehabilitation programs na tao kan ibang banwa? Mamili sana ki saro a. Social networking sites (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) b. Online News Sites (rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc.) c. Print media (mga aklat, pahayagan, dyornal, peryodiko, etc.) d. TV media (GMA 7, ABS-CBN 2, TV 5, People's Television, CNN, BBC, etc.) e. Radyo media (DZMM, Radio Inquirer, Bombo Radyo, DZRH News, etc.) f. Mga patalastas g. Saimo asin direktang agiagi h. Pakiistiryahan sa maestro o propesor i. Pakikiisturyahan sa saimong kaibigan, kamidbid, kamag-anak, asin sa tawong dae midbid j. Pasabi kan mga lider kan probinsya o ng estado 1. Dakula ang naitatabang kang lokal asin banyagang kang ‗online news sites‘ – arog kang rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com,philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc. — an
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sakuyang marhay na pagsabot sa ‗relief operations‘ at ‗rehabilitation programs‘ na piggigibo kang mga banyaga sa satuyang banwa. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Ang lokal na ‗online news sites‘ ay nagtatao kang pinakamarhay na bareta manungud sa bagyong nagagi sa satuyang banwa. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Dae ako nanunubod na ang ‗online news sites‘ banyaga man o lokal ay nakakaulakit sa sakuyang pagtubod asin pagsabot sa sakuyang kapalibutan. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Dae ako nanunubod na ang ‗online news sites‘ banyaga man o lokal ay nakakaulakit sa satuyang pigrurumdom na pirming nnakakatabang ang ‗relief operations‘ at ‗rehabilitation programs‘ kan mga banyaga digdi sa bansa, lalo na su mga lugar na inagihan kang bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Sa gabos, nagtutubod ako na gabos na mga yaon nahihiling sa baretang sinurat sa ‗online news sites‘ lugod na kung ang bareta manungud sa nakaaging mga bagyo satuyang banwa. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Sa gabos, nanunubod ako na ang tabang na nakua kan Pilipinas na tao kan ibang banwa pagkaagi kan mga bagyo an mahiling sa baretang sinurat sa ‗online news sites‘. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Seven) Ano Man ang Matataram kan mga Pilipino Manungod sa Pagsarig sa Tabang Banyaga kan mga Nagaraging Bagyo. (An tabang banyaga o ‗foreign humanitarian aid‘ nagaako kan maski anong tabang – kadakulan sa paagi kan ‗relief operations‘,‗rehabilitation programs‘, pagkasaro kan duwa, o pagkasaro kan‗relief operations‘, ‗rehabilitation programs‘ asin iba pang porma kan pagtabang — na tao kan ibang banwa, mga dayuhang korporasyon, asin pangkinabang pagiriba.) Sa gabos, nanunubod ka na kaya kan pilipino ang magsolo na daeng tabang kang iba sa nakaaging bagyo, gawno man kakusog ini? a. Eyu b. Dae Nata o nata dae? ______
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Appendix D: Usa nga Survey han Pagkita han mga Pilipino ha Pagbulig Han Mga Tag-iba nga Nasod ha Pagdistroso han mga Bagyo Pag-ragasa han mga Bagyo [Waray Translation] (Page One) Rehiyon hit Permanente nga Ginuukyan 1. Ilocos Region (Region I) 2. Cagayan Valley (Region II) 3. Central Luzon (Region III) 4. CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 5. MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 6. Bicol Region (Region V) 7. Western Visayas (Region VI) 8. Central Visayas (Region VII) 9. Eastern Visayas (Region VIII) 10. Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) 11. Northern Mindanao (Region X) 12. Davao Region (Region XI) 13. SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) 14. Caraga (Region XIII) 15. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) 16. Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) 17. National Capital Region (NCR) 18. Negros Island Region (NIR) Edad 1. Below 18 years old 2. 18-21 years old 3. 22-28 years old 4. 29-35 years old 5. 36-43 years old 6. 44-49 years old 7. 50-57 years old 8. 58-65 years old 9. Above 65 years old
Ha ano nga lengwahe/dialekto mo gusto basahon ngan batunon ini nga survey? a. Tagalog b. English c. Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) d. Waray e. Cebuano f. Hiligaynon
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(Page Two) Usa nga Survey han Pagkita han mga Pilipino ha Pagbulig Han Mga Tag-iba nga Nasod ha Pagdistroso han mga Bagyo Pag-ragasa han mga Bagyo Maupay nga adlaw! Ako hi Josue Mapagdalita, usa nga estudyante han Political Science ha Unibersidad han Pilipinas (UP) Manila. Ginbubuligan ako han akon maestra nga hi Propesor Josefina Tayag. Gin-aaghat ko kamo nga batunon ini nga survey form bilang pag-partisipar ha akon pag-istudyo na mayda titulo, ―Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, kung Wala Ka Nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: Isang Kritikal na Pagsusuri sa Diskurso tungo sa Pag-unawa sa Patuloy na Pagiging Palaasa ng mga Pilipino sa Tulong-Banyaga (Humanitarian Aid) Matapos Manalasa ng mga Malalakas na Bagyo‖. Para makuha an pinakamahusay ngan pinakamaupay nga resulta, ginhihingyap ko nga makuha an iyo opinyon mahintungod hit pagsulod han mga bulig han iba nga langyaw (Humanitarian aid) kahuman han mga mabaskog nga bagyo. Bis ano nga impormasyon nga iyo maihahatag makakabulig hit kadugangan nga hibaro mahitunodg hin pagiging paratapod ha bulig han iba nga langyaw (humanitarian aid dependency) ngan sa pagapahilarum han isyu political nga kaupod hini. Mahitungod nga ha sulod hini nga survey kay mga pakiana han iyo mga ginagian han panahon han mga magkusog nga bagyo, makakaapekto ini ha iyo ha aspeto nga sikolohikal. Puydi kamo pumili nga diri humanon an pagbaton hini na form kun makakaabat kamo hin pagkalisang, hadlok, o ano man nga diri maupay na pag-abat. Magdiano pa man, may paglaom kamo na an iyo pagktawo kay magiging sikreto ngan an iyo mga baton kay gagamiton la han mga tawo na nag-iisyudyo parte hini. Kun mayda kamo mga pakiana hini na survey o ha pag-istudyo mismo, pwede niyo ako ig- kontak ha numero nga 09978473097. Pwede gihap kamo magpadara hin e-mail ha [email protected]. Ngaran (opsyonal) ______Gusto ba nimo makakuha hin kopya hit resulta hini nga pag-iistudyo tikang ha e-mail? Kun oo, isurat an ato nga e-mail ngadi. (Page Three) Gina-again han mga Biktima nga diri Biktima Naeksperyensyahan mo ba maging usa nga biktima han mga bagyo bisan ano man kakusog? (An karugsignon hin ‗biktima‘ hini na pakiana kay usa na tao na duro nasakitan o nadistroso — ha pisikal, sikolohikal, ekonomikal, pinansyal, sosyal, o ha bis ano pa man na aspeto — ha panahon han pag-ragasa han bagyo. An ‗bitkitma‘ kay puydi gihap an tao na nakaagi o nag-aagi hin sikolohikal na trauma katapos makita an pagkakasakit o pagmatay hin mga sangkay o mga urupod tungod han mga bagyo.) Oo ___ Diri ___ (Page Four) Eksperiyensya han mga Biktima Para ha imo, pera ka na kabeses naging biktima han mga bagyo ngan an mga pag-ragasa hini?
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a. Usa ka beses b. Duha ka beses c. Tulo tikadto upat ka beses d. Lima tikadto pito ka beses e. Sobra ha pito ka beses (Page Five) Pankabugusan na Opinyon o Pagkita ha „Relief Operations‟ ngan „Rehabilitation Programs‟ han mga iba nga nasod para ha Pilipinas Ig isplikar o ig yakan an emu pag abuyon ha mga na sunod nga isplikasyon gamit an emu katungod nga mga punto: 1 - Duro nga na-uyon; 2 - Na-uyon; 3 - Waray pagkiling; 4 - Diri na- uyon; 5 - Duro nga dire na-uyon 1. Natuo ako nga an relief goods tikang ha sulod hit aton bansa kay mas maupay an kalidad ngan mas presko kaysa ha relief goods tikang ha iba nga nasod. 2. Ha takna nga maragasa an mga bagyo ngan magdadara hin distriso, mas gugustuhon ko nga makakarawat hin relief goods tikang ha mga banyaga kaysa hit relief goods tikang ha sulod hit aton nasod kay mas gin-aayunan ko an mga produkto na tikang ha iba nga mga nasod parehas hit United States ngan Japan. 3. Natuo ako nga, dire sugad han mga banyaga nga ahensya o organisasyon, an lokal ngan pamabansa nga pamahalaan kay epektibo ha pagpadara hin bulig ngan epiktibo nga nanhahatag han mga kinahanglanon han mga biktima han bagyo. 4. Natuo ako nga an local na ‗relief operations‘ kay dire sakto para ha tanan asya kinahanglan naton hin bulig-banyaga kahuman han pagragasa han mga bagyo. 5. Natuo ako nga ha panahon na may maagi nga kalamidad, sugad hin bagyo, ha aton nasod, an iba nga mga nasod kay mabulig ha aton na waray ginaaro nga kabalyo. 6. Natuo ako na maigo man kita o dire hin bagyo, an bulig-banyaga kay dapat la makasulod ha aton nasod nga waray pagkontrol o pagpugong. 7. Natuo ako nga, an iba nga nasod na nagpapadara hin bulig (ha ano man nga kabutang) pagkahuman hin pagragasa hin mga bagyo kay kinahanglan naton ini hira kitaon nga ‗bayani‘ o ‗taga-salbar‘. (Page Six) Impluwensya hin Online News Sites ha Paghuhulma hin Pagkita han mga Pilipino ha Bulig-Banyaga (Humanitarian Aid) Hain ngadi an pinakanakaimpluwensyiya ha iyo pagkita yana o pagtrato ha „relief operations‟ ngan „rehabilitation programs‟ tikang ha mga banyaga? Pili la hin usa nga baton. a. Social networking sites (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) b. Online News Sites (rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc.) c. Print media (mga libro, diyaryo, dyornal, peryodiko, etc.) d. TV media (GMA 7, ABS-CBN 2, TV 5, People's Television, CNN, BBC, etc.) e. Radio media (DZMM, Radio Inquirer, Bombo Radyo, DZRH News, etc.) f. Mga palatastas g. Personal ngan direkta nga eksperyensiya h. Pakikig-isturya ha mga maestro/maestra o propesor i. Pakikig-isturya ha mga sangkay, kakilala, urupod, ngan ha mga dire kilala
136 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL j. Yakan han mga lider han probinsya o han estado
1. Dako an bulig han lokal o banyaga nga klase hin ‗online news sites‘ — sugad han rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com — ha akon positibo nga opinyon ha ‗relief operations‘ ngan ‗rehabilitation programs‘ nga ginbubuhat han mga banyaga ha aton nasod 2. An mga lokal nga ‗online news sites‘ kay nagsusuplay hin pinakamaupay nga balita ha tiarabot nga mga bagyo ha aton bansa. 3. Diri ako natuo nga an ‗online news sites‘, banyaga man o lokal, kay nakaimpluwensya ha akon pagkita o opinyon ha akon kalibungan. 4. Diri ako natuo nga an ‗print media‘, banyaga man o lokal, kay nakaimpluwensya akon huna- huna nga permi nakakabulig an ‗relief operations‘ ngan ‗rehabilitation programs‘ han mga banyaga ngadi ha aton nasod, labi na ha mga lugar na ginragasa han mga bagyo. 5. Ha kabugos-an, na-uyon ako nga tanan nga sulod hit balita han ‗online news sites‘ labi na kun an balita kay may kaparte ha mga tiarabot nga bagyo ha nasod. 6. Ha kabugos-an, natuo ako nga an bulig na nakakarawat hit Pilipinas tikang ha iba nga bansa kahuman han pagrasa han mga bagyo, asya it kinahanglan himuon na sentro hit pagbabalita han ‗online news sites‘. (Page Seven) Opinyon han mga Pilipino parte hit Paglalaom ha Bulig-Banyaga (Humanitarian Aid) Kahuman Manragasa an mga Bagyo (An ‗humanitarian aid‘ kay an pagbulig ha bisan ano nga pamaagi—kadamoan pinapaagi ha ‗relief operations‘, ‗rehabilitation programs‘, kombinasyon han mga ini, o kombinasyon han ‗relief operations‘, ‗rehabilitation programs‘, ngan iba pa nga possible nga uri hin bulig—na tikang ha iba pa nga mga bansa, mga dayuhan nga korporasyon, ngan mga pankalibutan nga organisasyon o samahan.) Ha kabugos-an, natuo ka ba na makakaya hit Pilipinas na tumindog ha iya kalugaringon na mga tiil kahuman han pagdistroso han mga bagyo, magdiano man kakusog an mga ini? Oo ____ Dire ____ Kay ano? Kay ano dire? ______
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Appendix E: Isa ka Survey sa Panan-aw sang mga Pilipino sa Bulig sang Taga Iban nga Lugar pagkatapos sang Pagragasa sang Bagyo [Hiligaynon Translation] (Page One) Rehiyon sang Permanente nga Elistaran 1. Ilocos Region (Region I) 2. Cagayan Valley (Region II) 3. Central Luzon (Region III) 4. CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 5. MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 6. Bicol Region (Region V) 7. Western Visayas (Region VI) 8. Central Visayas (Region VII) 9. Eastern Visayas (Region VIII) 10. Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) 11. Northern Mindanao (Region X) 12. Davao Region (Region XI) 13. SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) 14. Caraga (Region XIII) 15. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) 16. Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) 17. National Capital Region (NCR) 18. Negros Island Region (NIR) Edad 1. Below 18 years old 2. 18-21 years old 3. 22-28 years old 4. 29-35 years old 5. 36-43 years old 6. 44-49 years old 7. 50-57 years old 8. 58-65 years old 9. Above 65 years old Sa ano nga hambalanon gusto mo sabtan kag basahon ang survey nga ini? a. Tagalog b. English c. Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) d. Waray e. Cebuano f. Hiligaynon (Page Two) Isa ka Survey sa Panan-aw sang mga Pilipino sa Bulig sang Taga Iban nga Lugar pagkatapos sang Pagragasa sang Bagyo
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Hi! Ako si Josue Mapagdalita, isa ka undergraduate nagatu-on sang Agham Pampolitiko sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (U.P.) Maynila. Sa idalum sa pagdumala sang akon maestra nga si Propesor Josefina Tayag, DPA, ret. Gina imbitar ko kamo nga sabton ag survey form nga ini bilang partisipasyon sa akon pag-tuon nga ginatig-ulohan ―Kung Wala ka May Naintiendihan, kung Wala Ka may Makadtu-an, Kapot Ka sa Akon … Hindi Kita Pagbuy-an‖. Upang maagom ang pinakamatahom kag pinakalayo nga resulta, luyag ko tani kwaon ang inyo opinyon nahanungod sa pagsulud sang bulig pagkatapos sang mabaskog nga bagyo. Tungod sang survey nga ini naga unod sang pamalangkutanon nga imo maeksperyen syahan, sa tiyempo sang mabaskog nga bagyo, ini basi makaapekto sa inyo sa aspetong sikolohikal. Puede nyo man pili-on nga hindi pagdayunon ang pagsabat sang form nga ini. Kon ingkaso makaloeksperyensiya ka sang kahadlok ukon ano man nga negatibo nga balat-yagon. Kung may pamangkot kamo parti sa survey nga ini sa inyo nga pagtu-on, puede kamo kakontak sa ini nga number 09978473097. Puede ninyo man ipadala sa akon e-mail sa [email protected]. Ngalan (opsyonal) ______Edad ______Rehiyon sang permanente nga elistaran ______Gusto mo ba makabaton sang kopya sang resulta sa pagtu-on sang ini, paagi sa e-mail? Kon sugot ka palihog butang ang inyo email diri. (Page Three) Mga Naagyan sang mga Biktima kag Hindi-Biktima Naeksperyensiahan mo na nga mangin biktima sang bagyo bisan ano kabaskog sini? (Ang ‗biktima‘ sang pamangkutanon nga ini pahanungod sa tawo nga nakaeksperyensiyahan sang sikolohikal nga trauma matapos nga masaksihan ang pagkasakit, ukon pagkapatay sang mga abyan ukon kaparyentihan tungod sa pagragasa sang mga bagyo.) Huo _____ Indi _____ (Page Four) Mga Eksperiensya sang mga Biktima Sa inyo eksperiensya kapila ka nabiktima sang pagragasa nga ini? a. Isa ka beses b. Duha ka beses c. Tatlo asta apat ka beses d. Lima asta pito ka beses e. Sobra pa sa pito ka beses (Page Five) Kabilugan nga Pag-tanaw sa „Relief Operasyon‟ at „Rehabilitasyon Program sang mga Tawo sa Iban nga Lugar sa Pilipinas
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Sabtan sang sunod sunod nga puntos: 1 - Damo nga nagapasugot; 2- Nagpasugot; 3- Wala pinilian; 4- Hindi nagpasugot; 5- Madamo gid nga di nagpasugot. 1. Nagapati ako ang mga relief goods nga halin diri sa aton nasyon matahom ang kalidad kaysa sang relief goods nga halin sa iban nga lugar. 2. Kon magragasa ang mga bagyo, gusto ko nga makabaton iban nga relief sang iban nga lugar kay sa aton, kay mas luyag ko ang mga produkto halin sa iban nga lugar pareho sang U.S. kag Japan. 3. Nagapati ako nga hindi parehas sang mga ahensya ukon sa organisasyon sang mga tawo sagwa, ang lokal kag national nga ahensya ay seryoso magpadala sang bulig kag panghatag sang kinahanglanon sang mga biktima sang bagyo. 4. Nagapati ako nga ang lokal nga ‗relief operations‘ hindi bastante, amo na nga kinahanglan naton ang bulig sang iban nga lugar pagtapos nagasa sang bagyo. 5. Nagapati ako nga sa tion sang kalamidad, parehas sang bagyo, sa aton lugar, ang iban nga lugar nagabulig sa aton nga wala nagapangayo sang baylo. 6. Nagapati ako nga igu-on man kita sang bagyo ukon hindi, ang bulig nga maghalin sa iban nga lugar kinahanglan makasulod sa aton nga hindi kontrolon kag punyagan. 7. Nagapati ako nga iban nga lugar maghatag sang ila bulig sa anoman nga paagi matapos ang bagyo dapat kilalahon naton sila nga bayani o tagasalbar. (Page Six) Impluwensya sang Print kag TV Media ang makapapati sang panan-aw sang mga Pilipino sa bulig sang lain nga lahi (Humanitarian Aid) Diin sini ang pinaka-impluwensya sa imo panulukan at pagtatap sa “relief operations” kag “rehabilitation” halin sa lain nga lugar? Pili-a lang ang isa ka sabat. a. Social Networking Sites (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) b. Online News Sites (rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc.) c. Print Media (mga libro, balita, dyaryo, etc.) d. TV Media (GMA 7, ABS-CBN 2, TV5, People‘s Television, CNN, BBC, etc.) e. Radio Media (DZMM, Radio Inquirer, Bombo Radyo, DZRH News, etc.) f. Mga pasayod g. Personal kag diretso nga naagyan h. Pag-istorya sa mga maestra kag maestro i. Pag-istorya sa mga amiga, kilala, paryente kag mga tawo nga di-kilalhanay j. Pagpabalo sang lider sang probinsiya ukon estado 1. Daku ang nabulig sang lokal ukon sa gwa sang klase sang ‗online news sites‘ — pareho sang — sa akon positibo nga panan-aw sa ‗relief operations‘ kag ‗rehabilitation programs‘ sa ginhimo sang mga sagwa sa aton nasyon. 2. Ang lokal nga ‗online news sites‘ ang naga balita sang maayo sa naga alabot nga bagyo sa aton lugar. 3. Indi ako nagapati nga ang ‗online new sites‘ sagwa man kag lokal makaimpluwensya sa akon pagtan-aw sa aton mga palibot. 4. Indi ako nagapati nga ang ‗online news sites‘ sagwa man kag lokal makaimpluwensya sa akon nga isip pirme nga nakabulig ang ‗relief operations‘ at ‗rehabilitation programs‘ sang mga sagwa diri sa aton nasyon, labi na gid sa naagyan sang mga bagyo.
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5. Sa kamatu-oran, nagapati ako nga ang tanan nga sang unod sang ginabalita sa TV networks kag sa ‗online networking sites‘ labi na gid kon ang balita ay parti sa bagyo nga maabot sa aton lugar. 6. Sa kamatu-oran, nagapati ako nga ang bulig nga ginabaton sang Pilipinas halin sa iban nga nasyon pagtapos sang pagragasa sang mga bagyo ay kinanglan mangin sentro sang pagbalita sang ‗online news sites‘. (Page Seven) Panan-awon sang mga Pilipino parti sa Pala-salig sa Bulig Halin sa Iban nga Nasyon Pagkatapos Magragasa ang mga Bagyo (Ang ‗humanitarian aid‘ ang nagatudlo sang maskin ano nga bulig – ang permi nga porma sang ‗relief operations, ‗rehabilitation programs‘, kombinasyon sang mga ini kag iban pa nga possible sang klase sang bulig nga halin sa iban nga nasyon kag mga gwa nga korporasyon.) Sa kamatu-oran, nagapati ka bala nga masarangan sang Pilipinas nga makatindog sa kaugalingon sini nga mga tiil pagkatapos magragasa sang mga bagyo, maskin ano kabaskog man ini? Huo ______Indi ______Nga-a ukon nga-a hindi? ______
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Appendix F: Usa ka Survey sa Pagtan-aw sa mga Pilipino sa Tabang-Langyaw Pagkahuman ang bagyo mang Guba [Cebuano Translation] (Page One) Rehiyon sa Permanenteng Puy-anan 1. Ilocos Region (Region I) 2. Cagayan Valley (Region II) 3. Central Luzon (Region III) 4. CALABARZON (Region IV-A) 5. MIMAROPA (Region IV-B) 6. Bicol Region (Region V) 7. Western Visayas (Region VI) 8. Central Visayas (Region VII) 9. Eastern Visayas (Region VIII) 10. Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX) 11. Northern Mindanao (Region X) 12. Davao Region (Region XI) 13. SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII) 14. Caraga (Region XIII) 15. Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) 16. Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) 17. National Capital Region (NCR) 18. Negros Island Region (NIR) Edad 1. Below 18 years old 2. 18-21 years old 3. 22-28 years old 4. 29-35 years old 5. 36-43 years old 6. 44-49 years old 7. 50-57 years old
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8. 58-65 years old 9. Above 65 years old Sa unsang sinultihan gusto nimong basahon ug tubagon kining survey? a. Tagalog b. English c. Albay Bikol (Daraga/East Miraya dialect) d. Waray e. Cebuano f. Hiligaynon (Page Two) Usa ka Survey sa Pagtan-aw sa mga Pilipino sa Tabang-Langyaw Pagkahuman ang bagyo mang Guba Kumusta! Ako si Josue Mapagdalita, usa ka undergraduate nga nagtuon ng Kursong Pang- politika (o Dalubbanwahan) sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (UP) Manila. Ako naa sa ilalum sa pag dumala sa akong maestrong magtatambag nga si Propesor Josefina Tayag. Gi agda ko kamo nga tubagon kining survey form bilang partisipasyon sa akong pagtuon na nag uluhan, ―Kung Wala Ka nay Masabtan, kung Wala Ka nay Madaulan, Kapyot Ka Nako … Dili Ko Ikaw Pasagdan: Usa ka Kritikal nga Pagtuon sa Diskurso ngadto sa Pag-abot sa Kanunay ug Pagsalig sa mga Pilipino sa Tabang-Langyaw (Humanitarian Aid) Human sa kadaot sa mga kusog ng Bagyo‖. Aron makab-ot ang pinakanindot ug pinakamaayo nga resulta, gusto unta kong mangayo sa inyong pang-hunahuna mahitungod sa naga abot nga nga Tabang–Langyaw (humanitarian aid) human sa mga makusog nga bagyo. Kung unsay inyong nahibaloan nga inyong mahatag kini makatabang sa pagdugang ug kahibalo sa pagkahimong kanunay ng pagsalig sa Tabang-Langyaw (humanitarian aid dependency) ug sa pag palambo sa isyong politikal nga dinhi naka sang-at. Tungod kini nga survey may unod nga mga pangutana mahitungod sa inyong mga inagian sa panahon sa mga makusog nga bagyo, kini mahimong makaapekto sa inyong sikolohikal na aspito. Puedi ninyo pillion nga dili ipadayon ang pagtubag king formas kung pananglitan makasulay mo ug dili maayo nga pamati, hadlok, o bisan unsang dili maayo nga imong gi bati. Mahitungod muni, inyong saligan nga ang inyong iihanan magpabilin nga tago u gang inyong mga tubag gamiton lang sa nagasukit-sukit nuning pagtuon. Kung duna moy pangutana mahitungod ani nga survey o sa maong pagtuon, puede ninyo ako matawagan sa numero 0997-847-3097. Puede pod ko ninyo padal-an ug e-mail sa [email protected]. Pangalan (opsyonal) ______Edad ______Rehiyon sa Permanenteng Puy-anan ______
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Gusto mo bang makadawat ug kupya sa resulta sa pagtuon niini pinaagi sa e-mail? Kon mao, palihug input sa imong e-mail sa ubos. (Page Three) Inagian sa mga Biktima ug Dili–Biktima Nakaagi na ba ka nga nahimong biktima sa bagyo sa bisag unsa ka kusgon? (Ang biktima niining pangutanaha nagahisgot sa mga tawo nga himpit nga nasakitan o nadautan- sama sa pisikal, sikolohikal, ekonomikal, pinansyal, sosyal, o bigag sa uban pa nga mga aspeto sa panahon sa pagdasmag sa bagyo. Ang biktima pwede pod makahisgot sa tawong nakasinati ug sikolohikal nga trauma human ma saksihan ang pagkasakit o pagkamatay sa mga higala o mga pariente tungod sa kadaot nga nahimo sa mga bagyo.) Oo ______Dili ______(Page Four) Inagian sa mga Biktima Sa imong hunahuna, maka pila ka na nahimong biktima sa mga bagyo ug nahimong kadaot nimo a. ka us aka beses b. ka duha ka beses c. ka tuho hangtud upat ka beses d. ka lima hangtud pito ka beses e. subra ka pito ka beses (Page Five) Kinatibuk-ang pagtan-aw o pagkakita sa “Relief Operation” ug “Rehabilitation Programs” sang mga Langyaw sa Pilipinas. Ipahayag ang imong pag-uyon o dili pag-uyon sa mosunod nga mga pamahayag sa paggamit sa mosunod nga mga puntos: 1 — Mi-uyon kayo; 2 — Mi-uyon; 3 —Walay gidapigan; 4 —Wala Mi-uyon; 5 —Wala gayud Mi-uyon 1. Nagtoo ako nga ang relief goods nga gikan sa sulod sa atong nasyon mas nindot ang klase ug mas bago kaysa relief goods nga gikan sa mga langyaw. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Kung ang mga bagyo mangguba ug maghimo ug kadaut, mas gusto ko pang makadawat ug relief goods gikan sa mga langyaw kaysa relief goods gikan sa sulod sa atong nasod tungod kay mas gipili nako ang mga produkto gikan sa ubang nasod, parehas sa United States ug Japan. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Nagtoo ako nga, dili parehas ang mga langyawng ahensya o organisasyon ang lokal nga pamunuan ug gobyerno sa nasod kay epektibo sa ilahang pagpadala sa tabang ug epektibo ang pagbahinbahin sa mga dinaliang panginahangalan sa mga biktima sa bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Nagtoo ako nga ang lokal nga pagpanabang (relief operations) kuwang ra, busa nanginahanglan ta ug hinabang sa ubang nasod human sa bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Nagtoo ako nga kung naay kalamidad sama sa bagyo diri sa atong nasod, mutabang gyud ang ubang nasod bisag walay ganti. 1 2 3 4 5
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6. Nagtoo ako nga ma igo man ta o dili sa bagyo, ang hinabang sa gawas angayan lang nga pag- sudlon sa atong nasod nga walay pagkontrol o pagpugong niini. 1 2 3 4 5 7. Nagtoo ako nga ang ubang mga nasod nga nagpadala ug hinabang (sa bisan unsang pormal) pagkahuman sa pang guba sa bagyo dapat itratar nga mga ‗bayani‘ o ‗mananabang‘. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Six) Impluwensya sang Online News Sites sa Paghulagway sang Pagtan-aw sang mga Pilipino sa Tabang-Langyaw (Humanitarian Aid) Asa ani ang pinakamaimpluwensya sa pagtan-aw nimo karon sa “relief operations” ug “rehabilitation programs” sa ubang nasod. Pagpili ug usa lamang katubag. a. Social Networking Sites (Facebook, Twitter, etc…) b. Online News Sites (rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, washingtonpost.com, etc.) c. Print Media (mga libro, pahayagan, dyornal, peryodika, etc…) d. TV Media (GMA 7, ABS-CBN 2, TV 5, People‘s Televesion, CNN, BBC, etc…) e. Radio Media (DZMM, Radio Inquirer, Bombo Radyo, DZRH News, etc…) f. Mga patalastas g. Personal ug direkta nga kaagi h. Pakig-estorya sa mga maestra ug propesor i. Pakig-estorya sa mga amigo, kilala, paryente, ug mga tawo nga wa ka kaila j. Pamahayag sa mga lider sa lungsod o estado. 1. Dako gyud ang natabang sa lokal o langyaw nga ‗online news sites‘ – sama sa rappler.com, inquirer.net, nytimes.com, philstar.com, ug washingtonpost.com – sa positibo nakong panan- aw sa ‗relief operations‘ ug ‗rehabilitation programs‘ nga gibuhat sa mga langyaw diri sa atong nasod. 1 2 3 4 5 2. Ang lokal ‗online news sites‘ naghatag ug pinakahapsay nga balita mahinungod sa bagyong umaabot sa atong nasod. 1 2 3 4 5 3. Dili ako nagtoo nga ang ‗online news sites‘, langyaw man o lokal, makaimpluwensya sa akong pagtan-aw ug pagpanabot sa akong palibot. 1 2 3 4 5 4. Dili ako nagtoo nga ang mga ‗online news sites‘, langyaw man o lokal, makaimpluwensya sa akong huna huna nga kanunayng nakatabang ang ‗relief operations‘, ug ‗rehabilitation programs‘ sa mga langyaw diri sa atong nasod, labi na gyud sa mga dapit nga na igo ug mga bagyo. 1 2 3 4 5 5. Sa kinatibuk-an, ako uyon sa tanang unod sa balita sa ‗online news sites‘ labi na kon ang balita may kalabutan sa bagyong ni atong nasod. 1 2 3 4 5 6. Sa kinatibuk-an, nagtoo ako nga ang tabang nga nadawat sa Pilipinas gikan sa laing nasod pagka-human mang guba ang mga bagyo mao untay dapat nga mahimong tumong sa pagbalita sa ‗online news sites‘. 1 2 3 4 5 (Page Seven) Paghuna-huna sa mga Pilipino Mahitungod sa Pagsalig sa Tabang-Langyaw (Humanitarian Aid) Pagkahuman Mang Guba ang mga Bagyo. (Ang ‗humanitarian aid‘ naga tudlo sa bisan unsang tabang – kasagaran sa klasi sa ‗relief operations‘, ‗rehabilitation programs‘, bisan unsang kombinasyon o kombinasyon sa ‗relief operations‘, rehabilitation programs‘ ug uban pang posibling matang sa tabang – nga gikan sa
145 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL uban pang mga nasod, mga langyaw nga korporasyon, ug mga pangkalibutanong organisasyon o pundok.) Sa kinatibuk-an, mingtoo ka ba nga makahimo ang Pilipinas sa pagbarog sa kaugalingon nyang mga tiil human mang guba ang bagyo, bisag unsa man siya ka kusog? Oo ____ Dili ____ Ngano o nganong dili? ______
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Appendix G: Interview Questions for Mr. Mark Arthur Abalos (Semi-Structured Interview) Part I: An Introduction to the Politics of (Online) News Writing and Grammar 1. Now that we are now in a more globalised and more modernised age, what is your view regarding how social media, particularly online news sites, could influence public opinion? 2. As a linguist, why do you think the analysis of grammar and of verbal texts is crucial for us to reveal the concealed intentions or ideologies of (online) news outlets and/or of the journalists themselves? 3. In your opinion, how can language and discourse be used to serve the purpose of local/indigenous elites and/or global hegemons? 4. How do you think these (local/global) actors connive with (online) news outlets to alter and manipulate discourse and language during news coverage? Part II: On the Importance of Analysing the Text and the Context toward Uncovering Hidden Ideologies and Intentions 1. Online news sites, such as Inquirer.net and Rappler, possess a high degree of accessibility among many Filipino social media users. In general, what is your criticism of online news sites, especially with regard to how journalists write or report news? 2. How do you think "words" or the language itself could be utilised or manipulated in order to (further) evoke or induce a false or heightened sense of alarm or panic during or after times of great humanitarian crises, like natural disasters, such as typhoons? 3. Based on your experience as a linguist, or primarily as an ordinary reader of online news articles, do you think that framing typhoon victims as "looters", "mobs", and "gangs" is reasonable, at least, in a linguistic sense? 4. In what ways do you think that, through words or any other linguistic structures, the donor countries or organisations be framed as "saviours" of typhoon victims? Part III: On Humanitarian Aid Dependency & Disempowering Discourses 1. Do you think that, since social media could be used to influence public opinion, online news sites could possibly shape Filipino people's opinions so that, in the end, they will turn out to be (more) dependent on (foreign) humanitarian aid, regardless of typhoons ravaging the country or not? Why or why not? 2. In what ways do you think we, as ordinary Filipino citizens, be able to counteract hegemonic, disempowering discourses in online news sites (or in social media in general), especially with regard to the influx of (foreign) humanitarian aid in the Philippines?
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Appendix H: Participant Responses to Online News Sites' Coverage of Typhoon Aftermaths in the Philippines (Reading Exercise) (Page One) Introduction Hello! I am Josue‘ A Libby‘s R. Mapagdalita, a senior undergraduate student of University of the Philippines Manila Political Science program. I am under the supervision of my faculty adviser Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA, ret. I would like to invite you to answer this form of participation in my research study entitled, ―Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka Nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka Sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Online News Articles to Understanding the Increasing Dependency of Filipinos on Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths.‖ In order to achieve the best results, I would like to obtain your opinions regarding the online news articles that I sent for you to be read. Your responses will be beneficial to my study which will add to the existing knowledge related to humanitarian aid dependency in the Philippines. Even though this questionnaire only asks for your opinion regarding the articles you have read, this may or may not affect you psychologically; however, if it does, you may choose not to continue answer this questionnaire. Also, please be reminded that your identity will be kept confidential and that your individual responses will be kept anonymous, will only be utilized by the researcher undertaking the study, and will be discarded immediately after the duration of the study. If you have questions concerning this questionnaire or the entire research, please contact me at 09978473097 or at [email protected]. You are also free to contact my professor, Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, at 09178580569 or at [email protected]. Informed Consent ______I voluntarily agree to participate in this study. ______I do not wish to participate in this study. (Page Two) Participant Information Name/Alias ______Please select the title of the article that was assigned for you to be read. a. "What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without US, EU, and UN" b. "Duterte to EU, US: Withdraw aid, we will survive" c. "US military joins race to help Yolanda survivors" d. "World leaders mourn loss in PH due to Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan)" e. "Al Gore visits Tacloban, sees destruction caused by ‗Yolanda‘" f. "No foreign aid yet for victims of Supertyphoon ‗Lawin‘" g. "Typhoon Haiyan: What‘s a Superpower to Do?" h. "U.S. Marines Bringing Typhoon Aid to Philippine Shores" i. "Desperation grows among Philippine survivors of Typhoon Haiyan"
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j. "Aid workers struggle to reach victims of Philippines typhoon" k. "Relief teams rush to typhoon-devastated Philippines" l. "Philippine typhoon aid delivery picks up speed" m. "U.N. Relief Official to Help Coordinate Aid Efforts" n. "Rising Despair as Officials Struggle to Get Aid to Typhoon Victims" o. "Aid Groups Get Strong Response to Philippines Appeals" p. "Asia Rivalries Play Role in Aid to the Philippines" q. "Relief Supplies Pour Into Philippines, but Remote Areas Still Suffer" r. "Typhoon Response Highlights Weaknesses in Philippine Military" s. "After Typhoon Haiyan, Guiuan in the Philippines begins rebuilding" t. "Relief is slow to reach victims of Philippine typhoon; looters steal medical supplies" (Page Three) Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: Readers‟ Emotions or Feelings and Conclusions They Derived from the Articles What exactly did you feel after reading the online news article? ______What conclusions have you derived after reading the online news article? ______(Page Four) Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on Framing/Representation of Actors during Typhoon Aftermaths What did you feel or think about our national and local governments (especially with regard to disaster response) after reading the article? Please explain briefly. ______What did you feel or think about donor countries & entities, such as the United States, the United Nations, and the European Union (especially in the context of disaster response) after reading the article? Please explain briefly. ______What did you feel or think about the typhoon victims after reading the article? Please explain briefly. ______(Page Five) Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on (New) Perception to (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid After reading the article, what is now your perception on (foreign) humanitarian aid that enters the Philippines, especially during typhoon aftermaths? Please explain briefly. ______(Page Six) Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on Perceived Neutrality of Article Do you think the article written is neutral or unbiased? Why or why not? Please explain briefly. ______(Page Seven) Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on Agreement on Facts Presented by the Writer or Journalist Do you agree with all the information provided in the article? Why or why not? Please explain briefly. ______
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Appendix I: Informed Consent Form for Expert Interview Informed Consent Form, page 1 Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Online News Coverage of Typhoons Lawin and Yolanda toward Understanding the Dependency of Filipinos on (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths I would like you to participate in my research study that focuses on ―online news sites‘ strategic or non-strategic manipulation of language in order to evoke or reinforce Filipino readers‘ dependency to (foreign) humanitarian aid during typhoon aftermaths‖, which will add to the knowledge related to the politics of humanitarian aid influx and dependency in the Philippines. My name is Josue‘ A Libby‘s R. Mapagdalita, and the data to be derived from this interview will help fulfill the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science at the University of the Philippines, Manila. I am under the supervision of my thesis adviser, Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA, ret. Participation Requires of You: To be interviewed on the role of language in influencing or manipulating public opinion, especially with regard to (influx of) humanitarian aid in the Philippines. There is no planned use of deception involved in this study. Your Privacy: Information regarding your identity and your responses may be kept confidential upon request. You have an option to be referred to by pseudonym in all of the outputs of the study. Risks to You: The researcher foresees minimal risk for those who choose to participate in this study. There are no foreseen physical risks associated with this study; other risks might include the following: You might experience anxiety, discomfort, or negative emotions as a result of responding to the questions asked of them in this research study. If you experience a negative reaction, you may choose to skip the question, to withdraw from the study. Benefits to You: There are not foreseen direct benefits to you regarding participation in this study beyond the general knowledge that you are assisting in furthering the knowledge related to this research topic. However, the researcher hopes that the results of this study will help to empower Filipino people and will be crucial in the formulation of statutes toward a more genuine independent foreign policy.
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Informed Consent Form, page 2 Kung Wala Ka nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Online News Coverage of Typhoons Lawin and Yolanda toward Understanding the Dependency of Filipinos on (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths This document acknowledges you understand of your rights as a participant in this study, which the researcher has explained to you prior to signing this document. ―I acknowledge that the researcher has explained my rights, the requirements of this study, and the potential risks involved in participating in this study. I understand there is no compensation for, or direct benefit of participating in this study. By signing below and providing my contact information I am indicating that I consent to participate in this study, that I am at least 18 years of age, and I am eligible to participate in this study.‖ You may withdraw from this study at any time by notifying me by electronic mail, text message, or any other means of communication. If you have any concerns regarding your participation in this research study you may contact my thesis adviser, Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA, ret. You may ask for a copy of this document for your own records. Signature: ______Date: ______Printed Name: ______Phone Number, Email Address, or Postal Address: ______
Thank you for your participation,
Josue‘ A Libby‘s R. Mapagdalita BA Political Science University of the Philippines, Manila Contact No: 09978473097 E-mail Address: [email protected]
Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA, ret. Political Science Program Department of Social Sciences University of the Philippines, Manila. Contact No: 09178580569 E-mail Address: [email protected]
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Appendix J (Article No. 1): What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without US, EU, and UN
Jodesz Gavilan, Rappler, October 09, 2016
Donations from the United Nations, European Union, and the United States in the aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda reached $231,587,655 (P11.19 billion) or 26.77% of the total foreign aid received by the Philippines
TAKE YOUR MONEY ELSEWHERE? The United Nations, European Union, and United States were among the top donors in the aftermath of Super Typhoon Yolanda in 2013.
MANILA, Philippines – The United States embassy in Manila recently posted a series of photos and videos depicting the relief operations conducted in several areas across the Philippines. These relief operations were done in the aftermath of the Zamboanga siege and Super Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan), both in 2013. The online posts came amid recent tirades by President Rodrigo Duterte against the US, among other nations, ever since the US became critical of Duterte's war on drugs. On Tuesday, October 4, Duterte said he would never "kneel" before the US and even told President Barack Obama to "go to hell." The European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) have also been targets of Duterte's invectives, following their criticism of the rising death toll as the administration's campaign against illegal drugs intensifies.
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Many officials have cautioned Duterte to be careful with his words against foreign leaders and international bodies. US Senator Patrick Leahy in September already warned the Philippines of "further conditions" on US aid over the rise of extrajudicial killings. But Duterte has stayed firm on his stand, even asking other nations to "go away" and "bring their money to somewhere else." On Thursday, October 6, Duterte said the Philippines can survive without foreign assistance, telling the US and the EU: "If you think it's high time for you guys to withdraw your assistance, go ahead. We will not beg for it." He added that if ever the loss of aid happens, he would be the first one to go hungry and die but "we will never, never compromise our dignity as Filipinos." But what's really at stake if the US, EU, and UN no longer help the Philippines? What would Filipinos lose, especially during catastrophes? Super Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) The support of other countries during natural disasters in the Philippines was notably seen in the aftermath of one of the strongest and most destructive typhoons to hit the country. Super Typhoon Yolanda claimed 6,201 lives as it tore across the Visayas in November 2013. For the families in hard-hit communities, there was also more suffering in the days, weeks, and months to come. Donations from foreign governments and non-governmental organizations, however, poured in for the 1,472,251 affected families and helped ease their burden. According to the United Nations Office for Coordination (UNOCHA), the total aid given for Yolanda survivors reached $865,151,866 (P41.8 billion). The top government donor is the United Kingdom with $57,558,810 (P2.8 billion). Other countries and organizations affiliated with the EU also offered donations.
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Donations from EU member-states and the EU Commission amounted to $130,493,521 (P6.3 billion) – 11% of the total foreign aid received by the Philippines in the aftermath of Super Typhoon Yolanda. The United States donated $90,585,530 (P4.4 billion) while UN agencies gave $10,508,604 (P507.6 million), which comprised 10.5% and 8.3% of the total foreign aid respectively. In total, UN, EU, and US donations in the aftermath of Typhoon Yolanda reached $231,587,655 (P11.19 billion) – 26.77% of the total foreign aid received by the Philippines. The huge monetary donations funded several projects in Yolanda-affected areas such as rehabilitation and livelihood programs, among others. If the UN, EU member-states, and the US did not donate, the Philippines and the survivors of Super Typhoon Yolanda would have received only $633 million (P30.6 billion). Damage caused by Yolanda was pegged at P571 billion ($11.8 billion). Meanwhile, China and Russia, the prospective "new partners" of the Philippines under the Duterte administration, donated $2,699,743 (P130 million) and $5,738,871 (P277 million) for Yolanda survivors. Not just Yolanda The US, EU, and UN have also given aid to the Philippines to help survivors of other natural disasters.
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The EU, for example, donated $3,360,300 (P162,300,809) while the US gave $100,000 (P4.1 million) in the aftermath of Typhoon Sendong (Washi), which caused massive landslides and floods in Northern Mindanao in 2011. The UN Emergency Relief Agency gave $3 million (P145 million) to facilitate water and sanitation improvement in the affected areas. The UN later raised $28.6 million (P1.4 billion) as part of its Philippines (Mindanao) Humanitarian Action Plan 2012. The EU has also released €74.7 million for emergency relief interventions following natural disasters in the Philippines since 1997. Other key programs Aid, however, is not limited to natural disasters. The US, EU, and UN have been actively supporting the implementation of various projects in the Philippines. These projects are scattered across the country and are usually focused on health, education, peace, poverty alleviation, and food security, among others. In fact, since 2001, the Philippines has received $1,527,905,996 from the US through the United States Agency for International Development alone. The amount does not include those coursed through other agencies such as the military. The EU, meanwhile, has given €24.7 million to help victims of armed conflicts in the Philippines since 1997. In 2016, it channeled €1 million to help improve access to quality education in conflict-ridden areas in Mindanao. The longtime presence of the UN in the Philippines has led to several projects that undeniably improved the lives of many Filipinos. These projects are implemented through its various agencies such as the World Food Programme (WFP), Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), and the World Health Organization (WHO), among others. (READ: What did the UN do for PH? Disaster response, health programs, and more) – Rappler.com
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Appendix K (Article No. 2): Duterte to EU, US: Withdraw aid, we will survive Pia Ranada, Rappler, October 06, 2016 'I'll be the first one to go hungry, I'll be the first one to die of hunger... But we will never, never compromise our dignity as Filipinos,' says an indignant President Rodrigo Duterte
'WE WILL SURVIVE.' President Rodrigo Duterte says the Philippines can make do without foreign aid. File photo by Rey Baniquet/PPD
MANILA, Philippines – "If you think it's high time for you guys to withdraw your assistance, go ahead. We will not beg for it." This was President Rodrigo Duterte's message to the European Union and the United States after hearing about how his recent pronouncements may affect the flow of international aid to the Philippines. "How do you look at us? Mendicants?" asked an indignant Duterte during his speech on Thursday, October 6, at a police camp in Butuan City. The President asserted that the Philippines, a 3rd world country, can "survive" even without foreign assistance. The worst-case scenario, he said, is he would be the first to suffer from the loss of aid. "Maski magkahirap dito (Even if we face hardships), we will survive. I'll be the first one to go hungry, I'll be the first one to die of hunger, huwag kayo mag-alala (don't worry). But we will never, never compromise our dignity as Filipinos," he said.
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Duterte then said the EU and US will "never understand the pain that we're suffering." He told them: "Go away. Bring your money to somewhere else." (READ: Duterte to EU: It's true, I'm no statesman) Threats of aid withdrawal? The President had apparently heard of the possible withdrawal of assistance from statements made by Vice President Leni Robredo. "I've been hurled insults – the President, EU and all. Ang masama pa, i-threaten 'nyo, meron tayong official, si Leni, na we lose the international assistance," he said. (I've been hurled insults – the President, EU and all. What's worse is, you threaten, we have an official, Leni, that we lose the international assistance.) Duterte then asked Filipinos to make a choice. "Mamili kayo, the crumbs of the favor ng ibang nasyon, aasa tayo sa assistance nila or we make a stand that this country has to survive, that this country must see to it that the next generation is protected?" he said. (Choose, the crumbs of the favors of other nations, we will depend on their assistance or we make a stand that this country has to survive, that this country must see to it that the next generation is protected?) He again defended his controversial drug war. "If we don't interdict this evil of drugs, ang mga anak natin, ang mga apo natin, reckon from where I stand now, kawawa sila (our children, our grandchildren, from where I stand now, they will be pitiful)," said Duterte. The President's dismissal of international aid comes a day after Vice President Robredo said in a press conference that Duterte should be more careful in making public statements. While Robredo emphasized how the government should nurture the trust of the international community, she also said there has been no threats of aid withdrawal from other countries. "Kahit maraming nangyayari, 'di pa rin naman kami nakakaramdam ng pag-withhold ng support," Robredo had said. (Even though there are a lot of things happening, we still don't feel any withholding of support.) Last Monday, the US State Department cited the rapid deployment of US troops in the aftermath of Super Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) in 2013. In recent weeks, Duterte has unleashed invectives against the US, EU, and United Nations for criticizing his controversial drug war supposedly without basis. (READ: What did the UN do for PH? Disaster response, health programs, and more) – Rappler.com
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Appendix L (Article No. 3): US military joins race to help Yolanda survivors Jason Gutierrez, Agence France-Presse, Rappler, November 11, 2013 The planes, with Marines aboard, were the most visible sign of a major international relief effort that had begun to build
TO TACLOBAN. US Marine Corps, Marines board a KC-130J Hercules aircraft on November 10, 2013 at Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, Okinawa, Japan, moments before departing for a humanitarian assistance and disaster relief mission to the Philippines. Photo by AFP/USMC/Lance Cpl. David N. Hersey TACLOBAN CITY, Philippines (UPDATED) – US marines on Monday joined a frantic effort to rescue famished survivors of a typhoon that may have killed 10,000 people in the Philippines, as the government declared a national emergency and security forces struggled to contain looting. Three days after Super Typhoon Haiyan flattened entire towns across the central Philippines and left countless bodies scattered across wastelands, desperation was building with devastated communities devoid of food, water and medicines. President Benigno Aquino late Monday declared a national state of calamity, which allows the government to impose price controls and quickly release emergency funds. "In the coming days, be assured: help will reach you faster and faster," he said in a televised address. "My appeal to you all is: remaining calm, praying, cooperating with, and assisting one another are the things that will help us to rise from this calamity."
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Relief cannot come soon enough for Joan Lumbre-Wilson, 54, who was among a large crowd of people gathered around one of the few relief centers in the ruined city of Tacloban. "We want an organized, coordinated brigade to collect the dead bodies, bring food and stop the looting," she said. "It has been 4 days. We want water and food. We want someone who will help. We are emotionally drained and physically exhausted. There are many babies and children who need attention." Haiyan generated waves up to five meters (16 feet) high that surged inland like a tsunami, the walls of water destroying nearly everything in their path along huge stretches of coastlines throughout the central band of the archipelago. Blaming global warming for the typhoon's ferocity, a Philippine negotiator at UN climate talks in Warsaw pledged to fast until progress is made on tackling the environmental crisis. (READ: PH negotiator calls for end to climate crisis 'madness') "In solidarity with my countrymen who are struggling to find food back home and with my brother who has not had food for the last three days... I will now commence a voluntary fasting," envoy Naderev Sano said as the 12-day talks got under way. About 10,000 people are believed to have died just in the eastern province of Leyte, of which Tacloban is the capital, according to the region's police chief. Philippine authorities have been overwhelmed, their efforts to quickly deliver aid hamstrung by the destruction of airports, roads, bridges and other infrastructure. Many areas remained cut off from any relief efforts on Monday, leaving bodies to rot in the humid atmosphere and survivors little choice but to rummage through the debris for food, water and other essentials. Even in Tacloban, the base for relief operations in Leyte, bodies remained littered through the streets and the stench of rotting flesh hung thick in the air. The scale of the disaster continued to unfold as more remote areas were surveyed, with aerial photos of Samar island, where Haiyan first made landfall, showing whole districts of coastal towns reduced to piles of splintered wood. Haiyan's sustained winds when it hit Samar reached 315 kilometers (195 miles) an hour, making it the strongest typhoon in the world this year and one of the most powerful ever recorded.
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WAITING FOR AID. Typhoon survivors queue up to receive relief goods being distributed at the Tacloban airport in Tacloban City, Leyte, on November 10, 2013. AFP/ Ted Aljibe
US Marines shocked at devastation In Tacloban, dozens of American marines arrived on Monday afternoon aboard two US military C-130 transport planes packed with relief supplies, and expressed shock after receiving a bird's eye view of the carnage. "Roads are impassable, trees are all down, posts are down, power is down... I am not sure what else is there. I am not sure how else to describe this destruction," Brigadier General Paul Kennedy, the commanding general of the Okinawa-based 3rd Marine Expeditionary Brigade, told reporters. The Marine Corps said another 180 troops were on their way, tasked with conducting a humanitarian assistance survey. The US troops were the most visible sign of a major international relief effort that had only just begun and could last for years, with aid agencies likening the scale of the destruction to the 2010 Haiti earthquake that killed tens of thousands. Many foreign governments have pledged help, with Australia donating nearly US$10 million, while United Nations leader Ban Ki-moon promised UN humanitarian agencies would "respond rapidly to help people in need". Adding to concerns was a looming storm in the Pacific Ocean that threatened to dump heavy rain across Leyte and other devastated areas.
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The depression is expected to hit land on the southern island of Mindanao late Tuesday, then move across the central islands of Bohol, Cebu, Negros and Panay, which all suffered typhoon damage, weather forecaster Connie Dadivas told AFP. Security forces deployed to contain looters Meanwhile, hundreds of Filipino police and soldiers were deployed to contain looters in and around Tacloban, after mobs ransacked a Red Cross aid convoy on Sunday and gangs roamed the streets stealing consumer goods such as televisions. "We have sent substantial (forces) there and if we need to add some more, it won't be just the police but even the armed forces," civil defence office spokesman Reynaldo Balido said on ABS- CBN. Haiyan swept out into the South China Sea on Saturday and hit Vietnam and China on Monday in a significantly weakened state, although still strong enough to uproot trees and tear roofs off hundreds of homes. At least 5 people were reported dead in China, while officials in Vietnam said there had not yet been any fatalities. The Philippines endures a seemingly never-ending pattern of deadly typhoons, earthquakes, volcano eruptions and other natural disasters. But if the death toll of more than 10,000 is correct, Haiyan would be the deadliest natural disaster ever recorded in the country, exceeding the 1976 Moro Gulf tsunami that killed between 5,000 and 8,000 people. - Rappler.com
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Appendix M (Article No. 4): World leaders mourn loss in PH due to Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) Carol Ramoran, Rappler, November 13, 2013 Heads of government and international organizations express condolences for the Filipino people
WASHED AWAY. A single house stands in a once busy village in Balangkayan, Eastern Samar. All photos by Franz Lopez/Rappler
Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert del Rosario also announced at the event how UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon offered the UN's solidarity with the Filipino people, adding that the international body will do all that it can to assist the Philippines. The UN Secretary General also brought the situation of the Philippines to the attention of the entire 193-member UN general assembly during a speech. US President Barack Obama and his wife Michelle had also offered their condolences: "Michelle and I are deeply saddened by the loss of life and extensive damage done by Super Typhoon Yolanda," he said in a statement on November 10. "The United States is already providing significant humanitarian assistance and we stand ready to assist the government's relief and recovery efforts," he said. As promised by their president, the US has been one of the first countries to respond to the need of the Filipinos affected by Super Typhoon Yolanda, releasing US$100,000 over the weekend for emergency relief followed by US$20 million and other forms of aid. Military and medical personnel are also on their way to help on the ground. A close neighbor to the Philippines, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong sent a condolence letter to President Benigno Aquino III. He said the Filipinos always demonstrate resilience in the face of adversity that's why he is confident that those affected will pull together to rebuild their lives.
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The Vatican has also pledged financial aid but before that, the Pope tweeted:
Despite its territorial row with the Philippines over the West Philippine Sea, China also sent financial aid. The Chinese Embassy in Manila sent their government's condolences, saying that they hoped for "speedy recovery in the affected areas and [that] the disaster victims will be able to overcome this challenge and rebuild their homes soon." Vietnam, which also has territorial disputes in the Philippines and itself also damaged by Typhoon Haiyan (international codename for Yolanda), also donated emergency aid. Vietnamese President Truong Tan Sang and Prime Minister Nuyen Tan Dung expressed their condolences and sympathies through the Philippine government. In behalf of the French population, France's leader Francois Hollande also extended his sympathies to the victims of typhoon Yolanda, assuring the Philippines of France's support and solidarity. Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott also wrote to President Aquino, saying "I join my fellow Australians in expressing our deepest sympathies to the people of the Philippines." Australia also followed with approximately Php 425 million in aid. The World Bank also stands, ready to assist the country: "We are very concerned about the well- being and livelihoods of millions of people affected by the typhoon," it said in a statement. "We are following the situation very closely, not only in the Philippines, but also in Vietnam. We stand ready to help in any way we can." As the world comes together to help a nation that's been battered by a series of natural disasters, Filipino survivors face the challenge of rebuilding. For now, relief is what Yolanda-hit provinces quickly need. Even that, says the United Nations, will require $301 million. – Rappler.com
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Appendix N (Article No. 5): Al Gore visits Tacloban, sees destruction caused by „Yolanda‟ Joey A. Gabieta, Philippine Daily Inquirer (Inquirer.net), March 12, 2016
Former US Vice President Gore is briefed by Tacloban Mayor Alfred Romualdez on the number of people killed during the onslaught of Supertyphoon “Yolanda” (international name: Haiyan). Also with Gore and Romualdez at the mass grave in Barangay Basper, Tacloban City is Sen. Loren Legarda. photo by Joey A. Gabieta, Inquirer Visayas
TACLOBAN CITY-Former United States Vice President Albert ―Al‖ Gore made a quick visit to this city which had been devastated by the world‘s strongest typhoon to hit land. City officials, however, hoped that the visit would remind the world again on what happened to Tacloban when Supertyphoon ―Yolanda‖ (international name: Haiyan) unleashed its wrath on Nov. 8, 2013 and killed more than 2,200 people and destroyed at least P22-billion worth of property. Gore, who has been calling attention of world leaders of the ill-effects of climate change, was accompanied by Senator Loren Legarda. They arrived here at 2:45 p.m. on Saturday through a Philippine Airline flight and were welcomed by City Mayor Alfred Romualdez. Gore, who did not entertain any media interview, was scheduled to return to Manila at 6 p.m. Upon his arrival, Gore went to Barangay (village) 88, considered to the worst‘s hit area in Tacloban during Yolanda, and had a 10-minute talk at the house of one of the residents, Demetria Raya. ―We are proud and shocked at the same time that he visited us. He is a former leader of the United States. We just hope that his visit will once again remind the country and the world on the effects of Yolanda which was said due to climate change,‖ village chair Emelita Montalban said.
From the village, Gore went to the mass grave located at Holy Cross Memorial Park in Barangay
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Basper where 2,200 victims of Yolanda were buried. He spent 20 minutes at mass grave and prayed silently. He, Legarda and Romualdez also offered a wreath and lit candles. Romualdez briefed Gore on how many were buried at the mass grave and how many of them were actually identified by their families. The government, through the National Bureau of Investigation, conducted its disaster victims‘ identification (DVI) in an effort to name those who perished due to Yolanda. On his way to the City Hall, Gore‘s convoy stopped by at the Yolanda memorial at Anibong district. The memorial park, which has a lot area of 120 square meters, is the exact spot where MV Eva was beached after it was washed inland due to the storm surge and killed 11 people. Its centerpiece is the ship‘s bow after the rest of the boat was cut into pieces and sold as scrap. The memorial park has now become the most visited ―place of interest‖ in Tacloban. Marilou Tabao, chief of staff of Mayor Romualdez, said that they were ―glad‖ that Gore visited Tacloban. ―I guess, in his talks about climate change, he will use Tacloban as talking point. Perhaps his visit to the Philippines will not be complete without visiting Tacloban,‖ Tabao said. Tacloban is considered to be the ground zero of Yolanda.
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Appendix O (Article No. 6): No foreign aid yet for victims of Supertyphoon „Lawin‟ Melvin Gascon, Philippine Daily Inquirer (Inquirer.net), October 23, 2016
More than 700 residents living on the shoreline take refuge on Alcala Gymnasium after pre-emptive evacuation due to Supertyphoon Lawin in Alcala town, Cagayan. INQUIRER PHOTO / RICHARD A. REYES
TUGUEGARAO CITY—Three days after supertyphoon ―Lawin‖ struck Cagayan province, local officials and residents were left wondering why they haven‘t received foreign government assistance as they struggled to cope with the devastation left by one of the strongest storms to smash into the country. The aftermath of Lawin‘s fury in Cagayan and other northern Luzon provinces this week was compared to that left by ―Yolanda,‖ which flattened Eastern Visayas in November 2013 and drew world attention and massive foreign aid and numerous aid workers. In contrast, residents here on Saturday noticed the absence of foreigners then cope with Lawin‘s destruction. That may be because the national government hasn‘t appealed for foreign assistance, according to Romina Marasigan, spokesperson for the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council. Marasigan said on Friday that the government had not requested help from foreign governments. However, the Asean Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance and the Manila offices of
166 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL the World Health Organization and United Nations Children‘s Fund were on standby and ready to provide assistance once requested, she said. The United Nations Population Fund has pledged ―dignity and maternity tents‖ for pregnant and lactating mothers. Also on standy to help upon request are the Philippine Disaster Relief Foundation, Doctors Without Borders and World Vision with relief supplies and aid workers, Marasigan said. While local governments struggled to distribute food and restore electricity and communication services here, the national news was about President Duterte‘s ―separation‖ from the United States, which he announced during his state visit to China. Foreign help is welcome Cagayan Gov. Manuel Mamba said the province would welcome any help from foreign governments, whether from the United States or China. Donations such as blankets and bottled water that were flown to Cagayan came from private foreign groups. Capt. Evelyn Audencial, spokesperson for the Army‘s 5th Infantry Division based in Gamu town in Isabela province, said the military had not received word of any assistance from foreign governments. ―As of now there is none, but we also believe we can manage. Our troops have been working round-the-clock to be able to help our typhoon survivors,‖ she said. Relief operations faltered as local governments awaited a decision by the Cagayan provincial board to place the province under a state of calamity to speed up the release of emergency funds. Vice Gov. Melvin Vargas III said he and the Cagayan board were waiting for a request from the governor so they could convene and declare a state of calamity. The Cagayan provincial disaster risk reduction and management council said Lawin killed four people, injured 11 others, destroyed more than 9,000 houses, displaced 28,000 people, and damaged P5.7 billion worth of crops and P433.8 million worth of infrastructure. Provincial and municipal DRRM offices have been coping with limited quantities of food and other relief supplies. On Saturday, local DRRM personnel and support crews were deployed to various barangays to distribute relief goods, which were delivered on Friday by two C-130 planes from Mactan. Residents in Tuguegarao, Peñablanca and Solana towns, told the Inquirer they have not received a single pack of relief goods. ―Some people [from municipal government] came and took photos of my house, and left. They did not say anything about what kind of help they were giving,‖ said Erlinda Orteza, 60. The roof of her house in Barangay Maddarulug in Solana was blown away. TVJ
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Appendix P (Article No. 7): Typhoon Haiyan: What‟s a Superpower to Do? Mark Thompson, Time Magazine (Time.com), Nov. 13, 2013 The U.S. dispatches a flotilla of aid, while China barely lifts a finger to help its neighbour
U.S. Marines arrive in the Philippines to help with typhoon relief. Josh Diddams / U.S. Marines
Washington is 8,600 miles (13,840 km) from the Philippines. Beijing is 1,800 miles (2,900 km) away. Yet while American aid is flowing across the Pacific to the hard-hit archipelago, where thousands have died, Chinese help is barely trickling across the South China Sea in the wake of last weekend‘s typhoon. More than 250 Marines are on the ground in the Philippines, supported by five C-130 cargo planes and four V-22 tilt-rotor aircraft, with more aircraft on their way. The leathernecks have already delivered more than 50 tons of water, food and medicine. The carrier U.S.S. George Washington is slated to arrive off the Philippines‘ coast on Wednesday from a port call in Hong Kong, with an air wing of more than 80 aircraft, including 11 helicopters, and the ability to produce 400,000 gallons (1.5 million liters) of fresh water daily. U.S. emergency shelters are coming from Dubai. Also steaming toward the ravaged nation are the cruisers U.S.S. Antietam and U.S.S. Cowpens, the destroyers U.S.S. Lassen, U.S.S. McCampbell and U.S.S. Mustin, plus the supply ship U.S.N.S. Charles Drew. Meanwhile, China has pledged $100,000 (plus another $100,000 from the Chinese Red Cross). Is that any way for a wannabe superpower to act? The U.S. is the world‘s largest economy, with an annual gross domestic product of $16 trillion. That‘s double the size of China‘s official GDP figure, but actually only 25% bigger when adjusted for purchasing parity. In fact, according to a March report from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, China will eclipse the U.S. as the world‘s biggest economy in 2016. China‘s stinginess (in comparison, the U.S., beyond its military moves, has donated $20 million, with Japan and Australia giving about $10 million apiece) highlights what it means to be a
168 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL superpower in an interconnected world. Even the official Chinese press is beginning to weigh in on the yuan-pinching ways of the Middle Kingdom. ―China shouldn‘t be absent in the international relief efforts. Instead, it should offer help within the compass of its power, given China‘s international position and its location of facing the Philippines across the sea,‖ said a Tuesday editorial in the People’s Daily, an official newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party‘s Central Committee. ―China‘s international image is of vital importance to its interests. If it snubs Manila this time, China will suffer great losses.‖ China has been engaged in a territorial dispute for decades with the Philippines over the South China Sea that separates them (it also has such issues with Brunei, Malaysia and Vietnam). The China-Philippine squabble has become increasingly tense amid bulked-up navies and the hunt for underwater energy sources. That no doubt accounts for some of Beijing‘s lackluster response. It doesn‘t take long for news of such meager action to spread around the globe. ―Fundraising drives are under way, and about two dozen countries have announced relief efforts — though the efforts planned by some, such as China‘s pledge of $100,000, seem grossly inadequate,‖ a Washington Post editorial noted on Tuesday. The message apparently is seeping into the Chinese consciousness. Qin Gang, a spokesman for the Foreign Ministry, said Beijing might give more. ―China has also suffered from the disaster,‖ he said, ―so we very much understand and sympathize with the current hardships that the Philippine people are facing.‖ Chinese media reported seven people in southern China had been killed by the weakened storm. (Philippine President Benigno Aquino III scaled back the estimated death toll in his country from an initial 10,000 to 2,500 on Tuesday.) Meanwhile, resurrecting a U.S. military presence in the Philippines — Manila kicked out U.S. troops more than 20 years ago — is a subject of negotiations between the Philippines and Washington. It‘s all part of the U.S. military‘s ―pivot‖ to Asia, which has captured Beijing‘s attention. ―We are in discussions with the government of the Philippines right now on greater access for U.S. forces,‖ Pentagon spokesman George Little said on Tuesday. ―The goal is not to have new permanent bases for the U.S. military, but it‘s to enable rotational presences so that we can work together with allies and partners in the region to address problems like humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. The goal in this region and elsewhere is to help build partner capacity. That‘s in our interest, and it‘s in other countries‘ interests as well.‖ Well, except maybe for China‘s.
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Appendix Q (Article No. 8): U.S. Marines Bringing Typhoon Aid to Philippine Shores Mark Thompson, Time Magazine (Time.com), Nov. 11, 2013 Twenty years after Manila kicked the U.S. military out, it‘s among the first there to help Nearly 100 U.S. Marines and sailors are already on the ground in the Philippines, amid the devastation of Typhoon Haiyan, the vanguard of a U.S. military force that is sure to balloon in coming days. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel has ordered the U.S. Pacific Command into action following the weekend storm, which may have left 10,000 Filipinos dead. The initial batch of 90 Marines and sailors flew more than 1,500 miles south before arriving Sunday in the Philippines from the Marines‘ air station at Futenma, Japan, on a pair of KC-130J cargo planes. Their initial efforts will involve search and rescue before transitioning to transportation and logistics.
U.S. Marines arrive in the Philippines to help with typhoon relief. Josh Diddams / U.S. Marines
They arrived in the hard-hit city of Tacloban Monday afternoon. ―Roads are impassable, trees are all down, posts are down, power is down,‖ Marine Brigadier General Paul Kennedy, the commanding general of the Okinawa-based 3rd Marine Expeditionary Brigade, told reporters. ―I am not sure what else is there. I am not sure how else to describe this destruction.‖ Another 180 Marines are en route, U.S. officials said, and the Pentagon is standing by for expected requests for additional aid from the Philippine government. ―Our hearts go out to the people of the Philippines,‖ Pentagon spokesman George Little said. ―This is a tremendously damaging storm.‖ The Pentagon is working alongside the U.S. Agency for International Development in coordinating aid. ―Within hours, the U.S. embassy in Manila provided substantial financial assistance for health, water and sanitation,‖ Secretary of State John Kerry said. ―The U.S. government is organizing emergency shipments of critically needed material to provide shelter to the hundreds of thousands of Filipinos driven from their homes by this unprecedented typhoon.‖ Over the Veterans Day weekend, Team Rubicon, a nonprofit group of U.S. veterans of Afghanistan and Iraq, announced it was deploying ex-troops to help in the rescue effort. ―The
170 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL primary objectives of Operation: Seabird are facilitating search and rescue efforts and providing medical triage for a full-scale field hospital in Tacloban,‖ the group said. The Philippine government said the disaster affected more than 4.2 million people in the central part of the Philippine archipelago. The death toll from one of the most powerful storms ever to make landfall has already reached about 1,000, but is expected to climb as rescuers reach and communications are restored to the region. The U.S. has only a ―small footprint‖ in the Philippines, Little said. It‘s a far cry from the 40,000 U.S. troops who used to call Subic Bay and Clark airfield home. The Filipino government ordered the U.S. Navy out of Subic Bay in 1991, nearly a century after the U.S. captured the islands from Spain (the eruption of Mount Pinatubo forced the closure of Clark earlier that same year). Last year, Manila said the U.S. military could return to Subic and Clark. Regardless of that history, the U.S. military was the most visible sign of international aid following Mother Nature‘s carnage. When a destructive storm hits hapless innocents, the U.S. military generally is among the first to arrive with water, food, tents and medical aid. Since 1990, in fact, the U.S. government has helped Manila respond to more than 40 disasters, including droughts, floods and volcanoes. ―It‘s the right thing to do,‖ Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III, the Pacom commander, told the American Forces Press Service. ―If something is going to happen in the Pacific that is going to create a churn in the security environment, the most likely thing will be a humanitarian disaster problem of some kind.‖ That‘s quite a statement, given the wars in Korea and Vietnam, the non- stop provocations from North Korea, and the perpetual whispering campaign in some U.S. quarters to turn China into the next big U.S. foe.
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Appendix R (Article No. 9): Desperation grows among Philippine survivors of Typhoon Haiyan Sunshine de Leon and Barbara Demick, Los Angeles Times (latimes.com), Nov. 12, 2013 MANILA — Drenched by rain and increasingly desperate, typhoon-stricken Filipinos rushed fences and pleaded with guards Tuesday at the battered airport serving as a tenuous lifeline to an international aid effort confronted at every turn by transport and logistics bottlenecks. The United Nations launched an appeal for $301 million to help victims. The chief of its humanitarian operations, Valerie Amos, arrived in Manila, the capital, to coordinate the relief effort and quickly acknowledged the difficulties it faced. "We have not been able to get into the remote areas," Amos said. Even in Tacloban, she said, the main city in the typhoon's path and the site of the airport, "because of the debris and the difficulties with logistics and so on, we have not been able to get in the level of supply that we would want to." In its appeal for funds, the U.N. estimated that more than 11 million people had been affected by Typhoon Haiyan, one of the strongest storms ever to hit land, with 660,000 left homeless. The official death toll was nearly 1,800, and that figure is expected to rise substantially. More than 2,500 were injured. Philippine President Benigno Aquino III downplayed widespread estimates that 10,000 or more people might have died, telling CNN that the figure was more likely 2,000 to 2,500 people. The higher estimate came from local officials soon after the storm swept through early Friday, and may have been the result of "emotional trauma," Aquino said. Still, it's clear that relief workers have not yet reached many outlying communities, and that it's proving difficult to move supplies from airfields and ports even into the main cities. Tacloban's airport is the only major airfield on the hard-hit island of Leyte. Aid workers say the road from the airport into the city is so clogged with debris and the putrefying remains of the dead that the trip takes three hours. Roads leading inland are impassable. Amos said money was needed for "food, health, sanitation, shelter, debris removal and also protection of the most vulnerable." Before her arrival, the U.N. released $25 million in emergency funds. Other governments, including the United States, Britain, the United Arab Emirates, Japan, Australia and South Korea, pledged tens of millions more. Filipinos working overseas, who account for about 10% of the Philippine population, were also organizing efforts to send money and aid. U.S. and British warships were moving into position off the Philippine coast to help with the relief effort. In addition to the aircraft carrier George Washington, Marine Brig. Gen. Paul Kennedy, head of the U.S. military relief effort, said he needed Navy amphibious ships to help deliver supplies. Marines based in Okinawa were dispatched along with sailors and have begun to deliver aid.
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The White House said President Obama spoke with Aquino by telephone Tuesday and that the United States would deliver "whatever help we can, as quickly as possible." Katherine Manik, country director for ChildFund International, said a relief crew was able to reach the city of Ormoc on the other side of Leyte by boat, but couldn't move far from the dock. "There is a critical need for fresh drinking water and food, but it is very difficult to get anything in. There aren't enough boats. There is no electricity," she said. Even at the makeshift clinic next to the Tacloban airport, to which the Philippine air force's C- 130 cargo planes have been making regular runs from Manila, aid workers said they had no medicine to treat emergency cases. Among the many risks, medical workers say, are tetanus infections as people try to salvage items from their homes or build shelters. But there is no tetanus vaccine available, Capt. Antonio Tamayo of the Philippine air force told the Inquirer Daily News. One difficulty is that the local government infrastructure has disappeared. Tacloban Mayor Alfred Romualdez told reporters that of 1,300 police officers, only 100 were coming to work. Telephones are not working and local radio is out. One radio anchorman in Tacloban who stayed on the air during the storm using generators was presumed to have drowned. No one has heard from him since the program abruptly went off the air. Although there were warnings for days about the typhoon and hundreds of thousands of people took heed and evacuated, many others didn't. The Philippines suffers frequent tropical storms, and some residents apparently thought they could survive this one as well. Warner Passanisi, global emergency response coordinator at ChildFund, said the storm made landfall nine times at different locations in the archipelago nation. "You had not just the wind, but the tidal surges and the swelling of water," he said. Those who survived the punishing winds and storm surge — estimated by some at 20 feet — have since dealt with pouring rain, which tapered off during the day Tuesday. Some were able to obtain tents sent by relief agencies. Many crowded the airport, where Philippine and U.S. cargo planes were bringing in aid. But military officials said the airport could work only during daylight because of the lack of electricity. Mothers held their babies over their heads, hoping that would gain them a seat on a flight leaving the storm zone. Philippine military officers said they had evacuated nearly 3,000 people. But many more were waiting, and local news reports said they twice tried to rush arriving cargo planes. Just after dawn, several thousand rushed through a broken fence toward two Philippine air force C-130s, but they were held back by police and soldiers. Later, police held back another group that tried to rush a U.S. plane. Bodies, some covered with sheets of galvanized metal or wrapped in blankets, had not yet been picked up from roads leading to the airport or at many other locations in Tacloban.
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Narcissa Abordo, 65, was left to deal with the anguish of having survived the storm — even though she urged her son to let her die — while the grandchildren she tried to protect did not. Abordo, who ran a boardinghouse, was caring for the children to help out a daughter who lives in Manila. When the storm hit, there was a rushing sound and a "black whirlpool of water," she said. Abordo passed the boy and girl to her boarders, who took them to the second floor of a neighbor's house. The water, she said, rose more than 10 feet in 10 seconds. Abordo and her son were swept past one tin roof after another, as they tried to grab on to whatever electric wires they passed. She can't swim, and she survived only because her son carried her on his shoulders. She said she told him, "Please save yourself — I am already old. You can leave me. You are young." He refused. Abordo said she would never understand what exactly happened to her grandchildren. She was told that one child was frightened and jumped into the rising water. Shortly after, the other did the same. The children, she was told, were crying and yelling, "Mama, Mama, Papa...." Her grandson's body has been found; the granddaughter is still missing. "But I think she is nearby," Abordo said, "because I saw her skirt when I walked down a street."
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Appendix S (Article No. 10): Aid workers struggle to reach victims of Philippines typhoon Sunshine de Leon and Barbara Demick, Los Angeles Times (latimes.com), Nov. 12, 2013 MANILA -- Four days after Typhoon Haiyan blew away their homes and livelihoods, most Philippine victims remain in far-flung flooded coastal communities where they so far have been unable to obtain assistance, aid workers say. The United Nations on Tuesday launched an appeal for $301 million to help victims, while U.S. and British warships headed toward the region. In its appeal for funds, the U.N. estimated that more than 11 million people have been affected by the typhoon, one of the strongest storms ever to hit land, with 660,000 left homeless. The official death toll passed 1,700 on Tuesday and is expected to rise substantially. However, Philippine President Benigno Aquino III downplayed estimates that 10,000 or more people may have died, telling CNN that the death toll would more likely be about 2,000 to 2,500 people. Arriving Tuesday in Manila to coordinate the efforts, U.N. humanitarian chief Valerie Amos said that money was needed for ―food, health, sanitation, shelter, debris removal and also protection of the most vulnerable.‘‘ Before her arrival, the U.N. released $25 million in emergency funds. Other governments have pledged more than $35 million. On the hard-hit island of Leyte, there is only one major airport; it's in the devastated city of Tacloban. Aid workers say that the road from the airport into the city is so clogged with debris, interspersed with the now-putrefying remains of the dead, that it takes three hours to get from the airport into the city center. Roads leading inland are entirely impassable. "We have not been able to get into the remote communities," Amos told reporters. "Even in Tacloban, because of the debris and the difficulties with logistics and so on, we have not been able to get in the level of supply that we would want to. We are going to do as much as we can to bring in more." Katherine Manik, country director for ChildFund International, said that an aid crew was able to reach the city of Ormoc on the other side of Leyte by boat but couldn‘t move far from the dock. "There is a critical need for fresh drinking water and food, but it is very difficult to get anything in. There aren‘t enough boats. There is no electricity. Nobody can even recharge their cellphones,‘‘ said Manik. Even in at the makeshift clinic next to the Tacloban Airport, where the Philippine Air Force‘s C- 130 cargo planes have been making regular runs from Manila, aid workers complained that they have no medicine to treat emergency cases. ―It‘s overwhelming,‖ air force Capt. Antonio Tamayo told the Inquirer Daily News. ―We need more medicine. We cannot give anti-tetanus vaccine shots because we have none.‖ One difficulty is that the infrastructure of local government has disappeared. Tacloban Mayor Alfred Romualdez told reporters that of 1,300 police, only 100 were coming to work.
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Telephones are not working and local radio is out. One radio anchorman in Tacloban City was drowned as he gave updates on the typhoon from a two-story office building downtown, using generators to make up for the lack of electrical power. The last anybody heard from him was when the program abruptly went off the air. The coastal topography of the Philippines might have contributed to the unexpectedly high storm surges, which many witnesses compared to a tsunami. "The entire country is coastal areas. It isn‘t like India. There isn‘t much inland. This typhoon made landfall in the Philippines nine times at different locations. You had not just the wind, but the tidal surges and the swelling of water,‘‘ said Warner Passanisi, the global emergency response coordinator at ChildFund International. Although there were warnings for days about the typhoon, many people did not evacuate, confident because they had weathered previous storms. Narcissa Abordo, a 65-year-old grandmother from Tacloban who runs a boarding house, was taking care of her two young grandchildren to help out her daughter, who lives in Manila. She was awakened Friday at 3 a.m. by powerful winds and started to prepare breakfast for her grandchildren. Suddenly, there was a rushing sound and a ―black whirlpool of water,‖ she said. Abordo passed the children one by one to her boarders, who took them to high ground in the second floor of a neighbor‘s house. The water, she said, rose to 13 feet in 10 seconds. Abordo and her son were swept away by the rushing water. As the the water rose, it slid them past houses -- from one tin roof to another, and they tried to grab onto whatever electric wires they passed. Abordo could not swim. She survived only because her son carried her on his shoulders. She said she pleaded with her son: "Please save yourself -- I am already old. You can leave me. You are young.‖ He refused. ―I will never leave you,‖ she recalled him saying. Mother and son survived the storm, but her grandchildren were not so lucky. Abordo said she will never understand what happened. She was told that one child got nervous because the water was rising and jumped in. Shortly after, the other child jumped in. The children, she was told, were crying and yelling, ―Mama, Mama, Papa ... .‖ Her grandson's body has been found; the granddaughter is still missing. ―But," said Abordo, "I think she is nearby because I saw her skirt when I walked down a street.‖
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Appendix T (Article No. 11): Relief teams rush to typhoon-devastated Philippines Sunshine de Leon and Barbara Demick, Los Angeles Times (latimes.com), Nov. 10, 2013
The Philippine city of Tacloban is left in ruins by Typhoon Haiyan. (Ted Aljibe / AFP/Getty Images)
MANILA — With the vast scale of death and destruction slowly coming into focus, international relief teams rushed toward the central Philippines, where one of the strongest storms on record left bereft survivors looting food and water or scrambling for a way out. Aid agencies said they were hurrying supplies to the area hit early Friday by the typhoon. U.S. Marines were en route from bases in Okinawa, Japan, and Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel directed the Pacific Command to deploy helicopters, logistics officers and cargo planes to assist the effort. Initial reports suggested that the Philippines had escaped widespread loss of life from fast- moving Typhoon Haiyan, called Yolanda by Filipinos. But as reports trickled in Sunday from areas that had been cut off from the rest of the country, it became clear that the nation had suffered a major natural disaster. The storm weakened over the South China Sea after leaving the Philippines, and made landfall in Vietnam on Monday. Thousands of people there had been evacuated as a precaution. Dane, who arrived Sunday at a military air base in Manila from Leyte's main city, Tacloban. With few if any cars around and no gas available, Larsen said he walked about 10 miles to the airport from a village where he had ridden out the typhoon in a basement. The road was like "death row," he said. Multi-story buildings had been reduced to heaps of broken concrete, and bodies were strewn about.
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"There were people — babies, children, old people — lying out on the street, with blisters over their bodies … hundreds of them," said Larsen. Television footage showed wooden houses in splinters, cars floating on their sides through floodwaters, upended trees and telephone poles and houses with their roofs blown off. Many of the most desperate remained trapped in remote, mud-choked coastal towns without power, transportation or telephones. In Tacloban, a city of 220,000, officials said that more than 100 bodies had been found on the airport grounds alone. The homeless and injured crowded around the airport hoping to escape, or at least to find food or fresh water. Larsen, who had moved to Tacloban two weeks earlier with his girlfriend, said he had waited eight hours with about 1,000 people to get on a cargo plane to Manila. Their main concern was not the typhoon damage but the lawlessness. "Everything is being looted.... There is no law enforcement — it's a free-for-all," he said. "Hotels, everything, cash registers, even McDonald's.... It is World War III." As reports trickled in from more far-flung areas, there were more tales of death and destruction. "We just made a mass grave for 57 people," Mayor Edgar Boco of the small coastal town of Hernani told reporters. While survivors tried to escape, dozens of others in Manila were hoping to catch a ride on a transport plane from Manila's Villamor Air Base to the scene of the disaster in hopes of finding out what happened to loved ones. Evangelista Sumalbag said she was sick with worry about her sister and daughter, a 28-year-old police officer in Tacloban. "I can't describe my feelings today. I don't have contact, and I don't know what happened to them," said Sumalbag, wiping tears. "I don't want to see the TV anymore, because it hurts me. I am unable to watch all that devastation." The typhoon hit the eastern coast of the Philippines with winds estimated at 147 mph, gusting to 170 mph, and a storm surge of about 20 feet. The death toll appeared likely to be far in excess of the Philippines' largest from previous natural disasters — a 1976 earthquake and a 1991 storm that each killed more than 5,000 people. Philippine President Benigno Aquino III toured the area by helicopter Sunday, landing in Tacloban. Interior Secretary Mar Roxas said the storm destroyed everything in its path. "From a helicopter, you can see the extent of devastation. From the shore and moving a kilometer inland, there are no structures standing," Reuters news service quoted him as saying. "I don't know how to describe what I saw. It's horrific." An initial USAID survey said the cities of Tacloban and Ormoc were "wiped out," Jeremy Konyndyk, the agency's director of foreign disaster assistance, said in a statement.
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UNICEF said it was sending supplies for 3,000 families from stocks already in the Philippines, and that its warehouse in Copenhagen was airlifting $1.3 million worth of water purification tablets, soap, medical kits, tarpaulins and nutritional supplements for an additional 10,000 families. The World Food Program said it was preparing to send 40 metric tons of high-energy biscuits from Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Mammoth Medical Missions, a nonprofit based in Mammoth Lakes that provides health services to underserved communities, said a 16-member team had arrived in Tacloban after being diverted from a mission in Chiapas, Mexico. As part of their mutual defense treaty, the U.S. and Philippines conduct multiple training exercises to prepare for scenarios including disaster response. The U.S. Navy was flying two P-3 Orion surveillance planes above the islands to help rescuers locate the most severely damaged areas and find survivors. On Sunday, about 80 Marines from the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Brigade stationed in Okinawa boarded two KC-130 cargo planes bound for the Philippines, Col. Brad Bartelt, a Marine Corps spokesman, said in a statement. They brought supplies and communications equipment. The Marine Corps will also be sending MV-22 Osprey aircraft. The Osprey is shaped like a cargo plane but can rotate its propellers vertically, enabling it to land and take off without a long runway, like a helicopter. In a statement released Sunday, President Obama said that he and First Lady Michelle Obama "are deeply saddened by the loss of life and extensive damage done by Super Typhoon Yolanda." "I know the incredible resiliency of the Philippine people, and I am confident that the spirit of bayanihan will see you through this tragedy," Obama said, adopting a term commonly used in the Philippines that means communal cooperation. In Southern California on Sunday, Filipino church groups shared scant information and raised money, in some cases expanding on efforts already planned to help victims of a magnitude 7.2 earthquake last month.
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Appendix U (Article No. 12): Philippine typhoon aid delivery picks up speed Alexandra Zavis, Los Angeles Times (latimes.com), Nov. 14, 2013 CEBU, Philippines — With pressure mounting to speed up the distribution of aid to victims of Typhoon Haiyan, the U.S. aircraft carrier George Washington and its strike group arrived Thursday in the Philippines, and officials said relief flights could take place around the clock at two airports. Rear Adm. Mark Montgomery, commander of the George Washington Strike Group, said the carrier and cruisers Antietam and Cowpens would take up positions off the east coast of Samar island "to begin to assess the damage and to provide logistical and emergency support, including medical care and water supplies," according to a Pentagon news release. The Navy cargo ship Charles Drew transported more than 1,900 gallons of water and food to an airfield in the hard-hit city of Tacloban, on Leyte island, which bore the brunt of the monster storm that ripped through the central Philippines late last week, and will move food and water to Guiuan airfield in Samar province, the Pentagon said. More than 20 U.S. helicopters will ferry supplies ashore and take badly injured people to the George Washington for medical care. Pilots flew some of the planes from the carrier to a U.S. naval air station in Japan to create more room on the flight deck for helicopter operations. "These helicopters represent a good deal of lift to move emergency supplies around," Montgomery said. The destroyer Mustin is heading to Ormoc, a port city in Leyte province that is a third focus for relief operations, in addition to Tacloban and Samar. At a military air base in the city of Cebu, which serves as the hub for relief efforts, officials said night flights had begun in Tacloban and were also possible at the Guiuan airfield, a logistics center on Samar. Flights had been limited to daytime because of insufficient lighting and personnel to operate at night. Cebu's airport was a hive of activity Thursday, as cargo planes took off carrying supplies and personnel from countries such as Israel, Indonesia and Taiwan and returned with some of the desperate people who line up every day in Tacloban to try to get a flight out of the disaster zone. "The operations tempo is increasing," said Lt. Gen. Roy Deveraturda, who heads the Philippine armed forces central command. "We have airlifted and delivered more than 1.8 million pounds of relief goods, food, water and medicine." Fourteen Red Cross trucks arrived in Tacloban on Thursday, he said. But many remote areas had yet to see any of the boxes that were piling up at the airfield. Roads were still being cleared of debris, more helicopters were needed and severed communications was making it difficult to coordinate deliveries with local leaders, officials said. The official death toll from the typhoon, known by Filipinos as Yolanda, stood at 2,357, but humanitarian workers said the figure could grow. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said the storm had killed 4,460 people.
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The Philippines News Agency said Chief Supt. Elmer Soria, a police official who had told reporters that the death toll might reach 10,000 people, "was relieved from his post." The U.N. estimates that 11.8 million people have been affected by the typhoon, with hundreds of thousands left homeless. Decaying bodies were still in the streets in Tacloban six days after the storm hit. The city held its first mass burial Thursday for scores of victims. U.N. humanitarian chief Valerie Amos, who toured the city Wednesday, said tens of thousands of people were living in the open, exposed to the rain and wind. "The situation is dismal," she told reporters in the capital, Manila, on Thursday, the Associated Press reported. "I think we are all extremely distressed that this is Day 6 and we have not managed to reach everyone." Meanwhile, the Chinese government, which came under fire at home and abroad for initially providing $100,000 for typhoon relief, said it was contributing money and aid worth $1.64 million. The lower assistance figure from Beijing was seen as a reflection of a continuing territorial spat between the two countries over islands and reefs in the South China Sea. "The Chinese are a nation who have a lot of sympathy, a people who love peace, who are happy to do good deeds," Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang said at a news briefing Thursday in Beijing. "I believe that the vast majority of the Chinese people are understanding and sympathetic toward the situation of the Philippine people." The Chinese Red Cross is also providing $100,000. Jonathan Pollack, an Asia scholar at the Brookings Institution, said China was missing an opportunity to exercise its "soft power" in the region with its response to the disaster. "The Chinese dropped the ball," said Pollack, who was attending a conference in Beijing. "They had the advantage of proximity. They could have offered to send in ships to help and the onus would have been on the Philippines to accept or reject it."
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Appendix V (Article No. 13): U.N. Relief Official to Help Coordinate Aid Efforts Rick Gladstone, The New York Times (nytimes.com), Nov. 11, 2013 The top United Nations relief official flew to the Philippines on Monday to help lead the global response to the powerful typhoon that killed thousands and upended the lives of nearly 10 million people in the country‘s midsection. International aid groups mobilized to rush food, water and sanitation supplies to the victims, a struggle in the face of impassable roads, obliterated seaports and severely damaged airstrips. The move by the relief official, Valerie Amos, to take more personal charge of the effort came three days after the typhoon, Haiyan, left a path of destruction across 41 provinces in the Philippines and as the scope of its devastation was only starting to become clear. The storm was believed by some climatologists to be the most powerful ever to make landfall. In the flattened city of Tacloban, where as many as 10,000 people may have died and corpses were on the streets, rainfall that began late Monday was adding new complications to the relief effort. Earlier it took supply convoys three hours just to traverse the seven-mile route into town from the airport, said John Ging, the operations manager of United Nations emergency relief coordination. Asked if he thought the death toll could rise, he said, ―We hope it doesn‘t get any higher, but we have to be prepared for the worst.‖ At a news briefing at the United Nations headquarters, Mr. Ging said Ms. Amos, the United Nations under secretary general for humanitarian affairs and the emergency relief coordinator, was expected to arrive in the Philippines on Tuesday. She released $25 million from a special fund to help pay for immediate assistance and was beginning what aides called a flash fund- raising drive. At least $35 million in additional aid was pledged by other governments on Monday. ―All the focus is on a rapid mobilization of a very large response,‖ Mr. Ging said. ―This is quite unprecedented in scale.‖ The effort led by the United Nations came as the United States significantly increased its assistance to the Philippines. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, who had ordered 90 Marines and a half dozen aircraft to assist over the weekend, on Monday ordered the aircraft carrier George Washington and other Navy ships in the Pacific ―to make the best speed for the Republic of the Philippines.‖
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Valerie Amos, the United Nations undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs, was expected to arrive in the Philippines on Tuesday. She released $25 million from a special fund to help pay for immediate assistance. European Pressphoto Agency
The George Washington, which carries 5,000 sailors and more than 80 aircraft, was ordered to depart from a port visit in Hong Kong, and the crew was recalled from shore leave immediately. Mr. Hagel also reiterated the American intent to help the Philippine government determine ―what, if any, additional assets may be required.‖ The Philippine government was grateful for the assistance, but it also appeared anxious to retain basic strategic controls, which may have had the unintended consequence of hampering some relief efforts. The Tacloban airport control tower was destroyed, for example, but the government did not ask the United States military to help manage air traffic control with a temporary replacement setup, as it has sometimes done elsewhere. Without a tower, all pilots flying into Tacloban were forced to land by sight, slowing deliveries. The outpouring of support and sympathy was seen around the world, but it was particularly strong in the United States, stoked by social media publicity and the large size of the Filipino population, the second-largest Asian-American group in the country. Some aid groups reported generous pledges from the New York area, reflecting what they called the sympathy effects caused by Hurricane Sandy a year ago. The United Nations relief agency said on its website that as of Monday, 9.8 million people had been affected across the Philippines and more than 659,000 were displaced from their homes. But Mr. Ging and other top relief officials at the United Nations and elsewhere said they could not yet calibrate the full scope of the death and devastation because they simply did not have enough facts. Charities with long experience in the Philippines said they were not waiting for guidance.
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Appendix W (Article No. 14): Rising Despair as Officials Struggle to Get Aid to Typhoon Victims Austin Ramzy and Gerry Mullany, The New York Times (nytimes.com), November 12, 2013
A survivor carried his belongings in Tacloban on Wednesday.
CEBU, the Philippines — An American aircraft carrier headed to the Philippines on Tuesday on an emergency mission to help victims of Typhoon Haiyan as the situation on the islands became increasingly desperate, with food and water supplies running low and bodies lying uncollected in the streets of at least one devastated city. The George Washington, which carries 5,000 sailors and more than 80 aircraft, left a port in Hong Kong that it had been visiting, its crew recalled from shore leave. Philippine officials found themselves on the defensive Tuesday over the pace of relief efforts as Manila struggled to get supplies to the airport in the city of Tacloban, where as many as 10,000 people were feared dead and most of its residents were struggling to get basic foodstuffs and water four days after the typhoon struck on Friday. ―We‘ve asked the U.S. for aid and the secretary of defense says they are sending an aircraft carrier and a couple other ships — those are en route,‖ said Ricky Carandang, a spokesman for the Philippine president, Benigno S. Aquino III. ―There are lots of remote areas that haven‘t received aid,‖ Mr. Carandang said. ―The priority is to get food and water supplied. With communications partially functioning, with ports and roads
184 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL blocked, we need to get that clear first. We need to get the roads clear before you can get the aid to them.‖ President Aquino suggested that the death toll may not turn out to be as high as initially feared. In an interview with CNN‘s Christiane Amanpour, the president said that based on what he had been hearing, the fatalities may be more in the range of 2,000 to 2,500. The Philippine government expressed gratitude for the assistance, but it also appeared anxious to retain basic strategic controls, which may have had the unintended consequence of hampering some relief efforts. The Tacloban airport control tower was destroyed, for example, forcing pilots flying in and out to navigate by sight, slowing deliveries. American officials said Tuesday that an agreement had been reached to allow the United States military to help manage air traffic control with a temporary replacement setup. The BBC said Tacloban aid deliveries were further hampered by a shortage of aircraft that could land on the short runway. In a dispatch from Cebu International Airport, about 120 miles southwest, the BBC said some planes carrying aid for survivors had been delayed because they were too big to land in Tacloban. William Hotchkiss, the director of the Philippine Civil Aviation Authority, told Bloomberg TV on Tuesday that four of the five airports whose operations had been disrupted by the typhoon were now fully operating, with Tacloban‘s allowing only ―limited commercial airline operations‖ because of the relief effort there and damage to the airport. Aid groups detailed frustrating challenges trying to help the tens of thousands of people struggling for food and shelter in Tacloban and elsewhere. The storm surge was so powerful that it left Tacloban devastated, with little means to start up the process of distributing supplies. ―There has been a lot of commentary that relief is not moving as fast as it should be,‖ said Praveen Agrawal, the World Food Program‘s Philippines representative and country director. ―The reality on the ground is there is such a level of devastation.‖ ―Under normal circumstances, even in a typhoon, you‘d have some local infrastructure up and some businesses with which you can contract,‖ Mr. Agrawal said. ―Being as strong as it was, it was very much like a tsunami. It wiped out everything. It‘s like starting from scratch‖ in terms of delivering the aid, he said. Asked if the Philippines would be issuing further requests for aid, Mr. Carandang, the president‘s spokesman, replied: ―We are still getting a handle on things, like how many people are dead. Right now it‘s difficult to say if we need more. Given the enormity of this disaster, at some point if we were offered more, we are not going to turn it down.‖ As officials worked to get a better handle on the extent of the damage, the typhoon‘s potential impact on the Philippine economy was becoming clearer. HSBC Global Research said that the typhoon probably destroyed half the sugar cane production areas in Leyte Province, and that all told, 3.5 percent of the nation‘s sugar cane output was probably lost. It also warned of inflationary shocks to the Philippine economy in the coming months, as supply chains are disrupted.
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Appendix X (Article No. 15): Aid Groups Get Strong Response to Philippines Appeals Rick Gladstone, The New York Times (nytimes.com), November 20, 2013 The United Nations relief agency has elicited a strong response so far to an emergency financing appeal for overcoming the Philippines typhoon disaster, receiving nearly half the amount requested in the week since the effort was begun, a humanitarian aid database reported in an update on Wednesday. The database, the Financial Tracking Service, said donors had provided $129 million of the $301 million requested on Nov. 12 in a ―flash appeal‖ issued by Valerie Amos, the under secretary general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, who has spent most of the past week in the Philippines helping lead the aid effort. Ms. Amos‘s agency, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, is the conduit for all typhoon-related foreign aid flowing to the Philippines from governments and organizations. According to the Foreign Aid Transparency Hub, a Philippines government portal that tallies overseas contributions, the total amount pledged for typhoon relief so far, including the sum raised in Ms. Amos‘s emergency financing appeal, is nearly $320 million. Ms. Amos, who was stunned at the extent of devastation and the initially slow response as she toured the flattened city of Tacloban in Leyte Province and other hard-hit areas last week, was far more positive in her appraisal of the effort on Tuesday in remarks to the news media in Manila. Earlier that day she had revisited Tacloban. ―Today was very different,‖ she told reporters. ―The relief operation has been scaled up substantially. People are making every effort to rebuild their lives, and the early signs of entrepreneurialism are all there.‖ In another barometer of a robust foreign interest in helping, Doctors Without Borders, the Paris- based emergency health organization that was among the first to send medical teams into the disaster zone, said its appeals for funds had also attracted a strong response. Michael Goldfarb, a spokesman for the organization, said nearly half the $3 million received so far just in the United States had come in response to emails, which he called ―a pronounced response rate compared to what we normally see from email appeals.‖ Other signs of increased momentum in the foreign aid effort have been evident in recent days. Lt. Gen. John E. Wissler, the Marine commander who is in overall charge of the American military role in the emergency, said Tuesday in a telephone interview from Manila that the first ship loaded with food to arrive by sea had docked in Tacloban port, and that most, if not all, overland routes in the disaster zone had been cleared. ―I think we‘re really beginning to turn the tide here,‖ he said. Thirteen thousand American soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines have been engaged in the relief effort so far, General Wissler said, and 3,000 more are en route. He said the Americans had flown more than 8,000 survivors out of the affected areas.
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In another hopeful sign, General Wissler said the Navy‘s mothballed hospital ship Mercy, which was activated last week in anticipation that it might need to join other Pacific Fleet ships now stationed off the Philippines, would not be needed. The typhoon, believed to be the most powerful storm to make landfall on record, hit the midsection of the Philippines on Nov. 8, displacing more than 4.4 million people and affecting 13.2 million in 44 provinces, according to government figures. As of Wednesday, the official death toll was 4,011, with 18,557 injured and 1,602 missing.
Children scrambled for candy on Wednesday from a United States Navy crew delivering aid to a remote village, Quiuan, on Samar Island
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Appendix Y (Article No. 16): Asia Rivalries Play Role in Aid to the Philippines Andrew Jacobs, The New York Times (nytimes.com), November 14, 2013
A shipment of food unloaded from an American military helicopter in Guiuan, Philippines, on Thursday. David Guttenfelder/Associated Press
CEBU, the Philippines — The American aircraft carrier George Washington has arrived, its 5,000 sailors and 80 aircraft already busy ferrying relief supplies to storm-battered survivors, and the United States has committed an initial $20 million in humanitarian assistance. Japan is dispatching a naval force of 1,000 troops, in what officials say is that country‘s largest ever disaster-relief deployment. Also on the way: the Illustrious, a British aircraft carrier stocked with transport planes, medical experts and $32 million worth of aid. The outpouring of foreign assistance for the hundreds of thousands left homeless and hungry by Typhoon Haiyan is shaping up to be a monumental show of international largess — and a not-so- subtle dose of one-upmanship directed at the region‘s fastest-rising power, China. China, which has its own newly commissioned aircraft carrier and ambitions of displacing the United States, the dominant naval power in the Pacific, has been notably penurious. Beijing increased its total contribution to the relief effort to $1.6 million on Thursday after its initial pledge of $100,000 was dismissed as stingy, even by some state-backed news media in the country. The typhoon, described as the most devastating natural calamity to hit the Philippines in recent history, is emerging as a showcase for the soft-power contest in Asia. The geopolitical tensions
188 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL have been stoked by China‘s territorial claims in the South China Sea, and heightened by American efforts to reassert its influence in the region. China has showered aid on countries it considers close friends, becoming the largest lender in Africa, rushing to help Pakistan after an earthquake in September and showing a more humanitarian side to its neighbors in Asia. But the typhoon struck hardest at the country China considers its biggest nemesis in the legal, diplomatic and sometimes military standoff over control of tiny but strategic islands in the South China Sea. Over the past year, Chinese and Philippine vessels have faced off over a reef called Scarborough Shoal, and the Philippines has angered China by taking the dispute to an international arbitration tribunal. It did not help that the Philippines earlier this year said it would accept a gift of 10 coast guard vessels from Japan and voiced support for Tokyo‘s plans to strengthen its military ties in the region, or that it is in discussions with the United States about hosting more American troops there. The challenge for China comes shortly after the United States appeared to suffer a setback of its own in the contest for Pacific influence. President Obama had to cancel a high-profile visit to the region this fall to grapple with the fiscal shutdown in the United States, an event that seemed to many in Asia to showcase American dysfunction. So when the typhoon struck an old ally, the Pentagon did not waste much time offering a robust show of assistance. ―There is no other military in the world, there is no other navy in the world, that can do what we can do,‖ one American official said. Michael Kulma, an expert on East Asia at the Asia Society in New York, said the Chinese reluctance to give more aid could hurt its chances to make a favorable impression in the country. ―There was an opportunity, right up front, for China to make a commitment,‖ he said. ―At the end of the day it could be that the Chinese end up giving more. But on the front end of it, they didn‘t stand out.‖ At the same time, the relief efforts by the United States could give a lift to its already strong influence in the Philippines. Despite its longtime alliance with the United States, the Philippines has been tentative over what Washington sees as the country‘s role in its so-called Asian pivot, which includes efforts to increase the presence of American troops on Philippine soil. But the American relief effort — which is receiving a lot of news media attention in the country — might wear away at some of that reluctance, a legacy of the years when the Philippines was an American colony. Already, some in Tacloban said they would not mind American boots on the ground there temporarily, if it would help.
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Appendix Z (Article No. 17): Relief Supplies Pour into Philippines, but Remote Areas Still Suffer Andrew Jacobs, The New York Times (nytimes.com), November 16, 2013 QUINAPONDAN, the Philippines — Day after day, the mayor of this storm-shattered town makes the two-hour drive past flattened villages and splintered palm groves to the nearest functioning airport, where he begs for provisions from those who run the relief supply staging area for eastern Samar Island. ―My people are starving,‖ he tells the government workers, whose requisition notebooks do not favor this rural flyspeck, population 16,525. ―Yesterday someone died of hunger.‖ After days of logistical logjams and transportation paralysis, relief supplies have begun pouring into the ravaged midsection of this island nation, with American Osprey aircraft and C-130 cargo planes delivering pallets of rice and water to the airports in Tacloban, on Leyte Island to the west, and Guiuan, also here on Samar Island. International relief organizations have been fanning out in earnest across the disaster zone. But while hard-hit urban areas are finally getting adequate supplies to stave off hunger and thirst, the region‘s rural hinterland has been largely left to fend for itself in the week since Typhoon Haiyan barreled through with winds up to 190 miles per hour. According to Unicef, 13 million people have been affected. The United States Navy said Saturday that aircraft from the carrier George Washington had flown 77 sorties and delivered 11 tons of water and medical supplies since it arrived off the eastern coast of Samar on Thursday. Once on the ground, most of the aid is distributed by Philippine officials to cities across Leyte and Samar Islands, mostly by helicopter. On Saturday afternoon, the air traffic was so thick that the American naval commanders who have taken control of the Guiuan airport had to turn away at least two Philippine planes carrying supplies, forcing them to return to Manila. Rural areas, however, are still neglected. Perhaps most desperate are the far-flung islets whose residents, isolated from the country‘s main islands, already live from hand to mouth. On Saturday, members of an American medical team touched down in Homonhon, a fishing island of 1,500 that was the first to bear the brunt of Haiyan as it swept west. Margaret Aguirre, communications director for the team, from the International Medical Corps, said it was the first help the residents had received since the storm struck. ―They were in desperate shape,‖ she said, describing a range of untreated injuries and diseases, mostly advanced infections and ailments from a week of living unsheltered in the elements. Medics, she said, treated about a tenth of the residents. Among the throng of anxious people staring at the Guiuan airport‘s busy runway on Saturday was Henry M. Afable, the mayor of Maydolong, a coastal town about 40 miles north. In the past week, he said, he secured enough food for only 400 of the town‘s 13,000 people. ―We have run out of everything, so we just divide everything up into small amounts,‖ he said, adding that the lone delivery, by a United States Navy helicopter, turned into a debacle after the aircraft touched down unannounced in a field next to the local high school. The result was a brutal free-for-all that favored the strong. ―It was pandemonium,‖ he said.
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Here in Quinapondan, most people have been surviving on coconuts and camote, a Philippine sweet potato that residents have been digging up from their waterlogged fields. ―Camote is very nutritious but it‘s not enough,‖ the vice mayor, Rosula Sablo Mambulao, 58, said with a weak smile. Compared with Tacloban, a city of 220,000 where at least 800 died, Quinapondan is faring reasonably well. There were just 10 deaths here, with 170 people injured, according to the meticulously maintained white board propped up on the steps of City Hall. Still, the town has been leveled, with 80 percent of the buildings badly damaged or destroyed, including the hospital, all the schools and the two-year-old civic auditorium, its remains lying in a tangled heap near the town basketball court. After days of returning empty-handed, a municipal truck sent to Guiuan came back to Quinapondan on Friday with just 15 sacks of food, enough to feed a few hundred families. But on Saturday, after waiting an entire day amid the nonstop roar of Seahawk helicopters and cargo planes, Mayor Nedito A. Campo had better luck. He secured 40 sacks of free supplies from the Department of Social Welfare and Development, and then bought 400 more bags of rice, at $30 apiece, from a government warehouse in Guiuan. The warehouse still had about 6,000 sacks of good rice left — 14,000 were drenched when the roof blew away and the rice has since spoiled — but Rosendo Verdaflor, 58, the manager, said that he was not allowed to give the rest away, and that no one from the provincial government had told him otherwise. ―It‘s hard because people are hungry, but I have to follow orders,‖ he said with evident discomfort as a lone armed guard stood at the front gate. After the warehouse workers had filled up the Quinapondan town truck, it lumbered through a landscape of utter devastation, passing countless signs that said ―Help Us‖ or ―We Need Food‖ spelled out in plastic debris or painted on the few intact rooftops. Shortly before dusk, a cheer went up as the truck pulled up to City Hall, where scores of people were waiting for food or a chance to make a free two-minute call on a recently arrived satellite phone powered by a generator. The conversations followed a similar script: we are fine but please send money and food. Mayor Campo, bedraggled from the past week, smiled as volunteers carried the provisions into the lobby, where days earlier 250 people sought shelter as water sloshed in from shattered windows. He spoke with pride about how his town had escaped the looting and chaos that afflicted places like Tacloban, but said he was worried about the future, when international sympathy turns elsewhere and the town‘s residents are left to fend for themselves. ―I think we‘ll be O.K. for the moment,‖ he said. ―I just don‘t know if people will be so civilized a month from now.‖
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Appendix AA (Article No. 18): Typhoon Response Highlights Weaknesses in Philippine Military Andrew Jacobs, The New York Times (nytimes.com), November 19, 2013
Soldiers and residents unloaded food aid from a United States Navy helicopter in Hernani, the Philippines. Bryan Denton for The New York Times
GUIUAN, the Philippines — As American cargo planes and military helicopters zipped across the sky above this decimated city, ferrying badly needed supplies to typhoon survivors, Philippine soldiers were working with what little they had — relying on motorcycles and boats to ferry messages between the army‘s provincial headquarters and stricken municipalities along the eastern coast of Samar, some of them more than a hundred miles away. In an acknowledgment of the army‘s lack of sophisticated equipment, a spokesman said on Monday, ―The courier system is our means of communications.‖ The destructive fury of Typhoon Haiyan quickly laid bare the limitations of the Philippine government‘s disaster preparation and relief capabilities, but increasingly, it is also focusing an unflattering spotlight on the nation‘s military — an overstretched, poorly funded force that has been criticized for its late arrival to the disaster zone. Officials have attributed the delay in part to a shortage of large troop carriers. But even when several thousand soldiers were finally able to fan out across the devastated islands of Samar and Leyte, their work was, and continues to be, hampered by a lack of provisions including food, heavy equipment and communications technology needed when cellphone service is down.
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In addition to clearing roads, transporting relief supplies and evacuating the wounded, the military is responsible for helping the Philippine National Police maintain security during natural disasters. Here in Guiuan, one of the largest cities affected by Haiyan, military personnel have been left to fend for themselves, procuring meals from local residents who cook amid the rubble of their homes while the soldiers await orders that sometimes never arrive. Some of the same problems have plagued the Coast Guard. When asked why they had spent the past four days sitting in the mayor‘s storm-battered offices, two Coast Guard sailors on Monday shrugged and pointed to their useless cellphones. ―We‘re waiting for instructions,‖ one of them, Cliff Turallo, said with apparent embarrassment. Analysts say the aftermath of the typhoon is a particularly jarring reminder of how badly Philippine forces have fared since the American military withdrew in the early 1990s, after negotiations over a new treaty faltered amid a passionate debate over national sovereignty. In a poor country struggling to overcome a culture of graft that has starved government budgets for years, Filipino leaders have consistently directed resources toward other priorities — in part, analysts say, because they still view the United States, a strong ally, as a safety net. The military budget itself has been pilfered by corrupt government officials under previous administrations. Now that the typhoon has exposed these weaknesses, analysts expect renewed debate about whether the Philippines should allow the United States to do what it has been asking to do: cycle more American troops through the country as part of the Obama administration‘s attempt to act as a counterweight to China. With its own conflict looming — China is challenging Philippine claims to some strategic maritime territories — the Philippines has also begun to try to build its own resources. But for the moment, the country has little of the advanced equipment that can be used in rescue and recovery efforts as well as in conflict. Instead, Philippine forces have had to make do with increasingly obsolete hand-me-downs. A lack of parts has mothballed much of the nation‘s fleet of a dozen C-130 cargo planes, the workhorses of many relief operations worldwide. The military said it had only three functioning transport aircraft to deliver troops and supplies in the days after Typhoon Haiyan; some soldiers said there were just two. Similar problems have grounded 28 of the Air Force‘s 44 Huey helicopters, according to IHS Jane‘s Defense Weekly. Although it has ordered 12 fighter jets from South Korea, the Philippine Air Force currently has no fighter planes, and the navy relies on a handful of aged American surplus vessels.
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Appendix BB (Article No. 19): After Typhoon Haiyan, Guiuan in the Philippines begins rebuilding Todd Pitman and Kristen Gelineau, The Washington Post (washingtonpost.com), November 15, 2013 GUIUAN, Philippines — People swept dirt from the pews and wiped clean the mud-covered, ornate tile floors of a church. The sound of hammers hitting nails and the buzzing of chain saws reverberated in the streets. Debris was piled on corners and set ablaze. Amid all this activity, a stream of bodies continued their final journey toward a hillside mass grave, where nearly 170 had been buried by Friday afternoon. One week after Typhoon Haiyan razed the eastern part of the Philippines, killing thousands and leaving at least 600,000 homeless, residents of the disaster zone were rebuilding their lives and those of their neighbors. An international aid effort gathered steam, highlighted by the helicopter drops conducted from the aircraft carrier USS George Washington. But the storm victims moved ahead — with or without help from their government or foreign aid groups. Peter Degrido, a coast guard reservist, was one of the 35 workers trying to move an overturned passenger bus from a road leading to the airport in Guiuan, a town on Samar island. They hitched the bus to a truck with steel cables and made slow progress. Ahead of them lay many downed electricity poles. ―We‘re clearing debris from the roads leading to the airport and the port so that relief goods and medicine can arrive faster,‖ Degrido said. ―It‘s devastating to see this. But people are slowly recovering.‖ The Philippines‘ main disaster response agency raised the death toll Friday to 3,621, up from the previous figure of 2,360. Most of the casualties occurred on Leyte and Samar islands. The agency said 1,140 people are missing and more than 12,000 injured. At 6 a.m. Friday, Dionesio de la Cruz, 40, was hammering together a bed, using scavenged rusty nails. He had already built a temporary shelter out of the remains of his house in Guiuan, about 100 miles from Leyte‘s devastated capital, Tacloban. ―We‘re on our own, so we have to do this on our own,‖ he said as his wife and mother slept on a nearby table. ―We‘re not expecting anybody to come and help us.‖ Elsewhere in town, one man was selling skewers of meat, and a couple of kiosks were selling soda and soap. Everywhere, freshly washed clothes lay drying in the sun. Guiuan was one of the first towns hit by the typhoon. It suffered massive damage, but casualty figures were lower than in Tacloban and elsewhere because it was largely spared from storm surges. In signs that relief efforts were picking up, U.S. Navy helicopters flew from the USS George Washington off the coast, dropping water and food to isolated communities. The U.S. military said it will send about 1,000 more troops along with additional ships and aircraft to join the aid effort.
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So far, the U.S. military has moved 190 tons of supplies and made nearly 200 flights. ―Having the U.S. military here is a game-changer,‖ said Col. Miguel Okol, a spokesman for the Philippine air force. ―For countries that we don‘t have these kinds of relationships with, it can take a while to get help. But with the U.S., it‘s immediate.‖
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Appendix CC (Article No. 20): Relief is slow to reach victims of Philippine typhoon; looters steal medical supplies Chico Harlan, The Washington Post (washingtonpost.com), November 11, 2013 A massive relief effort after one of the deadliest storms in a century was hampered early Tuesday by the widespread wreckage in the central Philippines, where the super-typhoon left trees splintered on the streets, bodies festering in open view, and desperate towns short of food and water. The destruction across a chain of Philippine islands leaves authorities with a complicated relief operation, on a scale exceeding any other in the history of the disaster-prone nation. Although rescue workers have reached many of the areas that Typhoon Haiyan hit on Friday, others remain inaccessible. Pharmacies have been swept away and hospitals gutted. Looters have hauled away medical supplies, according to local media reports. The half-dozen provinces hit most directly by Haiyan‘s 150-mph winds still lack electricity or mobile phone connections. In some remote areas, relief can arrive only by boat or helicopter. Early Tuesday, a clearer picture of the destruction emerged as rescue workers reported on conditions on the ground and the Philippine military provided aerial images of towns ground into wood beams and rubble. Photos showed survivors walking the streets, covering their noses with clothing to shield them from the stench of bodies. The typhoon cut a path through the middle of the country, directly affecting about 10 percent of the population. As many as 10,000 people are feared dead in Tacloban city alone, according to unconfirmed accounts, and thousands nationwide are missing. The government‘s death toll rose to 1,774, but it is expected to climb greatly. ―I don‘t believe there is a single structure that is not destroyed or severely damaged in some way — every single building, every single house,‖ U.S. Marine Brig. Gen. Paul Kennedy said after taking a helicopter flight over Tacloban, according to the Associated Press. Said Sandra Bulling, an emergency communications officer at CARE, a humanitarian agency, who made it to a village 20 miles from Tacloban on Monday: ―It is really a massive disaster. Aid is slowly getting through, and the local authorities have started distributing. But what the municipalities are telling us is they‘re running out of their stock, and now they‘re really relying on international support.‖ Global assistance Nations across the region moved quickly to help the Philippines, a country in which 40 percent of the population lives on $2 or less per day and whose shoddy infrastructure makes it vulnerable to typhoon damage. Secretary of State John F. Kerry told Philippine Foreign Minister Albert del Rosario that the U.S. government will provide ―all necessary assistance.‖ The U.S. Agency for International Development announced $20 million in immediate humanitarian aid. The agency is helping Philippine agencies evaluate damage, and a U.S. disaster team is in Leyte province, one of the hardest-hit regions. The team‘s initial report suggested that 90 percent of housing there has been significantly damaged or destroyed.
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Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel ordered the USS George Washington and other Navy ships to the Philippines to help with the relief efforts. Support has flowed in from more than 20 countries, Philippine authorities say. Australia announced $9.4 million in assistance. Japan said it would fly in medical staff. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs released $25 million in emergency funding. One of the main goals is to quickly reopen roads and airports, said John Ging, a director at the office. According to the United Nations, about 2.5 million people are in need of food because of the disaster, and the risk of malnutrition is ―extremely high.‖ ―The scale of devastation also impacts the capacity to get aid to the people where they most need it,‖ Ging told reporters in New York. ―Clean drinking water is a very big priority right now.‖ Even in the best of times, traveling between islands in the Philippines can be difficult. The nation has for decades underinvested in infrastructure, according to the World Bank, and its airports are among the most inferior in Asia. Its military, too, is stuck with Cold War-era aircraft and boats, despite recent modernization attempts. Before Haiyan made landfall, the Philippines evacuated hundreds of thousands of people, but for those in its path, the storm was nearly inescapable. Survivors say tsunami-like walls of water flooded streets and homes within minutes. Some towns reported waves as high as 12 feet. Some meteorologists and scientists say a global rise in temperatures has created higher-power storms, and a Philippine delegate at U.N. climate change talks in Warsaw said Haiyan is a ―sobering reminder‖ of the dangers of climate change. ―It can be considered a perfect storm,‖ Lucille Sering, secretary of the Philippine Climate Change Commission, said in a televised interview with ABS-CBN News, a Philippine media network. ―They were hit not only by water brought by the wind, but also by water brought by the rain due to the increase in temperature.‖ On Monday night, Philippine President Benigno Aquino III declared a state of ―national calamity‖ — a maneuver that pulls away red tape and can speed up the government response. He told law enforcement agencies to take all necessary measures to maintain order in the wake of looting. Since taking office in 2010, Aquino has spoken out against national and local corruption, saying that it undermines growth. And on Monday, the government tried to make sure that the money and food arriving in the devastated areas wind up in the right hands. Cabinet Secretary Jose Rene Almendras, a key lieutenant for Aquino, urged local governments to distribute relief goods as quickly as possible and keep finger-pointing to a minimum. He also asked that local governments designate leaders who can assess where relief is most needed. ―We all need to work together,‖ Almendras said. ―There‘s a need to organize ourselves well.‖ The typhoon made landfall in Vietnam on Monday, but its winds were far weaker than those that tore into the Philippines. No casualties were reported in Vietnam. State media in China reported Tuesday that the typhoon has killed eight people in southern China. Those in some parts of the central Philippines could be without power for as long as six months, the Philippine Department of Energy said, because the typhoon destroyed hundreds of electrical
197 Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan Mapagdalita, JL posts. Total damage from the storm could reach $14 billion, according to a Kinetic Analysis Corp. study cited by Bloomberg News. ―The restoration of communications and power lines are urgent and critical now,‖ said Marco Boasso, the chief of mission in the Philippines for the International Organization for Migration. ―Without that, we cannot get a clear picture of the true magnitude of this mega-disaster and the ensuing needs,‖ he added. ―What we are seeing now is just the tip of the proverbial iceberg. I am sad to say that over the coming days, we are likely to see a sharp and tragic rise in Haiyan‘s impact.‖
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Appendix DD: Participant Responses to Online News Sites' Coverage of Typhoon Aftermaths in the Philippines (Reading Exercise) Section 1: Introduction Hello! I am Josue‘ A Libby‘s R. Mapagdalita, a senior undergraduate student of University of the Philippines Manila Political Science program. I am under the supervision of my faculty adviser Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA, ret. I would like to invite you to answer this form of participation in my research study entitled, ―Kung Wala Ka Nang Maintindihan, Kung Wala Ka Nang Malapitan, Kapit Ka Sa Akin … Hindi Kita Bibitawan: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Online News Articles to Understanding the Increasing Dependency of Filipinos on Humanitarian Aid during Typhoon Aftermaths.‖ In order to achieve the best results, I would like to obtain your opinions regarding the online news articles that I sent for you to be read. Your responses will be beneficial to my study which will add to the existing knowledge related to humanitarian aid dependency in the Philippines. Even though this questionnaire only asks for your opinion regarding the articles you have read, this may or may not affect you psychologically; however, if it does, you may choose not to continue answer this questionnaire. Also, please be reminded that your identity will be kept confidential and that your individual responses will be kept anonymous, will only be utilized by the researcher undertaking the study, and will be discarded immediately after the duration of the study. If you have questions concerning this questionnaire or the entire research, please contact me at 09978473097 or at [email protected]. You are also free to contact my professor, Dr. Josefina G. Tayag, at 09178580569 or at [email protected]. Informed Consent ___ I voluntarily agree to participate in this study. ___ I do not wish to participate in this study. Section 2: Participant Information Name/Alias ______Please select the title of the article that was assigned for you to be read. 1. "What Typhoon Yolanda foreign aid looks like without US, EU, and UN" 2. "Duterte to EU, US: Withdraw aid, we will survive" 3. "US military joins race to help Yolanda survivors" 4. "World leaders mourn loss in PH due to Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan)" 5. "Al Gore visits Tacloban, sees destruction caused by ‗Yolanda‘" 6. "No foreign aid yet for victims of Supertyphoon ‗Lawin‘" 7. "Typhoon Haiyan: What‘s a Superpower to Do?" 8. "U.S. Marines Bringing Typhoon Aid to Philippine Shores" 9. "Desperation grows among Philippine survivors of Typhoon Haiyan" 10. "Aid workers struggle to reach victims of Philippines typhoon" 11. "Relief teams rush to typhoon-devastated Philippines" 12. "Philippine typhoon aid delivery picks up speed"
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13. "U.N. Relief Official to Help Coordinate Aid Efforts" 14. "Rising Despair as Officials Struggle to Get Aid to Typhoon Victims" 15. "Aid Groups Get Strong Response to Philippines Appeals" 16. "Asia Rivalries Play Role in Aid to the Philippines" 17. "Relief Supplies Pour into Philippines, but Remote Areas Still Suffer" 18. "Typhoon Response Highlights Weaknesses in Philippine Military" 19. "After Typhoon Haiyan, Guiuan in the Philippines begins rebuilding" 20. "Relief is slow to reach victims of Philippine typhoon; looters steal medical supplies" Section 3: Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: Readers‟ Emotions or Feelings; Conclusions They Derived from the Articles What exactly did you feel after reading the online news article? ______What conclusions have you derived after reading the online news article? ______Section 4: Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on Framing/Representation of Actors during Typhoon Aftermaths What did you feel or think about our national and local governments (especially with regard to disaster response) after reading the article? Please explain briefly. ______What did you feel or think about donor countries & entities, such as the United States, the United Nations, and the European Union (especially in the context of disaster response) after reading the article? Please explain briefly. ______What did you feel or think about the typhoon victims after reading the article? ______Section 5: Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on (New) Perception to (Foreign) Humanitarian Aid 1. After reading the article, what is now your perception on (foreign) humanitarian aid that enters the Philippines, especially during typhoon aftermaths? Please explain briefly. ______Section 6: Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on Perceived Objectivity of Article Do you think the article written is neutral or unbiased? Why or why not? Please explain briefly. ______Section 7: Participant's Reaction(s) to the Article: on Agreement to the Facts Presented by the Writer or Journalist
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Do you agree with all the information provided in the article? Why or why not? Please explain briefly. ______
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