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Codo Del Pozuzo) Pueblo Nuevo R Codo Del Pozuzo Pueblo Libre Nuevo Dantas John Peter Pueblo Nuevo CODO DEL POZUZO HU HU Santa Ana Emp
76° W 395000 400000 405000 410000 415000 420000 425000 430000 435000 440000 445000 450000 455000 460000 465000 470000 475000 480000 485000 490000 495000 500000 505000 R San Gregorio / La Playa í Río Nova San Gregorio Ricardo Herrera o Alto Huayhuante Ricardo Herrera. Río Nova Incari. Santa Seca Juan Velasco. A Río Nova MARISCAL 638 g a Emp. HU-628 ío Nov Nuevo Huayhuante u R 270 CACERES Puerto Libre a y a í t Emp. HU-619 (Dv. Bolaina) t ía y 0 0 HU Pta. Carretera. San Pablo. a u 0 LUYANDO HU 0 628 g BELLAVISTA LORETO A 0 ¬ Alto Huayhuante -Huayhuantillo San Pablo Alto 0 «Supte Chico o 620 í 5 Mishki Punta «¬ Comunidad 5 HU R SAN S S 7 7 Huayhuantillo Nativa ° 619 Heroes del Oriente ° MARTIN UCAYALI 9 9 Supte Chico. Emp. HU-619 (Bolaina). 8 «¬ 8 Bolaina Puerto Azul 8 IRAZOLA HU 8 Bolaina 978 PUENTE LA LIBERTAD Vista Alegre Pta. Carretera (Río Tulumayo). Topa HU «¬ Emp. PE-5N (Galicia) Emp. HU-622 Topa GALICIA TOCACHE Sol Naciente 610 a «¬ e Bajo Guayabal Alto Galicia. San Jorge Galicia t Nueva Union San Miguel de Tulumayo R i PATAZ CORONEL HU Huascar í h Río Negro Emp. HU-619 o N c PORTILLO Julio Cesar Tello o a Emp. HU-622 (Supte San Jorge) 622 Emp. HU-622 va P Supte San Jorge o «¬ Huascar í Atahualpa Emp. HU-622 11 de Octubre R Emp. HU-622 Estación Metereológica Supte. SIHUAS UCAYALI Vista Alegre Atahuallpa Sanja Seca a e POMABAMBA HU t HU i Sanja Seca h San Antonio RUPA-RUPA 624 c 627 a PADRE «¬ P ¬ MARAÑON « Comunidad ABAD 207 o Capitan Arellano. -
Un Pictograma Llamado Túpac Amaru. Acerca De Una Pintura Rupestre Nominada En Chaupiqaqa- Andasco, Calca (Cusco - Perú)
Páginas 00-00 Chungara Revista de Antropología Chilena UN PICTOGRAMA LLAMADO TÚPAC AMARU. ACERCA DE UNA PINTURA RUPESTRE NOMINADA EN CHAUPIQAQA- ANDASCO, CALCA (CUSCO - PERÚ) A PICTOGRAM NAMED TUPAC AMARU. ABOUT A NOMINATED RUPESTRIAN PAINTING AT CHAUPIQAQA-ANDASCO, CALCA (CUSCO - PERÚ) Raúl Carreño-Collatupa1 Uno de los paneles de estilo rupestre Espinar post-colombino de Chaupiqaqa-Andasco, Calca, contiene la figura de un jinete con un tocado de cornamentas que semejan centellas y que la tradición oral local conoce como “Túpac Amaru”. Estas pinturas fueron hechas cuando las huestes túpacamaristas de la Gran Rebelión atacaron Calca a fines de 1780. Es el único caso conocido de pictograma peruano que rememora a un personaje histórico. El análisis realizado permite decir que el jinete representado no es José Gabriel Túpac Amaru sino su primo-hermano, Diego Cristóbal, quien comandó las tropas rebeldes en la zona y, tras el ajusticiamiento de José Gabriel, asumió el mando de la rebelión. Se trataría de un caso de sincretismo de símbolos de poder y legitimidad que aprovechó el nombre de Diego y el simbolismo hispano-andino del rayo, para presentar a Diego Cristóbal como una personificación de Santiago-Illapa-Amaru. Palabras claves: pictograma, Túpac Amaru, Gran Rebelión, arte rupestre, Calca, Cusco, Santiago-Illapa. One of the post-Columbian Espinar rock art panels of Chaupiqaqa-Andasco, Calca, contains the figure of a horseman with a lightning-like antler headdress, known in the local oral tradition as “Túpac Amaru.” These paintings were made when Túpac Amaru’s Great Rebellion troops attacked Calca at the end of 1780. It is the only known case of a Peruvian pictogram that recalls a historical figure. -
31 200 Años Bicentenario.Pdf
Al cabo de un tiempo Saladé se convertirá en un ermitaño, quizá debido al proceso de migración Esto da ocasión de pensar que en la configuración espiritual del personaje llegarían a mezclarse forzada al que serían sometidos los moradores originarios, llamados a constituir el pueblo de la Mag- elementos propios del cristianismo, de origen europeo, con rituales o ingredientes propios de la tierra dalena. Pero resulta imposible pensar que en todos esos años en que habitó la huaca, él haya estado andina. Así se podría entender su caso como una suerte de “religiosidad fusión”, matiz tan característi- completamente solo. Más bien es probable que haya convivido con algunos habitantes de dicho lugar co de nuestro sincretismo religioso y del mestizaje peruano en general. o en todo caso hayan vivido cerca de él. El hecho de ser un ermitaño no lo aísla por completo de la gente; puede haber sido muy independiente en sus hábitos de la vida, pero también pudo haber En este contexto hay un detalle que no debemos pasar por alto y es el hecho de que todos los españoles compartido sus experiencias y necesidades cotidianas con personas que vivían alrededor.5 que venían a América debían ser eran católicos, y si algún extranjero venía a las colonias hispanas del Nuevo Mundo, debía también serlo. Es obvio que los jerarcas peninsulares no querían que el protes- tantismo se expandiera por su territorio, y mucho menos en los dominios ultramarinos; de manera que al embarcarse con destino a las Indias, Mateo Salado tuvo que haber ocultado su inclinación hacia la fe luterana, diciendo que era un católico practicante. -
The Genetic Profile of the Arawak-Speaking Yanesha
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MPG.PuRe AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 155:600–609 (2014) Between Andes and Amazon: the Genetic Profile of the Arawak-Speaking Yanesha Chiara Barbieri,1 Paul Heggarty,2 Daniele Yang Yao,1 Gianmarco Ferri,3 Sara De Fanti,1 Stefania Sarno,1 Graziella Ciani,1 Alessio Boattini,1 Donata Luiselli,1* and Davide Pettener1 1Department of Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences, University of Bologna, 40126 Bologna, Italy 2Department of Linguistics, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Deutscher Platz 6, 04103 Leipzig, Germany 3Dipartimento di Medicina Diagnostica, Clinica e di Sanita Pubblica, Universita degli Studi di Modena e Reggio Emilia, 41124 Modena, Italy KEY WORDS mtDNA; Y chromosome; STR; South America; language ABSTRACT The Yanesha are a Peruvian population and one INDEL diagnostic for assigning haplogroups). who inhabit an environment transitional between the We uncover sex-biased genetic trends that probably Andes and Amazonia. They present cultural traits char- arose in different stages: first, a male-biased gene flow acteristic of both regions, including in the language they from Andean regions, genetically consistent with high- speak: Yanesha belongs to the Arawak language family land Quechua-speakers and probably dating back to (which very likely originated in the Amazon/Orinoco Inca expansion; and second, traces of European contact lowlands), but has been strongly influenced by Quechua, consistent with Y chromosome lineages from Italy and the most widespread language family of the Andes. Tyrol, in line with historically documented migrations. Given their location and cultural make-up, the Yanesha Most research in the history, archaeology and linguistics make for an ideal case study for investigating language of South America has long been characterized by percep- and population dynamics across the Andes-Amazonia tions of a sharp divide between the Andes and Amazo- divide. -
Juan Santos Atahualpa Corno El Nuevo Inca Del Perú
Amazonía Peruana, Tomo XI. N2 22, 1992; pp. 47 -60 JUAN SANTOS ATAHUALPA ' ' Un Movimiento Milenarista en la Selva B. Sara Mateas Fernóndez-Maquieira ' En junio de 1742, en pleno corazón de la selva central peruana, estalló la más larga rebelión registrada en el período colonial. Encabe zada por Juan Santos Atal:malpa, un joven mestizo de origen serrano, el movimiento deshizo en pocos meses toda la labor evangelizadora que los franciscanos habían comenzado en la zona en el siglo XVII y conso lidado en elXVIU. Esta rebelión con rasgos eminentemente rnilenaristas, no logró su meta: la de expulsar a los peninsulares del virreynato y coronar a Juan Santos Atahualpa corno el nuevo inca del Perú. Este artículo pretende analizar la rebelión desde un punto de vista ideológico, para lo cual se ha creído conveniente explicar la situación de la selva central en esa época. In June of 1742, in the heart of the central rainforest of Peru, a rebellion broke out that was the longest ever recorded in the colonial period. Led by Juan Santos Atahualpa, the movernent undid in a few rnonths the _missionary work that the Franciscans had begun in the region in the VXII century and consolidated in the XVIII century. This rebelion, with evident millenaristic characteristics, did not achieve its goal: to expel the europeans and crown Juan Santos Atahualpa as the new Inca of Peru. This article analyzes the rebellion from an ideological viewpoint, and with this in mind, studies the context of the central rainforest of that period. DIGITALIZADO EN EL CENDOC - CAAAP Amazonía Peruana-----------'---------- INTRODUCCION Este artículo es el resultado de una ponencia que presenté en la Universidad de Lima el) noviembre del año pasado. -
8. Resistance and Rebellion in Colonial Latin America (3/02/04)
8. RESISTANCE AND REBELLION IN COLONIAL LATIN AMERICA (3/02/04) At initial conquest, resistance variable: Maya held out longer than Aztec, famous Inca state held out at margins of Peru 1536-72. Other regions only partially subdued or not at all. But in core areas, thought for long time that no rebellions. Question of resistance in history and social science: romanticized and politicized. Question of whether oppressed accept lot. Notion of hegemony. Challenge from James Scott. In Americas little true hegemony, but people adapt to lot, accommodation as well as resistance. Village Rebellions Study by William Taylor in colonial Mexico, shows that local uprisings did occur Local, spontaneous, limited: attack tax collector or priest Sometimes got a little improvement. Must imagine self in situation, think of balance of power. Usually only small local militia, suppression expensive, hearing complaints sometimes cheaper. But regional troops available as backup for major uprisings. So both sides know limits of game. Why no wider rebellion? Parochial outlook, little common feeling with neighbors; colonial system encouraged parochialism. Grievances particular. Hard to organize wider rebellion. But also partial knowledge so far of how often rebellion did occur. Now know there were riots and mini-uprisings all across empire. Problem of charting when and why. 18th Century: Age of rebellion One cause increased exploitation. In first two centuries, buffered by low population, free land. By 18th really pinched. Even more, escalation of demands, tightening of system. Had been corruption, bargaining with exploiters, some slack. In imperfect way, Crown did protect a bit, wanted Indians to survive. Late 17th century on, monarchy tightens up system. -
Of Colonial Notaries, Inca Utopias, and Emerging Indigenous Elites: Some Noteworthy Titles in Andean Historiography
Of Colonial Notaries, Inca Utopias, and Emerging Indigenous Elites: Some Noteworthy Titles in Andean Historiography BURNS, Kathryn. Into the Archive: Writing and Power in Colonial Peru. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010. Pp. 246. GALINDO, Alberto Flores. In Search of an Inca: Identity and Utopia in the Andes. Edited and translated by Carlos Aguirre, Charles F. Walker, and Wyllie Hiatt. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Pp. 270. KLEIN, Herbert S. A Concise History of Bolivia. Second edition. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Pp. 360. The three titles reviewed here focus on aspects of the Andean past, and each one presents remarkably varying approaches to writing about history. Herbert S. Klein’s A Concise History of Bolivia is the latest and greatest incarnation of a staid national narrative by an exceptionally knowledgeable expert. Alberto Flores Galindo died in 1986, but his influentialIn Search of an Inca: Identity and Utopia in the Andes is an important collection of essays only now available to English readers with this translation. Finally, Kathryn Burns offers Into the Archive: Writing and Power in Colonial Peru, an intriguing exploration of colonial notaries and the bureaucratic foundations of Spanish imperial authority in the Andes. Each of these three volumes—offering some newer ideas and interpretations along with older ones—are important additions (though not necessarily brand new ones) to Andean historiography. First consider A Concise History of Bolivia by Herbert S. Klein, a solid national history now in its second edition. It remains a solid installment in Cambridge University Press’s excellent Concise Histories series; however, this is actually the fourth version of Klein’s profile of Bolivia, as this particular “concise history” was first published as Bolivia: The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society in 1982 (and updated in 1992) by Oxford University Press. -
25320 Km2 CAPITAL: Cerro De Pasco (4338 Msnm) ALTITUD
Pasco DATOS GENERALES UBICACIÓN Sierra (Andes) central del Perú EXTENSIÓN: 25320 km2 CAPITAL: Cerro de Pasco (4338 msnm) ALTITUD: 256 msnm (Puerto Bermudez) 4380 msnm (Cajamarquilla) VIAS DE ACCESO Terrestre Lima-Cerro de Pasco: 296 km por la Carretera Central (7 horas en auto aproximadamente) RELIEVE Y CLIMA característica está formada por pastos, queñuales, huamanpintas, putagas y mata El departamento de Pasco tiene un relieve variado que incluye altas mesetas y frías matas o pargashes. montañas y la selva alta hacia el oriente. Su territorio está marcado por la presencia Baños Termales de Calera de los dos flancos de la cadena de los Andes, la Cordillera Occidental y la Oriental. A 43 km al norte de la ciudad de Cerro de Pasco (2 horas, 30 minutos en auto La capital del departamento, Cerro de Pasco, se ubica en la Meseta de Bombón, una aproximadamente), ó 2 km desde la localidad de Huayllay (1 hora 30 minutos a pie extensa planicie que se prolonga hasta el departamento de Junín. aproximadamente) La ciudad de Cerro de Pasco posee un clima lluvioso y semifrígido con presencia de Baños ricos en calcio, potasio, magnesio, sodio, cloruros, sulfatos y bicarbonatos. Las lluvias en las tres estaciones (otoño, primavera y verano). La temperatura media aguas alcanzan unos 60ºC (140ºF) de temperatura. Se les atribuyen propiedades anual máxima es 12,4°C (54,2ºF) y la mínima -0,6°C (31ºF). curativas frente a dolencias musculares y nerviosas. Nevado de Huaguruncho A 86 km al este de la ciudad de Cerro de Pasco (3 horas en bus aproximadamente), BREVE -
Localized Agrifood Systems Dynamics and Geographical Indications As Ways to Reinforce Food Systems’ Sustainability? Case Studies in Mongolia and Peru
Theme 5 – Sustainable agrifood systems, value chains and power structures Localized AgriFood Systems dynamics and Geographical Indications as ways to reinforce food systems’ sustainability? Case studies in Mongolia and Peru Stéphane Fourniera, Blandine Arvisb, Fanny Michaudb a Innovation, Montpellier SupAgro, Inra, Cirad, Univ Montpellier, France, [email protected] b Montpellier SupAgro, [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract: Localised AgriFood Systems (LAFS), particularly when they are reinforced by a Geographical Indication (GI) registration system, are seen as a sustainable model of production and trade. This paper interrogates this assertion. Seeking the bases of LAFS and GI sustainability, it examines their appearance and continuation throughout their development trajectory, first theoretically, then thanks to two case studies (“Villa Rica coffee” in Peru and “Uvs Seabuckthorn” in Mongolia). Theoretically, LAFS ability to induce a sustainable trajectory for local resources’ valorization is established. Different types of proximities, an institutionalization process and territorial solidarity may help overcome collective action blockages and contribute to constructing an innovation system, providing that local actors may interact with the system’s external environment. Clear threats appear however during LAFS expansion, as proximities and coordination capacity are necessarily reduced, whereas increase in production may induce a stronger competition. GI could then appear as the solution, being able to delimit production area and to reinforce local organizations within it. Put to the test, this model appears quite strong during the initial phases of LAFS development, but doesn’t capture the interactions between LAFS and the other production and trade models coexisting in the food systems. LAFS and GI, which need a strong producers’ involvement, are permanently challenged by other models in which producers can engage themselves individually (private brands, organic production, niche markets…). -
W W W .Perubirdingroutes.Com
Cactus canastero canastero Cactus Pelagic trip from Callao In order to organize a pelagic trip you need to contact The Central Peru Birding Route one of the companies offering boat trips out of the Asthenes cactorum Asthenes white cheeked cotinga cotinga cheeked white port of Callao. They organize trips around the islands of San Lorenzo. These are good and you can see most of the island birds including the Humboldt Penguin, There are only about 55 bird species here, which The Central Peru circuit can be also called the but in order to get birds such as Petrels and makes it a good introduction to Peruvian birding, “Route of Contrasts”. Starting in the coastal desert of Albatrosses you would need to go farther out to sea. holding some specialties and four endemics that are Lima, which includes wetlands, mist oases and one of Plan at least 6 boat hours. Go several kilometers out to difficult to see elsewhere (Thick-billed Miner, Grayish the richest oceans in the world, the transect, of which stresemanni Zaratornis the open ocean in search of a fish shoal, which you Miner, Raimondi’s Yellow-Finch and Cactus Canas- the spinal chord is the central Highway, rises dramati- will spot from far away by the concentration of tero). cally climbing the Western Andes, with mostly dry dolphins, storm-petrels, shearwaters, albatrosses, habitats, over the highest train pass in the world at gulls, terns, and more. Chumming is a good option Pantanos de Villa Ticlio (15 807 feet elevation) onto the puna plateau of and some of these companies can now arrange this. -
Cerro De Pasco (4338 Msnm)
PASCO Ubicación: Sierra y selva alta central del Perú. y los bofedales. Punrun también es hábitat de numerosas especies de Extensión: 25.320 km2. aves como el pato silvestre y el pato real, el corcovado, la gaviota, el Capital: Cerro de Pasco (4338 msnm). zambullidor, el frailisco, el Martín pescador y las bandurrias, además Altitud: Mínima: 256 msnm (Puerto Bermúdez). de numerosas ranas, truchas, chalhuas y bagres. Máxima: 4380 msnm (Yanacancha). Distancias: Desde la ciudad de Cerro de Pasco hasta las ciudades de: Réplica de la Casa de Daniel A. Carrión- Mártir de la Medicina Yanahuanca (Provincia de Daniel Carrión) 64 km / 2 horas. Peruana Oxapampa (Provincia de Oxapampa) 396 km / 9 horas. Av. Los Incas s/n, Yanacancha, a 1,8 km de la ciudad de Cerro de Pasco (10 minutos en auto). Vías de acceso: Construida en memoria del mártir de la medicina peruana, Daniel Terrestre: Alcides Carrión, la casa se ubica en el portal del hospital que lleva su Lima-Cerro de Pasco: nombre. Ruta 1 - Carretera Central Santuario Nacional de Huayllay- Una de las 7 Maravillas del Perú Lima - La Oroya - Junín - Carhuamayo - Villa de Pasco – Cerro de Pasco 315 km. A 45 km al sur de la ciudad de Cerro de Pasco (45 minutos en auto). Ruta 2 - Canta Conformado por rocas de diferentes tamaños y formas que son el Canta – La Viuda – Huayllay – Cerro de Pasco con una distancia de 259 km. resultado de la acción del viento, el agua y el desplazamiento de los Ruta 3 - Huaral Huaral, Acos, Vichaycocha, Antajirca, Huayllay, Cerro de Pasco con una distancia glaciares. -
The Nationalist Cocaine Science of Alfredo Bignon, 1884–1887
Comparative Studies in Society and History 2007:49(1):202–232. 0010-4175/07 $9.50 # 2007 Society for Comparative Study of Society and History DOI: 10.1017/S001041750700045X A Forgotten Case of “Scientific Excellence on the Periphery”: The Nationalist Cocaine Science of Alfredo Bignon, 1884–1887 PAUL GOOTENBERG Department of History, Stony Brook University I have been reading about cocaine, the essential constituent of coca leaves which some Indian tribes chew to enable them to resist privations and hardships.... Perhaps others are working on it; perhaps nothing will come of it.... ——Sigmund Freud, Letter of 21 Apr. 18841 INTRODUCTION In recent years, Latin American history has been awash in an exciting wave of scholarship on the history of science and medicine. Historians are exploring Latin American reactions to foreign medical, sanitary and scientific missions; the creation of national research institutions; the impact of epidemics on con- ceptions of urban space, politics and social control; the role of indigenous and folk cures in modern public health campaigns; and the relation of trans- national eugenics movements to national anxieties about race, among other fertile topics.2 Pioneering medical historian Marcos Cueto dubs this focus Acknowledgments: Let me thank the Wilson Center, in Washington, D.C., where I first researched this topic from 1999 to 2000, as well as librarians at the National Library of Medicine in Bethesda, the New York Academy of Medicine, and San Marcos School of Medicine in Lima for rare docu- ments. Marcos Cueto, Isaac Campos, Martı´n Monsalve, and Amy Chazkel commented on an earlier draft, as did participants at the New School University’s “Workshop in Latin American Economics, Society and Culture” in February 2006, especially Paul Ross.