Kenya 2017 General and Presidential Elections Final Report
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Voting Without Choosing?
Institute of African Studies Carleton University (Ottawa, Canada) 2019 (7) Voting without Choosing? Ethnic Voting Behaviour and Voting Patterns in Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election and Implications for Institutionalisation of Social Conflicts Kialee Nyiayaana1 Abstract: Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential Election was widely seen as competitive, fair and less violent than other elections since the transition to democracy in 1999. This paper does not argue otherwise. Rather, it problematizes ethnic voting behaviour and voting patterns observed in the election and raises questions about their implications for institutionalisation of democracy and social conflicts in Nigeria. It argues that while scholarly examinations portray the presidential election results as ‘victory for democracy’, not least because an incumbent president was defeated for the first time in Nigeria, analysis of the spatial structure of votes cast reveals a predominant pattern of voting along ethnic, religious and geospatial lines. It further contends that this identity-based voting not only translates into a phenomenon of ‘voting without choosing,’ but is also problematic for social cohesion, interethnic harmony and peacebuilding in Nigeria. The relaxation of agitations for resource control in the Niger Delta throughout President Jonathan’s tenure and its revival in post-Jonathan regime is illustrative of the dilemmas and contradictions of ethnic voting and voting without choosing in Nigeria. This observation draws policy attention to addressing structural underpinnings of the relationship between ethnicity, geography and voting behaviour in Nigerian politics so as to consolidate democratic gains and enhance democratic peace in Nigeria. Nigeria’s 2015 Presidential election has been described as a turning point in the country’s political history and democratic evolution. -
Elections in Kenya: 2017 Rerun Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions
Elections in Kenya 2017 Rerun Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions Africa International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org October 25, 2017 Frequently Asked Questions Acronym list .................................................................................................................................................. 1 Why is Kenya holding a second presidential election? ................................................................................. 2 What challenges does the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission face in organizing the rerun election? .............................................................................................................................................. 3 Will voters use any form of electronic voting? ............................................................................................. 5 What technology will be used during the October presidential election? ................................................... 5 What are areas of concern regarding potential electoral violence? ............................................................ 5 Who is eligible to run as a candidate in this election? ................................................................................. 7 What type of electoral system will be used to elect the president? ............................................................ 8 Will members of the diaspora be able to vote in this election? .................................................................. -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
Brazil Ahead of the 2018 Elections
BRIEFING Brazil ahead of the 2018 elections SUMMARY On 7 October 2018, about 147 million Brazilians will go to the polls to choose a new president, new governors and new members of the bicameral National Congress and state legislatures. If, as expected, none of the presidential candidates gains over 50 % of votes, a run-off between the two best-performing presidential candidates is scheduled to take place on 28 October 2018. Brazil's severe and protracted political, economic, social and public-security crisis has created a complex and polarised political climate that makes the election outcome highly unpredictable. Pollsters show that voters have lost faith in a discredited political elite and that only anti- establishment outsiders not embroiled in large-scale corruption scandals and entrenched clientelism would truly match voters' preferences. However, there is a huge gap between voters' strong demand for a radical political renewal based on new faces, and the dramatic shortage of political newcomers among the candidates. Voters' disillusionment with conventional politics and political institutions has fuelled nostalgic preferences and is likely to prompt part of the electorate to shift away from centrist candidates associated with policy continuity to candidates at the opposite sides of the party spectrum. Many less well-off voters would have welcomed a return to office of former left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), who due to a then booming economy, could run social programmes that lifted millions out of extreme poverty and who, barred by Brazil's judiciary from running in 2018, has tried to transfer his high popularity to his much less-known replacement. -
The Evolution of Kenya's Revenue Sharing Formula, 2012-2015
September 2015 Sharing Resources Fairly: The evolution of Kenya’s revenue sharing formula, 2012-2015 Strathmore Business School IBP Kenya1 1. The decision One of the most important policy changes ushered in by Kenya’s 2010 constitution was an overhaul of the way in which resources are shared across the country. The constitution took this power away from the executive and created new bodies, including the Commission on Revenue Allocation and the Senate, to lead a more transparent and objective process of deciding how to share resources. According to Article 216(1) of the Constitution, the Commission on Revenue Allocation is mandated to make recommendations concerning the basis for the equitable sharing of revenue raised by the National Government between the national and county governments, and among the county governments. Article 216(2) further mandates the Commission to make recommendations on other matters relating to the financing of, and financial management by, county governments and to encourage fiscal responsibility.2 In 2012, the CRA submitted its first recommendation on revenue sharing to Parliament. That recommendation, which was eventually revised and adopted by Parliament, introduced a new formula that fundamentally altered the distribution of resources in Kenya. The constitution in Article 217 (1) requires a revision to the way we share revenues across the 47 counties every five years. However, for the first formula to guide revenue sharing in 2013 (the first year of devolution), the time period was shortened to three years.3 The decision about how to share revenues across the counties begins with a recommendation by the Commission on Revenue Allocation. -
Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -
Voter Registration
Your Vote, Your Future Table of Contents Acronyms vi Foreword viii Profi les Of Iiec Commissioners - 2009 -2011 x Executive Summary xiv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1.0 Historical Background 2 1.1 Formation and Mandate of the IIEC 4 1.2 Composition of the IIEC 5 1.3 Summary of the IIEC Achievements 5 CHAPTER 2: REFORMS IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS AND MANAGEMENT OF ELECTIONS 9 2.0 Overview 10 2.1 Reform in the electoral Management Body 10 2.1.1 Creation of the IIEC as a new Electoral body 10 2.1.2 Establishment of a Secretariat 11 2.1.3 Legal Framework 11 2.1.4 Reform in the Management of elections 12 2.1.5 Increasing integration of Technology in Election 15 2.1.6 Regulating political parties 16 2.1.7 Introducing Performance Management in IIEC’s 15 CHAPTER 3: ESTABLISHMENT OF AN EFFICIENT AND EFFECTIVE SECRETARIAT 17 3.0 Overview 18 3.1 IIEC Secretariat 18 3.1.1 The Management Structure 18 3.1.2 Physical Facilities 22 3.1.3 Establishment of operational policies and Systems 22 3.1.4 Corporate and Operational Manuals 24 3.1.5 The IIEC Customer Service Charter 26 3.1.6 The Commission Charter 26 CHAPTER 4: PROMOTION OF FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS 27 4.0 Overview 28 4.1 Marginalization and Inclusion 28 4.1.1 Expanding the Democratic Space 30 4.2 Integrity in Conducting Elections 32 CHAPTER 5: FRESH REGISTRATION OF VOTERS AND THE CREATION OF A NEW VOTERS’ REGISTER 35 Published by the Interim Independent Electoral Commission 5.0 Overview 36 Web address of this report: www.iiec.or.ke/ publications 5.1 Voter Registration 36 5.1.1 OMR and EVR Registration 36 -
Election Violence in Kenya
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics Volume 7 Number 1 Article 1 February 2018 Election Violence in Kenya Judith Kimani Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/silecjournal Recommended Citation Kimani, Judith (2018) "Election Violence in Kenya," The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics: Vol. 7 : No. 1 , Article 1. DOI: 10.32727/21.2018.7 Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/silecjournal/vol7/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Election Violence in Kenya Cover Page Footnote I would like to thank Dr. Linda M. Johnston Executive Director and Professor at Siegel Institute for Leadership, Ethics, and Character at Kennesaw State University for her help and guidance while writing this article. I would also like to thank my sons, Lawrence and Liam for your patience, support, and encouragement while I was writing this paper. This article is available in The Siegel Institute Journal of Applied Ethics: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ silecjournal/vol7/iss1/1 Kimani: Election Violence in Kenya Election Violence in Kenya Writing this paper has been an exciting learning process, and some of the events that have occurred since I started on it have not been experienced before. -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
Kdi School Working Paper Series Kdi School Working Paper Series
KDI SCHOOL WORKING PAPER SERIES KDI SCHOOL WORKING PAPER SERIES Electoral Security and Legislator Attention: Evidence from the Kenyan National Assembly Debates, 2008-2017. Inbok Rhee KDI School of Public Policy and Management December, 2019 Working Paper 19-18 This paper can be downloaded without charge at: KDI School of Public Policy and Management Working Paper Series Index: http://www.kdischool.ac.kr/new/eng/faculty/working.jsp The Social Science Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3507428 * We are grateful to the KDI School of Public Policy and Management for providing financial support. Electoral Security and Legislator Attention: Evidence from the Kenyan National Assembly Debates, 2008-2017. Abstract How do African legislators divide their attention between the demands of their local constituency and their responsibilities in national parliament? Majority of studies portrays African legislators as mere rubber-stamping constituency servants. I show instead significant variation in legislator attention. Building on the literature on the electoral origins of legislator behavior, I argue that electoral pressure faced by individual legislators heavily conditions their decisions about how to allocate effort between local and national priorities. Using a novel dataset of more than 56,000 speeches made by over 400 unique legislators in the Kenyan National Assembly from 2008 to 2017, I develop speech-based measures of local versus national attention. I show that Kenyan legislators in less competitive constituencies speak more in national parliament, suggesting a greater commitment to national policymaking. Moreover, when I disaggregate data by type of speech, I find that electorally vulnerable legislators engage in locally oriented speeches, whereas those with security speak more about national topics. -
NATIONAL SUPER ALLIANCE Chairman, Article 86 of The
NATIONAL SUPER ALLIANCE 10th August 2017 Mr. Wafula Chebukati Chairperson IEBC National Tallying Center Bomas of Kenya Nairobi Chairman, RE: PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION RESULT Article 86 of the Constitution requires as follows “At every election, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission shall ensure that— (a) whatever voting method is used, the system is simple, accurate, verifiable, secure, accountable and transparent; (b) the votes cast are counted, tabulated and the results announced promptly by the presiding officer at each polling station; (c) the results from the polling stations are openly and accurately collated and promptly announced by the returning officer; and (d) appropriate structures and mechanisms to eliminate electoral malpractice are put in place, including the safekeeping of election materials.” We have information of the actual presidential election results contained in the IEBC database. NATIONAL SUPER ALLIANCE The data, which confirm the authentic and legitimate result of the presidential election, shows that the two leading candidates obtained the following votes: • Raila Amolo Odinga 8,041726 votes • Uhuru Kenyatta 7,755,428 Votes Screenshots of the results as displayed on your website and monitors at Bomas show the following results: • Uhuru Kenyatta 8,056,885 • Raila Amolo Odinga 6,659,493 Evidently, the accurate and lawful results in the presidential election is the transmission received from the polling stations and contained in the IEBC servers. We have annexed the following: • The actual and complete data contained in IEBC servers (dbo.PRESIDENTIAL_REAL_TIME); and • The screenshots obtained from the IEBC website. We therefore demand as follows: 1. That you stop forthwith the display of unverified and unauthenticated results.