The Classical Quarterly
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Combat Motivation and Cohesion in the Age of Justinian by Conor Whately, University of Winnipeg
Combat Motivation and Cohesion in the Age of Justinian By Conor Whately, University of Winnipeg One topic that regularly recurs in the scholarship on modern warfare is combat cohesion and motivation. Many volumes have been published on these topics, and there is no sign that this interest might abate any time soon. That interest has only rarely filtered down to scholarship of the ancient and late antique worlds, however. 1 The sixth century is well suited to analyses of these issues given the abundance of varied and high quality evidence, despite the lack of attention given the subject by modern scholars. This chapter seeks to remedy this by offering an introduction to combat cohesion and motivation in the sixth century. It forms the second half of a two-part project on the subject, and the core this project is the evidence of Procopius. 2 Procopius describes more than thirty battles or sieges from the age of Justinian,3 and his battle narratives have been the subject of a good deal of research. 4 Yet there is much more work to do on sixth-century combat and our understanding Procopius’ value as a source for military history. By introducing the subject of combat cohesion and motivation in the sixth century, this paper seeks to move the discussion forward. 5 The first part of this paper will be concerned with motivation, and will explore the much discussed “ratio of fire” and its applicability in an ancient context, the presumed bellicosity of some soldiers that many of our sources hint at, and the role of fear in motivating soldiers to fight and to maintain their cohesion. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
109 I. INTRODUCTION the Strategikon Is a Roman Military
A C T A AThe R SCTra HT egikonA E Oa S La SOource G I —C SlavA SC andA Ra varP SA… T H I C109 A VOL. LII, 2017 PL ISSN 0001-5229 ŁUKASZ Różycki THE STRATEGIKON AS A SOURCE — SLAVS AND AVARS IN THE EYES OF PSEUDO-MAURICE, CURRENT STATE OF RESEARCH AND FUTURE RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES ABSTRACT Ł. Różycki 2017. The Strategikon as a source — Slavs and Avars in the eyes of Pseudo-Maurice, current state of research and future research perspectives, AAC 52:109–131. The purpose of the piece The Strategikon as a source — Slavs and Avars in the eyes of Pseudo- Maurice, current state of research and future research perspectives is to demonstrate what the author of Strategikon knew about the Slavs and Avars and review the state of research on the chapter of the treatise that deals with these two barbarian ethnicities. As a side note to the de- scription of contemporary studies of Strategikon, the piece also lists promising areas of research, which have not yet received proper attention from scholars. K e y w o r d s: Migration Period; Early Middle Ages; Balkans; Byzantium; Strategicon; Strategikon; Emperor Maurice; Slavs; Avars Received: 15.03.2017; Revised: 30.07.2017; Revised: 19.10.2017; Revised: 29.10.2017; Accepted: 30.10.2017 I. INTRODUCTION The Strategikon is a Roman military treatise, written at the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 7th century. It is one of the seminal sources not only on East Roman military history but also on the Slavs, the Avars and other peoples neighboring the Empire at the onset of the Middle Ages. -
Constantinopolitan Charioteers and Their Supporters
http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140X.01.08 Studia Ceranea 1, 2011, p. 127-142 Teresa Wolińska (Łódź) Constantinopolitan Charioteers and Their Supporters So engrossed were they in the wild passion that the entire city was filled with their voices and wild screaming. (...) Some perched higher behaving in decorously, others located in the market shouted at the horsemen, applauded them and screamed more than others.1 The above characteristics of the Byzantine supporters, recorded in the fourth century by the bishop of Constantinople, John Chrysostom, could as well, after minor adjustments, be applied to describe today’s football fans .Support in sport is certainly one of the oldest human passions. It is only the disciplines captivating audiences that change. In the ancient Roman Empire, bloody spectacles had the same role as today’s world league games – gladiatorial combat and fights withwild animals2. However, they were incompatible with Christian morality, and as such, they were gradually eliminated as the Christianization progressed3 .Their place was taken by hippodrome racing, particularly chariot racing . Residents of the imperial capital cheered the chariot drivers, whose colourful outfits signaled their membership in a particular circus faction . In the empire, there were four factions (demes), named after the colours of their outfits worn by runners and drivers representing them, the Blues, Greens, Whites and Reds4 .Each faction had 1 Joannes Chrysostomos, Homilia adversus eos qui ecclesia relicta ad circenses ludos et theatra transfugerunt, 1, [in:] PG, vol . LVI, col . 263 . 2 H .G . Saradi, The Byzantine City in the Sixth Century . Literary Images and Historical Reality, Athens 2006, p . -
Gerhard Müller. Die Römische Kurie Und Die Reformation 1523–1534
Modern Europe AVERIL CAMERON. Agathias. New York: Oxford MODERN EUROPE University Press. 1970. Pp. ix, 168. $5.50. GERHARD MULLER. Die romische Kurie und die Agathias, a poet, anthologist, and practicing Reformation I523-I534: Kirche und Politik lawyer, wrote a continuation of Procopius, wiihrend des Pontifikates Clemens' VII. (Quel len und Forschungen zur Reformationsge relating the wars of Justinian from 552 to schichte, Number 38.) [Gutersloh:] Gutersloher 559. He is one of the few secular historians Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. 1969. Pp. 307. DM 45. of the early Byzantine period whose work survives in full; and although we might well In attempting to comprehend the actions of prefer the accidents of preservation to have Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/76/3/767/94214 by guest on 30 September 2021 Pope Clement VII, even Charles v's memoirs spared Eunapius, Priscus, or Menander in express the exasperation: "God knows why stead, Agathias is of uncontestable value not the Pope acted thus." Divine understanding only as a source of data but also as a repre aside, Gerhard Muller's historical under sentative of the literary tradition in which he standing of Clement's politics does omit very wrote. revealing evidence as to the pope's rationale. It is particularly from the latter standpoint Contarini, "the Venetian More," put an ar that Mrs. Cameron has studied him, for, as gument before Clement as regards the latter's she insists, Agathias prized the literary qual choice of seeking the particular good of the ity of his work at least as highly as its veracity. -
Slavs and Avars (500–800)
chapter 4 East European Dark Ages: Slavs and Avars (500–800) In response to repeated raids into their lands “on the far side of the river” Danube, the Slavs, thought it over among themselves, and said: “These Romani, now that they have crossed over and found booty, will in the future not cease com- ing over against us, and so we will devise a plan against them.” And so, therefore, the Slavs, or Avars, took counsel, and on one occasion when the Romani had crossed over, they laid ambushes and attacked and defeat- ed them. The aforesaid Slavs took the Roman arms and the rest of their military insignia and crossed the river and came to the frontier pass, and when the Romani who were there saw them and beheld the standards and accouterments of their own men they thought they were their own men, and so, when the aforesaid Slavs reached the pass, they let them through. Once through, they instantly expelled the Romani and took pos- session of the aforesaid city of Salona. There they settled and thereafter began gradually to make plundering raids and destroyed the Romani who dwelt in the plains and on the higher ground and took possession of their lands.1 Thus described Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, in the mid-10th century, the migration of the Slavs from their lands to the Balkans. The story is placed chronologically “once upon a time,” at some point between the reigns of Emperors Diocletian, who brought the “Romani” to Dalmatia, and Heraclius. There is no reason to treat the story as a trustworthy historical account, but it is clear that it is meant to explain the particular situation of Salona and the former province of Dalmatia.2 No historian seems to have noticed so far that Emperor Constantine VII’s account is, after all, the only written testimony of 1 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, On the Administration of the Empire 29, pp. -
The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) P.289
HEATHER, PETER, The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) p.289 The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion Peter Heather MMIANUS MARCELLINUS provides a detailed account of the re A lations between the Emperor Valens and the Goths during the period 367-378. But essentially because Ammianus does not mention it, there has been much controversy over the date of a Gothic conversion to Christianity ascribed in other sources to the reign of Valens. Equally, because the historians Socrates and So zomen link a civil war among the Goths to the conversion, it has also been unclear when this split might have taken place. It will be argued here that the primary accounts found in Socrates, Sozomen, and Eunapius can be reconciled with the secondary ones of Jordanes, Theodoret, and Orosius to suggest a Gothic conversion in 376. Fur ther, combined with Ammianus, they strongly indicate that Christian ity initially affected only elements of one Gothic group, the Tervingi, and was part of the agreement by which Valens allowed them to cross the Danube and enter the Empire in 376. It also becomes clear that the split too affected only the Tervingi, and occurred immediately before the crossing and conversion. This reconstruction in turn highlights the Huns' role in overturning the established order in Gothic society: their attacks first divided the Tervingi, who were unable to agree on an appropriate response, and prompted the larger group to seek asylum in the Empire and accept conversion to Christianity. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Volume 15
Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Volume 15, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, Volume 15, , Barthold Georg Niebuhr, Nicetas Choniates, GeÅrgios AkropolitÄ“s, Agathias, IÅannÄ“s AnagnÅstÄ“s, Anastasius (bibliothecarius), Anastasius (the Librarian), Joannes Cameniata, Joannes Cananus, Laonikos ChalkokondylÄ“s, IÅannÄ“s Kinnamos, Joannes Zonaras, George Codinus, Anna Comnena, Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (Emperor of the East), Flavius Cresconius Corippus, Dexippus (the Platonist.), Doukas, Ephraim (ho chronographos), Eunapius, GeÅrgios PhrantzÄ“s, George (the Pisidian.), GeÅrgios (Synkellos), Nicephorus Gregoras, Hierocles (Grammarian.), Joannes Cantacuzenus (Emperor of the East), Johannes Laurentius Lydus, Michael Glykas, John Malalas, Joannes Scylitzes, Leo (the Deacon), Leo (Grammaticus.), Malchus (Philadelphensis.), Constantine Manasses, Menander (Protector), Flavius Merobaudes, MichaÄ“l AttaleiatÄ“s, Saint Nicephorus (Patriarch of Constantinople.), George Pachymeres, Paulus Silentiarius, Petrus Patricus, Procopius, Theophylactus Simocatta, Symeon (Metaphrastes), Theophanes (the Confessor), Zosimus, 1831, impensis E. Weberi, 1831 download file here: http://projecttn.org/.aXsylwd.pdf Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, History, ISBN:1115482092, 2009, Barthold Georg Niebuhr, This is a pre-1923 historical reproduction that was curated for quality. Quality assurance was conducted on each of these books in an attempt to remove books with imperfections, 600 pages Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 600 pages, History, ISBN:1115482084, 2009, This is a pre-1923 historical reproduction that was curated for quality. Quality assurance was conducted on each of these books in an attempt to remove books with imperfections, Barthold Georg Niebuhr Of Tours, IV, 5 p. 489; Paul the Deacon (Historia Longobardorum, IV Agathias, p. 107;Theophanes Chronographia (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae), year 5048, âœmaximo vero puerorum, mortalitas Title That earlier plague Journal Demography Volume 5, Issue 1. -
Menander Protector, Fragments 6.1-3
Menander Protector, Fragments 6.1-3 Sasanika Sources History of Menander the Guardsman (Menander Protector) was written at the end of the sixth century CE by a minor official of the Roman/Byzantine court. The original text is in Greek, but has survived only in a fragmentary form, quoted in compilations and other historical writings. The author, Menander, was a native of Constantinople, seemingly from a lowly class and initially himself not worthy of note. In a significant introductory passage, he courageously admits to having undertaken the writing of his History (’ st a) as a way of becoming more respectable and forging himself a career. He certainly was a contemporary and probably an acquaintance of the historian Theophylact Simocatta and worked within the same court of Emperor Maurice. His title of “Protector” seems to suggest a military position, but most scholars suspect that this was only an honorary title without any real responsibilities. Menander’s history claims to continue the work of Agathias and so starts from the date that Agathias left off, namely AD 557. His style of presentation, if not his actual writing style, are thus influenced by Agathias, although he seems much less partial than the former in presentation of the events. He seems to have had access to imperial archives and reports and consequently presents us with a seemingly accurate version of the events, although at time he might be exaggerating some of his facts. The following is R. C. Blockley’s English translation of the fragments 6.1-3 of Menander Protector’s History, which deals directly with the Sasanian-Roman peace treaty of 562 and provides us with much information about the details of negotiations that took place around this treaty. -
How to Write History: Thucydides and Herodotus in the Ancient Rhetorical Tradition
How to write history: Thucydides and Herodotus in the ancient rhetorical tradition A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Scott Kennedy, B.A., B.S. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2018 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Adviser Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Will Batstone Copyright by Scott Kennedy 2018 Abstract Modern students of Thucydides and Herodotus may find it odd to think of them as rhetoricians. Yet in the ancient world, both historians (and especially Thucydides) played an important role in rhetorical schools. They were among the favorite authors of ancient teachers of rhetoric and served as foundational pillars of the ancient curriculum, providing themes for school exercises and even for such seminal texts as Hermogenes' theoretical treatises on rhetoric. Modern scholars might never read technical rhetorical texts such as Hermogenes. They almost certainly would never turn to Hermogenes and his kind to help them understand Thucydides or Herodotus. But for our ancient intellectual predecessors, such an approach would have been unconscionable, as ancient rhetoric was the theoretical lens with which they understood and appreciated historical writings. In this dissertation, I explore the confluence of rhetoric and historiography in the ancient world through an examination of how Herodotus and Thucydides were used in ancient schools and then by later historians. Chapter 1 and 2 outline how these historians were embedded and encoded within the rhetorical curriculum. In Chapter 1, I examine how Herodotus and Thucydides entered the rhetorical curriculum and how rhetors incorporated them into the rhetorical curriculum through an examination of the surviving progymnasmata, scholia, and pedagogical myths.