Missouri Historical Review

Volume 101, No. 4 July 2007 The State Historical Society of Missouri Missouri Historical Review Staff Editorial Advisory Board

Gary R. Kremer Lawrence O. Christensen Editor William E. Foley Alan R. Havig Lynn Wolf Gentzler Patrick Huber Associate Editor T_. . . x T Virginia J. Laas Blaire Leible Garwitz Bonnie Stepenoff Information Specialist Arvarh E- Strickland

EDITORIAL POLICY

The editors of the Missouri Historical Review welcome submission of articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Any aspect of Missouri history will be considered for publication in the Review. Manuscripts pertaining to all fields of American history will be considered if the subject matter has significant relevance to the history of Missouri, the Middle West, or the West. Genealogical studies, however, are not accepted because of limited appeal to general readers. Authors should submit two double-spaced copies of their manuscripts. Footnotes, prepared according to The Chicago Manual of Style, 15th ed., also should be double-spaced and placed at the end of the text. Authors are encouraged to submit manuscripts, preferably in Microsoft Word, on a disk or CD. Two hard copies still are required. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used, interpretation, and style are criteria for acceptance and publication. Manuscript length, exclusive of footnotes, should be between 4,000 and 7,500 words. The editorial staff will not evaluate manuscripts that have been published elsewhere or have been submitted to another publication for consideration. Articles that are accepted for publication become the property of The State Historical Society of Missouri and may not be published elsewhere without permission. The Society does not accept responsibility for statements of fact or opinion made by the authors. Articles published in the Missouri Historical Review are abstracted and indexed in America: History and Life, Writings on American History, The Western Historical Quarterly, and The Journal of American History. Manuscripts submitted to the Missouri Historical Review should be addressed to Dr. Gary R. Kremer, Editor, Missouri Historical Review, The State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298.

Cover Description: The cover illustration is a detail from an 1869 map of Pleasant Hill drawn by Albert Ruger. This birds-eye view of the town shows the railroad that is the subject of James R. Shortridge s article, 'Edward Miller s Town: The Reconceptualization of Pleasant Hill by the Pacific Railroad of Missouri, " which begins on page 205. [Birds Eye View of the City of Pleasant Hill, Cass Co., Missouri, 1869, Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division]

The Missouri Historical Review (ISSN 0026-6582) is published quarterly by The State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298. Receipt of the Missouri Historical Review is a benefit of membership in The State Historical Society of Missouri. Periodicals postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri. Postmaster: Send address changes to Missouri Historical Review, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298.

Copyright © The State Historical Society of Missouri, 2007 Missouri Historical Review

Vol. 101, No. 4 July 2007 Contents

Editor's Note 195

America's Crossroads: 196 A Century of Kansas City Essays from the Missouri Historical Review By Diane Mutti Burke and John Herron

Edward Miller's Town: 205 The Reconceptualization of Pleasant Hill by the Pacific Railroad of Missouri By James R. Shortridge

The St. Louis and Suburban 226 Streetcar Strike of 1900 By James F Baker

From the Stacks: 246 Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Kansas City The William Volker and Company By David Boutros

Book Reviews 251

The Union on Trial: The Political Journals of Judge William Barclay Napton, 1829-1883. Edited by Christopher Phillips and Jason L. Pendleton. Reviewed by Robert W. Frizzell

Americas First Olympics: The St. Louis Games of 1904. By George R. Matthews. Reviewed by Steven L. Piott

Fort Pillow, A Civil War Massacre, and Public Memory. By John Cimprich. Reviewed by Louis S. Gerteis Book Notes 255

Captain Tough: Chief of Scouts. By Charles F. Harris.

Key Command: Ulysses S. Grant s District of Cairo. By T. K. Kionka.

Five Stars: Missouri s Most Famous Generals. By James F. Muench.

A Second Home: Missouri s Early Schools. By Sue Thomas.

By His Own Hand?: The Mysterious Death of Meriwether Lewis. Edited by John D. W. Guice.

Seneca, Missouri: Little Town on the Border, Volume VLL By Virginia Brady Hoare and Mary Alice Tourtillott.

Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home. Edited by Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich.

News in Brief 256

Index to Volume 101 257 Editor's Note

GARY R. KREMER

This issue of the Missouri Historical Review features an essay titled "America's Crossroads: A Century of Kansas City Essays from the Missouri Historical Review," written by professors John Herron and Diane Mutti Burke, both faculty members in the Department of History at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. Professor Herron arrived in Kansas City in 2003, after completing a doctorate at the University of New Mexico and doing post­ doctoral work at the University of San Diego. Hfs areas of specialty include environmental history, the American West, and modern America. Diane Mutti Burke joined the University of Missouri-Kansas City his­ tory department in 2004, after completing doctoral work under a distinguished scholar of the South, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, at Emory University in Atlanta the same year. Her specialties include the American South and African American and women's history. The essay crafted for this issue of the Review by professors Herron and Mutti Burke will also serve as the introduction to the second volume in the State Historical Society's Century of Missouri History Scholarship Series, a book titled Kansas City, America s Crossroads: Essays from the Missouri Historical Review, 1906-2006, to be published in October 2007. The first vol­ ume in this series, a collection of essays on the Civil War in Missouri edited by Dr. William E. Parrish, was published in 2006. The Century of Missouri History Scholarship Series, projected to reach twelve volumes over the next five years, celebrates the first century of publi­ cation of the Missouri Historical Review. Since the first issue of the Review appeared in October 1906, more than seventy articles on the history of the Kansas City region have graced its pages. Professors Herron and Mutti Burke surveyed each of these articles and selected fourteen to be reproduced in the commemorative anthology. Their introduction to the collection, published here for the first time, seeks to explain the trends they discerned in the articles and their rationale for choosing the essays. Next year, the Society plans to publish two additions to the series: a vol­ ume on the history of recreation and entertainment in Missouri, to be edited by Dr. Alan Havig, professor of history at Stephens College in Columbia, and a collection of essays on the history of St. Louis, to be edited by Dr. Louis Gerteis, chair of the Department of History at the University of Missouri-St. Louis.

195 America's Crossroads: A Century of Kansas City Essays from the Missouri Historical Review

DIANE MUTTI BURKE and JOHN HERRON*

In May 1968, Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey arrived in St. Louis to dedicate what would become Missouri's most famous landmark, the Gateway Arch. Designed by Finnish architect Eero Saarinen, the soaring steel arch rises more than six hundred feet above its foundation on the bank of the Mississippi River. The outline of the arch, immortalized on postage stamps and com­ memorative state quarters, is ubiquitous within Missouri. The landmark was built to cel­ ebrate the contribution of St. Louis to the development of the American frontier. In link­ ing the arch to the opening of the West, its architects incorpo­ rated America's tallest monu­ ment into a powerful national mythology. From Thomas Jefferson for­ ward, generations of American citizens had long dreamed of an expansive empire of liberty and democracy anchored in lands of This engraving of the the far west. A product of the Missouri riverfront in Atlantic world, Jefferson himself would never venture more than a few dozen Kansas City is believed to miles west of his Virginia home. But of the West he remained a man obsessed. have been derived from In his travels he scoured libraries and personal estates, eventually amassing T.M. Easterly's 1848 one of the largest private collections about the peoples and geography of the daguerreotype of Kansas American West.1 It was his faith in the western promise that prompted his City, the earliest known sponsorship of Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, and the rest of the Corps picture of the city. of Discovery, an ambitious reconnaissance of America's newest acquisition, [SHSMO 025879] the Louisiana Purchase. Lewis and Clark were agents of national greatness as much as they were explorers. They mapped and catalogued the bounty of

*Diane Mutti Burke and John Herron are assistant professors of history at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. Mutti Burke received a PhD degree from Emory University, and Herron received a PhD degree from the University of New Mexico.

196 America's Crossroads • 197 the region, but they also laid claim to a territory that Jefferson, and many like him, believed would fulfill the destiny of the young United States. And within this weighty mythology, St. Louis stood at the heart of it all—the jumping- off point for settlers, swindlers, and dreamers who looked to the West as the future of the republic. But greeting Humphrey on this spring day was not a multitude of flag- waving Jeffersonians, but a heavy rain, so much rain that event organizers cancelled a planned regatta and gathered crowds remained smaller than ex­ pected.2 The rain did not dampen Humphrey's enthusiasm, however, as in the middle of his presidential campaign, he tied himself and the nation to the promise and potential embodied by the arch. "Let the Gateway arch stand," Humphrey declared, "as a symbol of America's determination to have beauty with utility, quality with quantity, and humanity with progress."3 As soggy St. Louis residents applauded, in Kansas City, 250 miles to the west, Humphrey's visit to the arch met with a resounding thud. The Kansas City Star, the city's main newspaper, devoted only a few lines to the vice president's speech, and that within a larger story about a local convention of dairymen. A busy political calendar might explain this lukewarm reception. Fighting for headline space in Kansas City newspapers were European capi­ tals aflame with student protest, an escalating war in Vietnam, and an intense presidential race. But perhaps the reaction to Humphrey's speech should be viewed in more straightforward regional terms. At the celebratory opening of the Gateway Arch, the silence of Kansas City residents confirmed what the history of the region suggests: the arch was misplaced. In the battle for statewide supremacy, St. Louis had the advantages of geography, timing, and opportunity. Located at the confluence of two major waterways and settled by international merchants with connections to world­ wide markets, St. Louis was a city almost from its inception. Kansas City, by contrast, sat on the margins. St. Louis in 1820 claimed nearly four thousand residents, Kansas City only a handful. St. Louis was a commercial center looking to the markets of the East Coast, the future Kansas City a collection of outposts and cabins struggling to establish trading relationships with local natives. Even more significantly, the same mythology giving St. Louis pride of place within the American narrative conveniently placed Kansas City on the edge of the largely hostile and uninhabitable "Great American Desert." Explorers like Zebulon Pike and Stephen Long spoke with federal authority when they repeated the mistaken claim that there was little of value to the American empire in the lands of the Great Plains. Even William Clark, who, unlike many of his early nineteenth-century contemporaries, recognized the potential of the region that would become Kansas City, still bemoaned its separation from the rest of the "Sivilised world."4 Others in literature, high culture, and business also emphasized Kansas City's position within—to use a modern colloquialism—the "great flyover zone."5 The staying power of these perceptions is remarkable. Despite census numbers pushing Kansas City past St. Louis in size and population, contemporary opinion still consid­ ers St. Louis urban and urbane, Kansas City rustic and provincial.6 A closer examination of the history of Kansas City, however, reveals a more complicated story. Not only should Kansas City be granted a larger space within the national creation story, but with respect to St. Louis and 198 Missouri Historical Review

its most celebrated monument, Kansas City remains the true gateway to the West. Although rarely the history that survives in the popular imagination, few places in the region can claim as diverse a history as Kansas City. The explorers who moved through the region in the first decades of the nineteenth century may not have immediately recognized the ingredients needed to build a successful community in Kansas City, but they would be among the last to overlook its possibilities. From its beginnings as a fur-trad­ ing outpost in the 1820s, the city was marked by the distinctive rolling energy of a frontier community. Adventurers like Jim Bridger and Kit Carson joined French and Canadian trappers as well as American businessmen such as John Sutter (soon to start a frenzied rush to the California gold fields) to create a small but vibrant multiethnic enclave on the bank of the Missouri River. Typical of the growth of other frontier towns, missionaries—often seeking Native American converts—followed. French Catholics, Methodists, Baptists, and Quakers each established a strong presence in young Kansas City. In the early 1830s, Mormons too arrived, not to save native souls, but to build a model community, a midwestern version of the "city upon a hill." Religious opportunity was just one of many magnets drawing people west. Farmers from the upland South, attracted by the fertile soils of the Missouri valley, moved into the region, laying the foun­ dation for a heartland agri­ cultural empire. In a por­ tent of future trouble, many brought their slaves with them. Conflict was the in­ Independence, depicted evitable result of this social circa 1846, ispartofthe exchange. Indian groups of the region battled other tribes pushed westward present-day Kansas City by white expansion, Native Americans resisted white encroachment, African Metropolitan Area. American slaves defied their owners, and early white settlers resented the new [SHSMO 021327] influence of the Mormon bloc in western Missouri.7 The violence coloring early nineteenth-century Kansas City would never completely disappear, but that did not lessen the flow of migrants into the city. The population of Kansas City remained small in the first half of the century even as many thousands more poured through the region on their way to all points west. In Independence, Westport, and the other satellite communities of present-day Kansas City, first caravans to New Mexico, then later settlers to Oregon and California and eventually Colorado and Nevada bought sup­ plies and readied for their transcontinental trek. Few other cities, including St. Louis, could bear witness to such a steady stream of movement and mi­ gration in the nineteenth century. In the early decades of the century, it was as Jefferson had envisioned: Kansas City became the portal to the nation's future. America's Crossroads • 199

In the 1850s and 1860s, the city was swept into the bitter sectionalism of the era. Long before the Confederate firing on Fort Sumter, the eyes of the na­ tion watched as the citizens of the region attempted to resolve the question of slavery and its place in the republic. Political debates degenerated into bitter feuds that in turn became open hostilities along the Missouri-Kansas border. During the Civil War, federal evacuation orders, local skirmishes, guerrilla raids, border attacks, and, eventually, a major battle rocked the stability of the still-growing community. In the end, the city, like much of the region, was saved by the railroad. Efforts to build a rail line to Kansas City predate the war, but it was not until after the fighting stopped that the riverboat age began its slow decline and the railroad boom began. By 1870 seven major railroads flowed through the city, with many more soon to arrive. Rail lines brought access to markets, and the city responded by transforming itself into a leading grain and livestock production hub.8 The railroad would, however, bring more than money. The rail connections tied city to hinterland and, in the process, helped forge a common regional sensibility based on a progres­ sive faith in agricultural development and, unfortunately, support for racial segregation and inequality. In the closing decades of the century, even as the city continued to serve as a commercial center for extractive industries, Kansas City also attracted the traditional markers of metropolitan America. First came a professional and progressive city government and then the outward symbols—including museums, theaters, and opera houses—of cultural sophistication. The City Beautiful Movement replaced narrow streets with wide boulevards, park­ ways, and fountains and brought a distinctive aesthetic sensibility to the city that continues to the present.9 This period of rapid growth also led to the rise of one of the strongest political machines in the nation. For nearly four decades in the early twen­ tieth century, the Pendergast machine controlled many aspects of the city's political and business life. Equal parts benevolent city father and ruthless mob boss, Tom Pendergast helped transform the city from a nineteenth-cen­ tury cow town to a modern urban community.10 In wide-open Kansas City, leisure became serious business as the city flouted prohibition restrictions. Downtown joints jumped to the distinctive sounds of Kansas City jazz played by greats like Count Basie and Charlie Parker. Before its inevitable collapse, the Pendergast machine would produce one more distinctive regional prod­ uct—Harry Truman.11 In the postwar years, all aspects of the downside of urban development, including racial tension, crime, unregulated annexation, white flight, sprawl, and blight, impacted the maturing city. The decline of the manufacturing sector, a still-continuing trend, removed one of the city's main economic en­ gines and contributed to the decline of the established urban core. In recent decades, however, Kansas City has turned around. A brief economic boom in the 1970s, followed by a more prolonged period of development in the 1990s, led to downtown revitalization and, finally, a population increase. Home to a growing number of Fortune 500 companies and a thriving cultural and recre­ ational scene, Kansas City is once again a city of national standing. This thumbnail sketch of Kansas City is, obviously, far from complete. Much of it reads like a chamber of commerce publicity pamphlet rather than 200 • Missouri Historical Review

a scholarly review of urban growth. But completeness was never our goal. Similarly, the essays chosen for the anthology do not provide a full history of the city. Readers interested in that narrative are encouraged to look elsewhere. Rather, the reprinted articles accomplish two different but related goals. The first is to illuminate key moments in the history of the city and the surrounding region. Many essays of note about Kansas City have appeared in the pages of the Missouri Historical Review, the essays we included in the collection, however, reflect significant points in the city's development and maturation. And secondly, the volume serves a more academic purpose. In reading the es­ says, one can learn about the history of Kansas City as well as how the writing of history changed (and continues to change) over time. Look, for example, to the first essay in this collection, H. C. McDougal's "Historical Sketch of Kansas City From the Beginning to 1909," which ap­ peared in the October 1909 issue. This article fails to reach nearly every benchmark required for a well-written academic essay. Yet we include it as an ideal representation of twentieth-century booster literature. McDougal begins his essay with an overview of early Kansas City, really early Kansas City. He reminds readers that the history of this place began when "God created the heaven and the earth" and moves from there to discuss Columbus and Coronado.12 We will leave it to readers to find the connection between a six­ teenth-century Spanish conquistador and the growth of Kansas City, but the article provides a revealing glimpse into the shape, and especially the percep­ tion, of early city life. During the first half-century of its existence, the Missouri Historical Review devoted many of its pages to chronicling the rise of prominent white men, the growth of their influential industries, and their impact on statewide development. It was typical of historical society publications of the era to cel­ ebrate the men and their professional acumen contributing to the commercial growth of the region. Not surprisingly, then, most of the early vignettes of Kansas City were celebratory accounts of community leaders. Early Kansas City settlers—like the famous Boone family—were described in one repre­ sentative 1929 article as "the bone and sinew of the frontier life," "virile men [who] wove the warp and woof of the epic of the West." Their history, the authors continued, was as fabled as that of Greeks who "sailed the Aegean Sea in quest of the storied golden fleece." Their tale "will live and echo down the centuries, and will be appreciated after a thousand years as we now esteem the heroic men and deeds depicted by Homer, Virgil and Caesar."13 Lofty praise to be sure. Although we do not reprint an example of this kind of laudatory biogra­ phy, two of the many articles trumpeting important Kansas City industries are included in the collection. Published in October 1960, G. K. Renner's "The Kansas City Meat Packing Industry Before 1900" outlines the history of an industry synonymous with Kansas City. Renner describes in detail both the development of the Kansas City stockyards and the meat packing industry, the first major economic stimulus for the city. In a similar vein, James W. Leyerzapf's January 1972 article, '"Nearest by Air to Everywhere': Aviation Promotion in Kansas City: 1925-1931," reviews the rise of Kansas City as a base for transcontinental flight, a national obsession in the 1920s. Leyerzapf tracks the civic effort behind the construction of the Municipal Airport and the America's Crossroads 201 development of Trans-World Airlines into a regional, national, and, eventually, international company. TWA and the Municipal Airport are both victims of the ever-changing fortunes of America's transporta­ tion network, but their presence was critical to the city becoming a player in national affairs. Another important, although recently underused, function of the Review is to print edited and annotated versions of original manuscript documents, many of which are housed in the archives of the State Historical Society. The edited version of "From Virginia to Missouri in 1846: The Journal of Elizabeth Cooley" is an excellent example of this valuable contribution. Elizabeth Cooley migrated from Virginia to Jackson County in 1846, where she and her husband worked as schoolteachers until her premature death just eighteen months later. By providing a first-hand perspective on life in Kansas City, Cooley's journal, edited by Edward D. Jervey and James E. Moss and published in January 1966, continues the Missouri Historical Review tra­ PUT ME OVER dition of promoting significant primary documents, This cartoon appeared but it remains even more important as one of the few articles about Jackson in the Kansas City County women to appear in the Review. Star, August 5, 1928, Starting around 1960, articles published in the journal reflected changes two days before the $1,000,000 bond issue occurring in professional historical scholarship. By considering the experi­ for the purchase and ences of everyday people, historians turned to previously neglected actors like improvement of the women, the working class, and African Americans. Scholars illustrated how municipal airport was ordinary Americans were historical agents—how they structured their lives, passed. how historical forces influenced them, and how they, in turn, affected histori­ [SHSMO 027968] cal change. Incorporated under the broad umbrella of "new social history," this investigative approach continues to enrich the traditional understanding of the past. Pivotal events in the nineteenth-century history of Kansas City are es­ pecially ripe for this kind of reexamination. David Boutros, for example, reexamined the early days of Kansas City in his article, "Confluence of People and Place: The Chouteau Posts on the Missouri and Kansas Rivers," which appeared in October 2002. This essay combines contemporary scholar­ ship with original historical accounts to better understand the contributions of the Chouteau family to the first settlements that would become Kansas City. Warren Jennings published a series of articles in the Missouri Historical Review about the Mormon experience in western Missouri, including the October 1969 essay, "The Expulsion of the Mormons from Jackson County, Missouri." This essay examines the violent response of Jackson County set­ tlers to the newly constructed Mormon Zion. Jennings seeks to illuminate both the experiences of Mormon families who settled in the area and those of the Jackson County residents who forced them out. Ann Davis Niepman's January 1972 article, "General Orders No. 11 and Border Warfare During the Civil War," chronicles one of the most devastating events in Jackson County history. She outlines the circumstances behind General Thomas Ewing's 202 Missouri Historical Review

infamous order to depopulate the Missouri-Kansas border, but her focus re­ mains the harrowing experiences of the men and women displaced by the decree. Although produced in different decades and in different styles, each of these essays bears the hallmarks of social history, including a commitment to a "bottom-up" approach to deciphering the past. Another trademark of social history is the use of local experiences to in­ terpret and understand large national trends and events. In his April 1962 arti­ cle, "Beginning of the Park and Boulevard Movement in Frontier Kansas City, 1872-1882," William H. Wilson tracks the motivations behind the creation of the city's well-known park and boulevard system. Kansas City's effort to reorder public space within the urban core became a model emulated by many other American cities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centu­ ries. Scholars have also examined important national and international events through the lens of the Kansas City experience. In "The 1918 Kansas City Influenza Epidemic," printed in October 1968, Kevin C. McShane follows the reaction of the local medical establishment and munici­ pal government to what became a worldwide public health crisis. The essay reveals how political squab­ bling, including deference to local business interests, led to an ineffec­ tive public health response to the epidemic. A staggering city death rate was the end result. Similarly, Tom N. Mclnnis connects the story of Kansas City's workers with those of unionizing laborers throughout Kansas City s West the nation. At the heart of his April 1990 essay, "The Kansas City Free Speech Terrace was improved Fight of 1911," is an examination of the radical Industrial Workers of the during the park and World (IWW) and their efforts to maintain worker rights in a political and boulevard movement. business climate hostile to any challenge to authority. [Greater Kansas City By bringing workers into the historical spotlight, Mclnnis's article high­ Chamber of Commerce] lights individuals often left out of the canon, but few groups were as ignored as Kansas City's African Americans. The historical investigation of black America intensified with the advent of the civil rights movement, but little scholarship on Kansas City's vibrant black community was published in the Missouri Historical Review until the 1990s. Again reflecting the effort to un­ derstand local events against a national background, Joel P. Rhodes chronicles Kansas City's explosive race riot in his April 1997 article, "It Finally Happened Here: The 1968 Riot in Kansas City, Missouri." Rhodes explains the causes of, as well as the response to, the riot within both the local African American community and the Kansas City establishment. Gary Kremer's January 2004 article, '"Just Like the Garden of Eden': African-American Community Life in Kansas City's Leeds," describes a neighborhood that grew up on the eastern edge of the city. In Leeds, African American homeowners practiced a way of life resembling their rural roots while establishing institutions to facilitate their entrance into urban life. America's Crossroads 203

Recent articles written about Jackson County's infamous political boss and presidential native son also reflect these broad trends in historical research and writing. In January 1997, Lawrence H. Larsen and Nancy J. Hulston con­ tributed to the understanding of Kansas City's political boss, Tom Pendergast, in their article, "Criminal Aspects of the Pendergast Machine." Larsen and Hulston not only highlight the colorful crime history of the machine, but also explore how it operated with the neighborhoods of Kansas City Scholarship about Harry S. Truman too reveals more about his relationship to the Kansas City community than about the man himself. In October 1993, Thomas D. Wilson published an article about the long-standing friendship between Truman and African American businessman Chester Franklin. In "Chester A. Franklin and Harry S. Truman: An African-American Conservative and the 'Conversion' of the Future President," Wilson weighs in on the historical debate about Truman's often conflicted views on civil rights. He argues that along with Truman's personal and practical experiences working with African Americans in the Pendergast machine, it was the future president's interaction with black community leaders like Franklin that profoundly influenced his un­ derstanding of race. Franklin, the editor of the African American newspaper The Call, held a conservative "accommodative approach to civil rights" and a belief in "equality of opportunity, not equality of w condition." Truman initially shared this ideol­ ogy with his friend and frequent correspondent but, in the end, embraced a New Deal philoso­ phy of "fiscal liberalism with government inter­ vention on behalf of African Americans."14 These collected Missouri Historical Review essays paint a portrait of a significant American community. These articles, and the nearly sixty others we were unable to include, have done much to expand our understanding of this re­ gion, yet they reveal only a slice of the broad impulse that is Kansas City history. For a com­ munity of this size and significance, many top­ ics of historical importance await further study. Issues of political and economic growth rightly garner significant interest, but nuanced social histories of the unexpected contributors to this city's uniqueness need more attention. It is very revealing, for instance, that the only Despite early setbacks, essay on women in this volume comes from a nineteenth-century diary. A The Call became the gendered examination of city institutions such as schools, hospitals, and be­ foremost black newspaper nevolent organizations, to name only a few, would illuminate the often hid­ in Kansas City. den, yet critical, contributions that women made to the growth of the city. [Kansas City Call] Kansas City's prominent theater and opera companies are popular topics of study while the city's dynamic jazz community, so often overshadowed by those in Chicago and New Orleans, has largely escaped scholarly notice. Kansas City jazz pioneers created a thriving cultural milieu that impacted the nation's musical tastes as well as a larger debate on American race relations. Kansas City's black-white divide dominates our understanding of race and 204 Missouri Historical Review

ethnicity, but much more work could be done to recognize the role of the region's many immigrant groups—Italian, Irish, eastern European, and Hispanic—on city politics, economic development, and social life. Individual Kansas City case studies abound, yet lacking is an explanation of how diverse community constituencies lived, worked, and interacted with one another. Finally, following another trend in American historiography, Kansas City's natural and built environment, both significant elements of the city's profile, need further examination. To study rivers and parks as well as neighborhood formation and housing patterns would expose the intimate relationship be­ tween nature and culture in the city. The Missouri Historical Review remains an ideal venue to pursue these lines of inquiry. For more than a century, the Review has steadfastly illumi­ nated the importance of regional events within a national context. Fickle historical fashion often denigrates the analytical power of regional stories, yet in these narratives, and hopefully in this volume, the value of local study emerges clearly. It is our hope that the anthology will encourage young schol­ ars to revitalize community study as an appropriate, even dynamic, tool for understanding our nation's past.

NOTES of Historical Traditions in Kansas City," Huntington Library Quarterly 23 (May 1960): 237-259. 1. The scholarship on Jefferson and the West is huge, but for a very good overview, see James P. 8. Brown, Frontier Community, 115-156. Ronda, Finding the West: Explorations with Lewis and 9. William H. Wilson, The City Beautiful Clark (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, Movement in Kansas City (Columbia: University of 2001). Missouri Press, 1964). 2. New York Times, 26 May 1968, 58. 10. A. Theodore Brown, The Politics of Reform: 3. Kansas City Star, 25 May 1968, 2. Kansas City's Municipal Government, 1925-1950 (Kansas City, MO: Community Studies, 1958). 4. James P. Ronda, "The Objects of Our Journey," in Carolyn Gilman, Lewis and Clark: Across the Divide 11. Robert H. Ferrell, Truman and Pendergast (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Press, 2003), 29. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999). 5. A. Theodore Brown, Frontier Community: 12. H. C. McDougal, "Historical Sketch of Kansas Kansas City to 1870 (Columbia: University of Missouri City From the Beginning to 1909," Missouri Historical Press, 1963), 3-5, 10-13. Review 4 (October 1909): 1. 6. Census data is for the city population, not the 13. Virginia Hays Asbury and Albert N. Doerschuk, metropolitan population. For the 2005 population "The Boone, Hays and Berry Families of Jackson estimates for Kansas City (444,965) and St. Louis County," Missouri Historical Review 23 (July 1929): (344,362), see www.census.gov/popest/cities/files/ 548-549. SUB-EST2005-01.csv. 14. Thomas D. Wilson, "Chester A. Franklin and 7. For more information on early city history, Harry S. Truman: An African-American Conservative see A. Theodore Brown and Lyle W. Dorsett, K.C.: and the 'Conversion' of the Future President," Missouri A History of Kansas City, Missouri (Boulder, CO: Historical Review 88 (October 1993): 71, 75-76. Pruett Publishing Co., 1978), and R. Richard Wohl and A. Theodore Brown, "The Usable Past: A Study Edward Miller's Town: The Reconceptualization of Pleasant Hill by the Pacific Railroad of Missouri

JAMES R. SHORTRIDGE*

The Missouri Pacific Railroad stands as one of the principal investments of St. ** &' $%&*££ ~ Louis businessmen in the nine­ vt.t. W&. < , * < ** %••*"«: t«, teenth century, a link to Kansas ^ ^^^

City and the West, and a way to sty**** „ open new territory within the "# *WgW& state. In theory, its construction m>~ also should have allowed inves­ tors to create profitable new cit­ ies at strategic points along the line. Although urban speculation of this type was the rule for most western railroads, it was rare on the Pacific's main line across the state. Kirkwood, a city in St. Louis County, is named after the railroad's first chief engineer, but it was developed independently of the Detail from a Bird's company. Another obvious possibility, Pacific in Franklin County, is only a Eye View of Pleasant relabeling of the older community of Franklin. A third candidate, however, is Hill, 1869 [Library of suggested by a map of the railroad's main line: Pleasant Hill in Cass County. Congress, Geography and This town sits at the outermost point of a sizable curve to the southwest away Map Division] from a theoretical straight-line corridor connecting Warrensburg with Kansas City. The direct route would have saved fifteen miles over the Pleasant Hill option plus the cost of four bridges across Big Creek. This shorter path also was the one initially endorsed by the railroad company as early as August 1854. What happened?1 The first public announcement that the company might change its plans came in the 1857 annual report of Edward Miller, the chief construction

* James R. Shortridge, a native of Pleasant Hill, is a professor of geography at the University of Kansas. He received a PhD degree from the University of Kansas. He wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Darin Grauberger and Ryan Lash in the cartographic services laboratory at the University of Kansas who drafted maps 3, 4, and 5.

205 206 • Missouri Historical Review

engineer of what was then known as the Pacific Railroad of Missouri. Previous estimates, he claimed, had seriously understated the costs for grading and ma­ sonry work along the more direct route. A page farther on, however, comes another statement that casts doubt on the first: "It seems at present quite pos­ sible that a very liberal subscription, by the parties specially interested in the [Pleasant Hill] route . . . may make it advisable for the Company to adopt it." This article probes deeper into the strategy for relocation. What emerges is the only full-blown case of town speculation by railroad officials along their entire 282-mile route across the state.2

Background The beginnings of the Pacific Railroad of Missouri date to 1850, follow­ ing enthusiastic promotion by Senator Thomas Hart Benton as a first step to­ ward his dream of a connection across the continent to San Francisco. Many people shared his vision, but some St. Louis businessmen were less sanguine, worried about what railroad competition might mean for the city's signature steamboat enterprises. As a result of this division, financial backers were not overly abundant, and opinions were mixed about whether to build near or away from the Missouri River. These twin problems haunted the railroad company throughout its construction years. Together with the Civil War, they explain why trackage into Kansas City was not completed for fifteen years. They also explain the anomaly of why this company, with its power to create new townsites through positioning of the main track, branch lines, and divi­ sion headquarters, did almost nothing in this regard until the last conceivable moment.3 That Pleasant Hill was even a possibility for railroad development was dependent on two routing decisions made in the early 1850s. First, to parry pressures from some investors that the main line be far enough south to tap timber and mineral resources in the Ozarks, officials promised to lay a second track. Known as the Southwest Branch, the track would leave the main line at Franklin (now Pacific) and angle southwest toward Springfield. The Ozarks compromise allowed the main line to proceed due west along the Missouri River to Jefferson City. The second decision involved the extension of this line to Kansas City. Would it follow the river towns of Boonville and Lexington or strike out overland across the prairies of Pettis and Johnson counties? The case for a river route was easy to make. Engineers, investors, and politicians agreed that construction costs would be lower there and the grades gentler. They also acknowledged that the river counties contained more peo­ ple and a more productive soil. In contrast, according to people at a railroad convention in Boonville, the prairies along any proposed southern corridor "will always be" livestock country, from which animals could be driven to a riverine railroad "with almost the same advantage to the grower, as if the Railroad was in sight of his farm."4 Residents of the inland counties, together with many railroad men, saw the prairies more positively. They placed no limits on local agricultural po­ tential and were quick to observe that an upland railroad had several revenue advantages over a valley one. Because ferries across the Missouri River act as bottlenecks, business into a Boonville-Lexington railroad from north-bank counties would always be restricted. Such crossings could not be made at all Edward Miller's Town 207 in some months. Equally troubling, a valley railroad would face direct com­ petition from established steamboat routes.5 Often unmentioned in the river/inland dialogue, but important none­ theless, was the matter of local financial support for the railroad company. People in the river counties, though richer and more numerous than their com­ petitors, generally took laissez-faire attitudes. Their towns already enjoyed good transportation, and they expected the railroad to come of its own accord. For the relatively hard-pressed inland group, however, the Pacific Railroad "meant industrial salvation," and they consequently worked hard to court its leaders.6 Railroad officials had been strapped for money since the beginning. In 1852 they had yet to complete the first thirty-eight miles of track to Franklin (Pacific) and found the expenses of tunnels, cuts, and grading much more than they had estimated. Even though they had secured a federal land grant, they knew that the added expenses of their Southwest Branch line would exceed the revenue this new acreage might generate. Desperation, then, led them to treat the inland entrepreneurs seriously. George R. Smith, a Georgetown man who in August 1852 had convinced his fellow Pettis County residents to sub­ scribe an astounding $100,000 to the stock of the company, was the primary focus. When other counties east and west "~-j»h from Pettis collectively trebled this total, the state legislature ^-m& endorsed the concept. Their act specified a route "through $./•'"$. ^ '*;% the county of Johnson" to the Kansas City area if local citi­ '•v-M, £®i^ zens would subscribe an additional $400,000 by the end of 1853.7 fp

Cass County and Pleasant Hill ^9^^H

On November 14, 1853, after another successful year w^^^m of fund-raising by George Smith, railroad officials formally located the first part of their route west from Jefferson City. Its path through Pettis County conveniently crossed acreage ^^^H owned by Smith (the future site of Sedalia, named after his IIP daughter). The Johnson County specification was because of Benjamin W. Grover, a resident of Warrensburg who had championed the case for an inland route in the Missouri \m'\ Senate. Planning the rest of the way from Warrensburg to Kansas City seemed a straightforward task, and so nine George R. Smith served months later, officials tentatively selected a direct line to the northwest known in the state senate as as the Chapel Hill route. This corridor touched a corner of Lafayette County, president pro tempore 8 but it lay mostly in Johnson and Jackson counties (map l). and was an elector for The Chapel Hill decision, like all previous locations, was dependent on President Lincoln. local fund-raising. This time the amount requested was $200,000 plus free [SHSMO 017310] land for the right-of-way.9 Money proved especially difficult to raise here, however. Johnson County voters had already contributed greatly to the rail­ road's cause, and Jackson County people were confident that the tracks would come to Kansas City and/or Independence with or without their help. Voters in Lafayette County were equally apathetic since the company had earlier ignored pleas to build through their main city of Lexington. 208 Missouri Historical Review

\ * tfe.:,i \A • x #4 (4W f 44 \ :y\: - 44-4,4 4 i ! • U**4^iM 4*-^ t% . .

*^ ... fjitt. ••"'•-, ; j?;y - *-ip< • :• ? •:::. 'r , •' r y' f ••''*.,: r'j ; i ?*«£<*; '- yK^^'^^J^ff ?: * i: mi

: r c \. .... ;: I;. •e&M'-i^ ''

Map 1: Railroad Lines and Surveys, 1856. Cross-hatching denotes completed trackage. Shown along with the main route of the Pacific Railroad of Missouri are its Southwest Branch through Springfield, the Hannibal and St. Joseph, the St. Louis andiron Mountain, the North Missouri, and the Cairo and Fulton. Source: Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Pacific Railroad to the Stockholders (St. Louis: Republican Book and Job Office, 1856). [SHSMO 027944]

Had the Pacific Railroad's financial situation been stronger, it is likely that officials would have adopted the direct Chapel Hill route regardless of lukewarm local support. As it happened, however, expensive bridge construc­ tion near Jefferson City had brought the company near bankruptcy by the summer of 1855. Attempts to borrow money privately were unsuccessful since, under terms of earlier financing, the State of Missouri held first lien on debt should the company fail. This made an already marginal investment even more so. To keep moving at all, the board of directors personally had to advance $350,000. The state legislature authorized additional funding later that year, but this was more than exhausted in the aftermath of a major Edward Miller's Town • 209 disaster. On November 2, 1855, a special excursion train sent from St. Louis to mark the opening of the railroad to Jefferson City fell through a temporary bridge over the Gasconade River. Thirty-one people died, two hundred were injured, and public confidence in the enterprise fell to new lows.10 In 1857, as a national business panic shut down nearly all railroad con­ struction, a few entrepreneurs took advantage of the delay to reposition the proposed route at Chapel Hill several miles to the south and west. In the absence of surviving newspaper accounts and most other contemporary local sources, details of this maneuvering remain unknown. Key ideas and play­ ers, however, can be identified. The focus was Cass County, particularly its northeastern corner where the valley of Big Creek provided a plausible alter­ nate path for the Pacific's tracks. This corridor was not completely unknown to railroad officials, for they had surveyed it earlier in the decade when they were considering a more southerly way into Kansas City through Versailles in Morgan County and along the watershed between the Osage and Missouri rivers (map 2). One person who certainly knew about the old survey was Edward Miller, the railroad's new construction engineer. Miller had been hired in May 1856 because his predecessor, Thomas O' Sullivan, had been killed in the Gasconade crash. By all accounts, Miller was well qualified for the job. A Philadelphia native and graduate of the University of Pennsylvania, he had attained fame for creating a system of inclined planes over the Allegheny Front that enabled the first rail connection between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. This feat led to appointments as chief engineer for the Pennsylvania Railroad and, just before coming to Missouri, president of the North Pennsylvania Railroad.11 Miller seems to have been honest as well as competent. His correspon­ dence with George Smith, for example, was friendly and straightforward, al­ ternately asking about the health of Smith's daughters and describing his work to more efficiently position bridges over the Lamine River at Otterville and several smaller streams. A decision to move his family to a farm fifteen miles northwest of Pleasant Hill in Jackson County also reveals a good relationship with the area and its people.12 According to a local historian, railroad officials first proposed the reloca­ tion into Cass County. The five hundred citizens of Pleasant Hill were more than willing to participate, but they worried that, by themselves, they could not raise enough money for a serious offer. A countywide subscription was the obvious solution, but such support seemed unlikely since the railroad would benefit only a small corner of the political unit. Somehow, however, at a special election on May 16,1857, "a large majority" of county voters agreed to purchase $150,000 of company stock.13 The reason for the election victory, depending on which account one reads, was either good tactics or outright graft. Probably it was a combination of the two. The stratagem involved a pledge by Pleasant Hill people. In ex­ change for positive votes from residents of Harrisonville (the county seat) and other communities, Pleasant Hill leaders would abandon petitions to redraw local political boundaries so as to create a new county centered on themselves. The alternate interpretation holds that the election was completely fraudulent. Writing a county history sixty years after the fact, Allen Glenn asserted that "the best men we had" created a large slush fund for political bribery, "winked 210 • Missouri Historical Review

at men voting several times the same day," and otherwise opened themselves to criminal prosecution.14 Suspect circumstances of the election notwithstanding, the railroad's board of directors approved a new corridor from Warrensburg to Pleasant Hill the following August. Some confusion seems to have existed, however, regarding the exact location at the city proper. The company's previously published maps clearly place the route where rails were subsequently laid—a mile southwest of the original townsite and in the valley of Big Creek (map 2). Longtime residents of Pleasant Hill, however, remembered a different promise. According to their account published in 1907, the railroad was sup­ posed to have come directly through the town's initial upland location, diverg­ ing from the present line in the east at Duncan's Branch and passing through a swale south of the local cemetery before rejoining the current track west

Map 2: Railroad Surveys, 1852. Solid lines denote completed surveys, and dashed lines denote those in progress. The route between Pleasant Hill and Versailles, never used by the Pacific company, was built in 1903 by the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railroad. Source: Memorial of the President and Directors of the Pacific Railroad (Jefferson City: James Lusk, 1852). [SHSMO 027945]

\^J Edward Miller's Town • 211 of town (map 3). If this recollection is true, it would help to explain voter enthusiasm for the subscription and imply that Miller and his colleagues had committed fraud along with the voters. No surviving contemporary document supports the 1907 story, however, and so we must tentatively keep Miller's good reputation intact.15

A Favorable Location Plans for a reconstituted Pleasant Hill (or an entirely new town) began to solidify in 1858. First, in Miller's annual report to the board of directors in April, he outlined a plan for depots on the line west from Jefferson City. Sidings should exist every six miles in this prairie district, he wrote. Alternate ones should have watering facilities for freight trains, and every fourth station (or one per twenty-four miles) should be larger and have water sufficient for both freight and passenger traffic. To this geometry, he then added a caveat before proceeding to the actual application. Recognizing that such station creation would generate "in some measure monopolies of trade ... it is not unreasonable to require that the railroad should reap a part of the advantage arising from the increased value of the property."16 The first town for significant expansion was obvious: California, the seat of Moniteau County and twenty-five miles from Jefferson City. Since this was already an established community, however, the railroad men expected no financial bonus there. Twenty-four miles west of California was Otterville. This town offered possibilities, but George Smith's new creation of Sedalia lay only thirteen miles farther down the track, and officials decided to ca­ ter to their longtime benefactor. After negotiations throughout 1858, Sedalia remained Smith's town, but in exchange for a depot and promises of other perks, the railroad people obtained title to every fourth lot in twenty-six cen­ tral blocks. Miller himself made the selections, assuring the company presi­ dent that he had obtained the "proper proportion of corner lots." The next town in the westward sequence was Warrensburg, twenty-nine miles from Sedalia. Like California, Warrensburg was already an established town and county seat. The company left development rights there to two local politi­ cians who had championed the railroad's cause in the state legislature.17 Pleasant Hill, thirty-one miles from Warrensburg by Miller's calculation and nearly the same from Kansas City, was the obvious remaining candidate for development. Besides its fit within the idealized linear geometry, the site offered railroad officials three other advantages. First, Pleasant Hill's several hundred citizens were desperate enough for growth that the company could expect good cooperation from business leaders. Miller admitted as much in his report, saying that local proprietors had given the company "important interests." Second, Pleasant Hill also was a favorable point for trade. As the place where the main corridor curved abruptly to the north to reach Kansas City, it could expect an immediate boom in overland freighting to the south and southwest, including Fort Scott and Fort Gibson (map 3). Rumors of a branch railroad from Pleasant Hill to this frontier were already in the air.18 The third, but publicly undiscussed, advantage of the Pleasant Hill area was the possibility for an entirely new townsite near Big Creek that the rail­ road men could control. This plan was clear to insiders even before Miller's report in April, for on March 9, two local landowners there had deeded 212 Missouri Historical Review

Map 3: Pleasant Hill and Its Railroads, 1954. Dashed lines denote alternate routes for the Pacific line that would have brought it into or near the original site of the city. Sources: Base data from U.S. Geological Survey topographic maps for Pleasant Hill and Strasburg; alternate route information from the Pleasant Hill Times, 8 March 1907, 1.

adjoining twenty-acre tracts to the Pacific company for a dollar apiece. These individuals, John M. Armstrong and Jesse Howard, both lived in Pleasant Hill proper, but they owned farmland just southwest of the village. Armstrong had purchased his 160 acres directly from the government in 1851 and 1853, while Howard almost assuredly bought his 180 acres with speculation in mind. The timing (November 25, 1857) and relatively high price Howard paid ($1,400) both suggest at least the hope of a railroad deal.19 Proof that the railroad men intended more than a small siding at their 40-acre site came three months later on June 15. That day Robert Campbell, a prominent St. Louis businessman and major investor in the railroad, paid $8,000 to Armstrong. Two weeks later another draft for $2,000 completed a purchase: the 140 remaining acres of the original Armstrong homestead plus another 20 acres adjacent on the east that had been added later. This Armstrong tract, a gently rolling upland just northeast of the proposed depot and business district, was ideal for residential development. Howard's lands to the south and west, in contrast, lay in the Big Creek floodplain.20 In July 1858, as the railroad opened to Tipton in western Moniteau County, its tracks were only eighty-five miles from Pleasant Hill. People expected completion within a year, but this did not occur. With financial troubles so severe as to cause defaults on bond payments by early 1860, the company struggled to reach Sedalia in 1861. Then came the Civil War, of course, a time Edward Miller's Town • 213 when railroad bridges, depots, and construction crews all were prime targets for Confederate raids.21 Fortune for the beleaguered company finally turned in 1864 when the state legislature authorized $1.5 million in new loans. With this cash infusion, tracks were opened to Warrensburg in the summer of 1864, to Holden in May 1865, and to Pleasant Hill on July 19. Townspeople then enjoyed status as the railroad terminus for two months before the line was finally completed into Kansas City on September 20.22

The Wyoming Townsite The imminent arrival of the railroad in the summer of 1865 initiated a wave of town building that had been anticipated for seven years. Robert Campbell, whose role seems to have been only as banker, sold his 160 acres at cost to Edward Miller for development, and the railroad company accepted bids for its newly surveyed business district along the line's right-of-way. Before turning to details of these enterprises, however, two other contextual events are important. One concerns Edward Miller himself. On December 17, 1859, he quietly resigned his position as chief engineer and purchased a large stock farm near Hickman's Mill in Jackson County. One historian has speculated that the resignation sprang from a cut in salary imposed by the struggling railroad. Anticipation of a new career as patron of Cass County's promising railroad city seems a more logical motive. War troubles simply delayed the plan's implementation.23 The second background issue also involves the war—its effect on Pleasant Hill's original settlers. Some five hundred strong before the violence, they saw their numbers plummet and their cultural landscape disappear beginning in 1861. That fall, a reporter based four miles from town noted that "ev­ ery man in the vicinity" was absent from home and that many buildings had been burned. This was, however, only a prelude to August 1863. First, Cole Younger's raiders burned the house of every Union sympathizer in town. Two days later, the federal officer in the area, Captain Henry E. Palmer, retali­ ated with similar action on known rebel property, including two blacksmith shops, a mill, and numerous homes. When this destruction was reinforced almost immediately by the Union army's infamous Order No. 11, Pleasant Hill's forced emigrants necessarily concentrated on simple survival, not busi­ ness speculation.24 Local conditions by 1864 and 1865, although bleak in many ways, were actually favorable for railroad developers. "Quite a large number" of new set­ tlers from Illinois and Indiana were reported coming into Cass County in the spring of 1864, and a year later, so were many former residents who had been exiled by the Union order. "If quiet prevails," said an observer, the county in a few months "will again be settled up." This situation boded well for future rail traffic. The overall state of flux also allowed the Pacific company to proceed without fear of local interference. Old Pleasant Hill, after all, was almost extinct.25 Town-making activities in and adjacent to the company's 40-acre tract began a month before the arrival of the first train. On June 22, Clayton Van Hoy, a local man, filed plats for two additions, one just west of the railroad land and another just east (map 4). Two weeks later, on July 3, Jesse Howard 214 Missouri Historical Review

(who had sold Van Hoy parts of his property) did the same on ten acres of his own land. Interestingly, these actions came several weeks before railroad of­ ficials platted their own land. The company, however, had selected a name: Wyoming, Missouri.26 The origin of the Wyoming label has puzzled local historians. It cannot honor the state of that name since Wyoming Territory did not exist until 1868, three years after the event in Missouri. The word actually comes from the East Coast. Meaning "upon the great plain" in the Delaware language, it was applied long ago to that portion of the Susquehanna valley in Pennsylvania where Scranton and Wilkes-Barre are located. What connection exists be­ tween this Pennsylvania lowland and a Big Creek townsite? Almost assuredly it is Edward Miller again, because the North Pennsylvania Railroad, of which he was chief engineer and president, passed through that state's Wyoming area.27 Wyoming, Missouri, existed for less than a month. Sometime after the July 3rd filing for Howard's Addition and before the July 20th one for the Pacific company's new downtown, residents of Pleasant Hill expanded their own corporate limits south and southwest far enough to encompass all proper­ ties around the new depot. The railroad men apparently did not fight the an­ nexation, but they decided to keep their Wyoming name alive as a designation for one of the principal downtown streets.28 The form of the new business district was unusual. Instead of aligning principal streets parallel with the railroad tracks or running them in cardinal directions, Pacific officials elected to do half and half. Furthermore, they placed the main commercial district on the southwest side of the railroad, where the land was prone to floods, rather than on higher terrain just across the tracks to the northeast. No contemporary documents exist to explain these choices. Their decisions, however, shocked Van Hoy. In the survey for his ad­ dition east of the railroad property, he laid out principal streets parallel to the tracks. When Pacific officials announced a few weeks later that their streets Wyoming Street, circa in this area would follow cardinal directions, Van Hoy was embarrassed. He 1930, in Downtown took his property off the market and eventually sold it to other developers for Pleasant Hill replatting.29 [Pleasant Hill Historical What made the railroad people decide as they did? The surviving evi­ Society, Inc.] dence suggests a combined goal of maximizing profit from their principal business street and working in conjunction with former colleague Edward Miller to do the same on his large resi­ dential tract. The railroad's acreage consisted of two equal-sized rectangles elon­ gated east and west. These adjoined, but they were offset in such a way that a rail line across them from southeast to northwest would yield nearly three-quarters of a mile of commercial frontage (map Edward Miller's Town 215

4). A main street paralleling these tracks would be the only practicable means to take advantage of the situation. Such a street on the southwest side of the tracks was easy to lay out (along with adjacent commercial lots), for this was bottomland that sloped gently to the south and west. If the company had placed their commercial street just northeast of the tracks, much of it would have crowned a low ridge twenty feet above the level of Big Creek (map 3). This land is flood free, but the hill would have hindered interaction between depot and businesses. A street paralleling the railroad in this location also would have impeded development of Miller's 160 acres. His tract, already accessed from old-town Pleasant Hill by a section-line road Map 4: "New Town" along its northern edge (High Street), could be platted most efficiently with a Pleasant Hill, 1895. Van standard grid oriented to cardinal directions. Hoy s eastern addition Geography aside, the most important reason underlying the unusual had been replatted by mixed plat of the Pacific Addition was the mutual dependency of Miller and the time of this mapping. the railroad men. Businessmen required residences, of course, but in this case The property was located connections ran deeper. As noted earlier, the word Wyoming implies Miller's immediately north of the railroad and west hand in the layout of the business district. Similarly, Miller's decision to name ofCline and Todd's major streets in his addition after the Pacific's president at the time (George R. Addition. Source: Plat Taylor) and its chief financier (Robert Campbell) suggests that both men had Book of Cass County financial interests in the Miller enterprise. More evidence for collusion comes Missouri (Minneapolis, from the authorship and timing of the additions. Both were surveyed by the MN: North West same man and filed on consecutive days.30 Publishing Co., 1895), Following the logic of immediate profit over that of floodplain danger, 54-55. the company laid out its commercial district southwest of the tracks in early July and coordinated its streets to the north and east with the grid of l;lil4 Miller's survey. Then, both groups (as well as Van Hoy and Howard) IBi: advertised their new creation and Millers chartered a special train for July 20 to bring in prospective investors for a sale. No depot or other buildings existed on-site, just "a fleet of hacks" 111 ready to chauffeur the guests.31

The New Pleasant Hill in Perspective Local historians describe the first few years of town life after the H>ll

and his father, Arthur, "sold lumber to be hauled by wagon to Harrisonville, Butler, Nevada, Carthage, Lamar, Fort Scott, Baxter Springs and even as far south as Fort Gibson, Indian Territory." Everyone agrees that the town's pop­ ulation reached 2,200 by spring 1866 and perhaps 3,600 at a peak in 1867. Numerous wholesaling companies like that of the Hopes dominated the scene, and money flowed freely.32 This positive story has another side. Everybody knew that Pleasant Hill's turn as railroad terminus would be brief and that the larger community of Kansas City would soon be a potent rival. This realization had to have re­ strained enthusiasm about Miller's new creation to a degree, at least for po­ tential outside investors. A search of area newspapers from this period, for ex­ ample, reveals little material on the Pleasant Hill boom. People saw a branch railroad to Fort Scott as the best hope for continued prosperity, but Kansas City leaders were planning a similar line for themselves. Writers from this bigger city were irritated by the aspirations in Pleasant Hill, but not fearful. They wrote that "it takes money to build railroads" and that, in the wake of Order No. 11, "the railroad men of St. Louis very well know that Cass county owes a [stock] subscription . . . of $150,000, which she is unable to pay; and that Bates and Vernon counties cannot aid a dollar" to the cause.33 How can one evaluate the two views of Pleasant Hill in the late 1860s? Was the town seen as worthy of substantial investment or not? What was the source of the money that came? On a more detailed level, how successful were each of the major additions to the town? Did Miller's connections lead to better sales for his property, for example, or did people prefer to buy from local men such as Howard or Van Hoy? Definitive answers to these ques­ tions are impossible, but much can be learned from analysis of land sales as recorded in county deed books. What follows are data from the years 1865 through 1869. This was the period of maximum optimism in Pleasant Hill, before entrepreneurs from Kansas City successfully completed a new railroad south to Fort Scott in June 1869 and thereby corralled for themselves most of that area's profitable wholesale trade.34 From the perspective of Pacific railroad officials, downtown Pleasant Hill certainly proved to be a good investment, especially its slightly more elevated northwestern half. The token dollar they had paid John Armstrong for these twenty acres returned $19,990, or $999.50 per acre (maps 4, 5). Seventy- three of eighty-two lots sold before 1870, including all but one in the business district. Lot prices reveal perceived value, of course, and sites adjacent to the railroad sold at rates two to five times higher than those directly across First Street. Top billing ($1,200) went to the lot adjacent to the proposed depot. Twelve individuals or partnerships each invested $650 or more in the Pacific Addition (table 1). These twelve concentrated on the tract's most valu­ able commercial properties, purchasing all or nearly all of blocks E, F, I, and K while ignoring the residential blocks A, B, and D (map 5). Sociologically, these people are diverse. Four reported assets of at least $30,000. Three oth­ ers were worth less than $5,400. The richer investors definitely sank more money into Pleasant Hill's lots, but no correlation exists between wealth and either county of residence at the time of purchase or the decision whether or not to actually live and work in Pleasant Hill. Edward Miller's Town 217

Table 1: Major Initial Purchasers of Land in the Pacific Railroad Addition, 1865-1869

Amount Number Home County, Occupation, Net Worth, Name Invested of Lots 1860 1870 1860

David E. Humphreys/ $3,000 9 Cole, MO grain merchant $35,000 Hamilton R. Gamble Montgomery, PA law student no data

Edward H. Cordell $1,950 4 Cass, MO grain merchant $7,000

Thomas W. Cloney $1,800 2 Cole, MO merchant $32,000

James Allen/ $1,795 3 Cass, MO merchant & farmer $30,800 Andrew Allen Cass, MO dry goods merchant $20,500

John C. Knorpp $1,280 2 Jefferson, MO farmer *$30,000

Henry L. Ellsworth $1,235 4.5 Carroll, MO farmer *$5,340

Daniel K. Abeel/ $975 1 Jackson, MO newspaper publisher *$12,500 William J. Chandler Cass, MO (?) farmer *$7,700

George H. Hardy $905 4 St. Louis, MO farmer $5,000

Martha Hinchman $850 2 no data wife of equipment no data dealer

James Dunn/ $755 2 Benton, MO druggist $14,285 Andrew C. Shepherd Benton, MO druggist $2,450

Elias Laupheimer $650 1 Pettis, MO hide/wool merchant no data

Arthur Hope $650 4 Livingston, MI (?) lumber dealer *$10,000

Sources: Cass County Deed Books O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, and 2, Cass County Historical Society; Eighth Census of the United States, I860', Ninth Census of the United States, 1870.

* Figures for 1870.

Three subgroups exist. First were several local men who, despite the hard times in Cass County, had money to invest: Edward H. Cordell, the partners Daniel K. Abeel and William J. Chandler, and the brothers Andrew and James Allen. The Aliens had been in the area since 1838, for example, and were experienced merchants. In addition, James's position as county clerk between 1862 and 1866 put him in a position to see real estate maneuvers up close.35 A second investor group, drawn mostly from counties east along the Pacific railroad, consisted of outsiders who hoped for a quick profit and ap­ parently had no intention of moving to Pleasant Hill. These people included Elias Laupheimer, George H. Hardy, Henry L. Ellsworth, and Thomas W. Cloney. Of these, Cloney was the most ambitious and best endowed. Raised in Jefferson City, he had started a wholesale and retail mercantile business 218 Missouri Historical Review

there in 1855. As the railroad built west, he established branches in Tipton, Syracuse, Otterville, Sedalia, and finally, Pleasant Hill. These all did well for a time, but Cloney saw the coming competition from Kansas City and sold his local operation in 1867. He spent the rest of his life in Sedalia as a banker.36 Finally, another group of outside men invested in Pleasant Hill with the goal of permanent residence. James Dunn, for example, saw a better opportu­ nity there for his drugstore business than in Warsaw (Benton County), where he had lived in 1860. His family's operation remained a fixture on First and Wyoming streets for nearly a century. A similar possibility attracted Arthur Hope from Michigan, although he and his son decided in 1870 to move to nearby Greenwood and then Belton. John C. Knorpp was raised on a hard- scrabble farm in Jefferson County. While returning home after a stay in the Colorado goldfields, he heard the buzz about the new Pleasant Hill, purchased two lots with his miner's earnings, and stayed. Knorpp and fellow investor William J. Chandler became successful grocery and hardware jobbers during the boom years of the late 1860s. Then they sold out, investing their money for the long haul in the banking and cattle businesses.37 The strongest evidence that the outside world saw potential in Pleasant Hill comes from the investments of David E. Humphreys and Hamilton R.

Map 5: Initial Purchase Prices for Part of the Pacific Railroad Addition, 1865-1869. Proximity to the depot strongly influenced lot values. In 1903, when a new depot was constructed a half-block to the northwest, the town's principal intersection on First Street migrated from Commercial to Wyoming Street. Source: Cass County Deed Book N, 476, Cass County Historical Society.

-B

LOCUSTS!. 11 10 - n 9" - -' '13' .• a 14 i . 15. / § IB J ^ 5 n 4 18 3 ; is 2 - 20 1 H/G PINE ST.

Unsold 1865-1869 k Aliens Ha Hardy $25-$155 A/G Abeel & Chandler H/G Humphreys & Gamble EZZ3 $160-$400 Co Cordell Hi Hinchman $450 - $650 CI Cloney K Knorpp Fmf $900-$1,200 D/S Dunn & Shepherd L Laupheimer £ Ellsworth Edward Miller's Town • 219

Gamble Jr. These partners, both from Jefferson City, were wealthy and well connected. They also wanted to make Pleasant Hill home. Gamble's father, Missouri's governor during the recent war, left an estate in excess of $425,000 when he died in 1864. His father-in-law, James Minor, was a former Missouri secretary of state and university curator. Humphreys, with assets of $35,000 of his own in 1860, was connected to Gamble by marriage. His wife, Fannie Goode, was an aunt of Gamble's wife, Sallie Minor.38 The partners purchased nine commercial properties in Pleasant Hill. These included the prime tract across the tracks from the depot and less ex­ pensive lots in blocks C, F, G, and H (map 5). In addition, they had acquired three lots a few weeks earlier in Van Hoy's development just to the west and soon purchased residential sites for both families. Humphreys, who had been a farmer in 1860, worked as a grain merchant and land developer ten years later in Pleasant Hill. Though successful, his assets that year were $5,000 less than a decade before. Gamble built the town's first mansion in 1866, a heavy stone structure with a tower and stained-glass windows. In 1868 he was elected to represent the county in the Missouri General Assembly. His glory was brief. The next year he was forced to resign when colleagues ruled that some of his votes were illegal, coming from disenfranchised Confederate veterans. In disgrace, he left Pleasant Hill for Massachusetts and enrolled in law school. Humphreys stayed somewhat longer, until after his wife died in 1872; then he moved to St. Louis.39 The stories of the Aliens, Cloney, Dunn, Knorpp, Gamble, and Humphreys, taken together, are representative of the city's business community in the late 1860s. Opportunity certainly existed—enough to attract at least two major investors. People realized, however, that the boom aspect of this prosperity was fleeting. One could take a quick profit and leave (as did Cloney), profit and stay but reinvest in other ventures (as did Knorpp and the Aliens), or in­ vest modestly but for the long haul (as did Dunn). Few people appear to have lost money on their dealings during these years. Opportunity simply was less by the end of the decade.

Residential Additions Turning from commercial to residential development, the city's plat map clearly shows the dominance of Edward Miller's holdings (map 4). With four additions to the town between 1865 and 1868, he created 721 residential lots. The next largest tract, Cline and Todd's Addition, was only slightly more than half this size (432 lots), while none of the thirteen other subdivisions from this period contained more than 50 lots. To evaluate Miller's degree of success, one can compare his sales with those in four other tracts: Howard's and Van Hoy's additions (the only two that predate Miller), Cline and Todd's Addition (the only other large one), and Meekins's Addition (adjacent to the commer­ cial district on the low-lying southwestern side). In contrast to Miller, most of Pleasant Hill's other developers had mod­ est goals. In the sample here, three were local men: Jesse Howard, Elnathan Todd, and Clayton Van Hoy. All had come to the area as farmers—Van Hoy in 1841 and the other two a decade later. Howard and Van Hoy were both in their fifties at the 1860 census. Howard had assets valued at $5,000, while successful ventures into banking, wool carding, and general merchandising 220 Missouri Historical Review

had pushed Van Hoy's worth to $80,000. Todd, a generation younger, owned no property that year. Josiah Meekins was a farmer as well, thirty-two years old in 1860 with assets of $3,200. He lived ninety miles east of Pleasant Hill, near the Pacific railroad town of California in Moniteau County. The final developer, Delila Cline, only eighteen in 1860, was listed as a housekeeper for her farmer father in Benton County, Iowa. She had family connections in Pleasant Hill and (probably) access to her father's financial reserves of $19,336.40 None of the development sites could be called expensive. Howard's 10 acres were part of a larger tract he had purchased in 1857. By selling off the other acreage for more than his purchase price, Howard's Addition was es­ sentially free to him (table 2). Van Hoy, one of Howard's clients, paid $300 for the 6-acre site of his addition in 1865, or $50 per acre. At about the same time, Cline and Todd purchased their 35.6-acre tract for $3,574 ($100.39 per acre), and Meekins paid $600 for his 5 acres ($120 per acre). Edward Miller's 156 acres (160 minus 4 given to the railroad for its right-of-way) fell into the middle of this price range. His $10,000 investment works out to $64.10 per acre.41 By 1870, Miller had sold 335.5 of his 721 lots and, following common practice, given away another 6 to churches. This disposal rate of 47 percent compares poorly to those of Howard, Meekins, and Van Hoy, all of which were above 80 percent (table 2). Miller's results far exceed those of Cline and Todd, however, who sold only 18 percent of their tract during this period. The variables of lot size, location, and price provide more insight into this issue. Van Hoy and Cline and Todd offered the smallest lots, with average dimensions of 33' x 140' and 36' x 125' respectively. Those of Meekins and of Miller's 1st Addition (between Oak and Pine streets) were slightly larger (45' x 125' and 41' x 140' respectively), while Howard's measured a generous 60' x 135'. Biggest of all were the 78 lots of Miller's 3rd Addition, north and

Table 2: Lot Sales in Selected Additions to the City of Pleasant Hill, 1865-1869

Avg. Return Profit Total Cost/acre to Lots Sold/ Total Price per (Loss) Profit Addition Acreage Developers Total Lots Sales per Lot Acre per acre (Loss)

Cline & Todd 35.6 $100.39 77.5/432(18%) $2,970 $38.32 $3.43 ($96.96) ($3,452)

Howard 10 0 26/32(81%) $2,875 $110.58 $287.50 $287.50 $2,875

Meekins 5 $120.00 24/27(89%) $3,100 $129.17 $620.00 $500.00 $2,500

Miller 1-4 156 $64.10 335.5/715(47%) $43,341 $129.18 $277.83 $217.73 $33,966

Van Hoy 6 $50.00 35/36(97%) $3,505 $100.14 $584.16 $534.16 $3,205

Sources: Cass County Deed Books O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y, Z, 1, and 2, Cass County Historical Society. Sales for Miller's Additions are based on 715 total lots instead of 721 because he gave free lots to six church congregations. Edward Miller's Town • 221 west of the intersection of Campbell and Oak streets. At 125' x 150', each of these contained four times the area of one of Van Hoy's offerings. Lot prices reflect size to a degree. Buyers paid an average of $183.00 for the large tracts of Miller's 3rd Addition, which pushed his overall price aver­ age slightly above those of his competitors (table 2). All the additions were valued fairly evenly, however, with the obvious exception of Cline and Todd. The location these partners had selected, a half-mile from downtown, was ob­ viously seen as remote. In fact, only thirteen structures stood on its 432 lots in 1895, thirty years after sales opened. As for the other tracts, the slightly low­ er prices for Van Hoy and Howard lands probably reflect the former's small lot size and the latter's flood-prone location. The higher costs at Meekins's Addition are more difficult to understand given that this area, too, is subject to high water. All of these lots save one were purchased by outside speculators, so the explanation likely is an unfamiliarity with local geography.42 Looking at overall profitability, Clayton Van Hoy and Josiah Meekins clearly made the most per acre, Van Hoy via his tactic of small lots and Meekins by selling at slightly inflated prices to two fellow residents of Moniteau County, J. H. Hewitt and Frederick Minnike (table 2). The big win­ ner, however, was Edward Miller. His greater acreage produced a hefty profit of $33,966 on his initial investment, with several hundred lots still in reserve for the future.43 Nobody knows for certain whether or not Miller financed his Pleasant Hill investments alone. A friend asserted that his wealth at this time was not large, but a census worker in 1860 recorded his accumulations at $51,000. Circumstantial evidence suggests the presence of partners. Clearly the St. Louis businessman Robert Campbell was involved, buying the key 160 acres from John Armstrong and holding it for seven years. Miller honored both of these men with street names in his additions and did the same for him­ self (map 4). He similarly commemorated seven other people: George W. Boardman, Charles B. P. Jeffreys, Thomas McKissock, Theresa Paul, John L. Randolph, George R. Taylor, and John Welsh. All likely were friends, inves­ tors, or both.44 John Welsh is the most obvious investor of the seven. Slightly older than Miller, he was a prominent Philadelphia merchant and philanthropist who had served as president of the city's board of trade and a trustee for the University of Pennsylvania. He knew Miller from the 1850s when both were officers for the North Pennsylvania Railroad. George W. Boardman was another likely source of money. A resident of Boonville, Missouri, he listed himself as a "land speculator" in the 1860 census and claimed assets of $77,000. He was also well placed politically, serving as registrar of the area's federal land office from 1861 through 1869.45 The remaining five names that Miller honored are all connected to the Pacific railroad. George Taylor, a St. Louis businessman, was president of the company throughout the 1860s. He obviously played a part in the deci­ sion to run tracks near (but not through) old Pleasant Hill. Miller also named a street after Taylor's wife, Theresa L. Paul, who was a granddaughter of St. Louis founder and icon Auguste Chouteau. The other three people were civil engineers on the railroad with Miller. Jeffreys was Miller's assistant and son-in-law, who, in 1865, assumed the role of handling the family's lot 222 Missouri Historical Review

sales in Pleasant Hill. He also had considerable money of his own (inherited from his father, a former governor of the Caribbean island of Nevis) and almost assuredly invested in the Pleasant Hill venture. Less is known about McKissock and Randolph. McKissock, who succeeded Miller as the railroad's chief engineer, has streets named after him east along the Pacific's line in Holden and Knob Noster. Randolph is likewise honored in California and Tipton.46 Not surprisingly, speculators were less interested in Pleasant Hill's residential lots than in its business district. None of the people honored with street names purchased a local homesite, although Armstrong lived in the older part of town, and both Jeffreys and Miller bought farms nearby in Jackson County. The sale of most of Meekins's Addition to outsiders is exceptional. Of the 498 lots sold and 195 buyers in the additions sampled here, the deed books list only 25 purchasers as non-Cass County resi­ dents. These include three men from Illinois, two each from Iowa and Kansas, one from Kentucky, and seventeen George Taylor s great­ from ten other Missouri counties. Only six individuals purchased ten or more grandfather, also named lots, and only two invested more than a thousand dollars: Meekins's colleague George Taylor, signed J. H. Hewitt ($2,000 for seventeen lots) and local banker Charles Dunbaugh the Declaration of ($1,000 for six of the big lots in Miller's 3rd Addition).47 Independence. In 1858, as he was conceiving his plans for development, Edward Miller [SHSMO 027943] termed Pleasant Hill "the only town of importance in Cass county." Miller and his colleagues made this statement even truer in the late 1860s. Then the progress gave way to stagnation. Although construction of railroads west to Lawrence, Kansas, (1872) and south to the coal mines at Rich Hill (1881) brought enough business to town to keep the population steady at just over two thousand residents, proximity to Kansas City and its even better transportation connections placed definite limits on local aspirations. Some of the initial investors stayed, but most left as local leaders found their best economic strategy lay in using the railroads to attract industry. Short-lived woolen and canning factories came first, then longer-term runs for a major foundry, a greenhouse, and a hatchery. These three "famous industries" (to use the phrase of town promoters) anchored a stable economy that supported residents well through about I960.48 During the past half-century, Pleasant Hill's connection to the railroad has faded. As suburbanization brought ever shorter commutes to Kansas City, the town has become a bedroom community. Its population doubled to four thousand in the 1980s and has now doubled again. More interesting, perhaps, is an unplanned, but almost complete, physical relocation. A series of floods and fires has gradually weakened the aging downtown core along First Street. At the same time, commuters to Kansas City favor new housing sites north of the old city limits along Highway 7 (map 3). These complementary processes have led business owners to reverse their migration of 140 years ago. While First Street sits semiabandoned, several strip malls thrive along the highway in what a few people, ironically, still refer to as "Old Town." Edward Miller's Town 223

NOTES 7. A good explanation of the railroad's early financial difficulties can be found in a letter to the St. 1. J. Thomas Scharf, History of St. Louis City and Louis Republican by former chief engineer James P. County (Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts, 1883), 2: 1904; Kirkwood. It was reprinted as "The Estimates for the Sue Reed and Eloise Le Saulnier, In Retrospect: A Pacific (Mo.) Railway" in American Railway Times 7(13 Bicentennial Review of our Historical Heritage (Pacific, December 1855): 1; Harding, Life of George R. Smith, Mo.) (Pacific, MO: Missourian Publishing Co., 1976), 153-162, quotation on p. 160; I. MacDonald Demuth, 16, 73; "Important Resolution of the Pacific Railroad The History of Pettis County (n.p., 1882), 421-422. Company," Jefferson City Jefferson Inquirer, 19 August 1854, 2. A map of the direct Warrensburg-to-Kansas 8. Harding, Life of George R. Smith, 162-164, 168, City route was appended to the Sixth Annual Report 174; F. A. North, ed., The History of Johnson County, of the Board of Directors of the Pacific Railroad to Missouri (Kansas City: Kansas City Historical Co., the Stockholders (St. Louis: Republican Book and Job 1881), 274-275, 610-611; "Important Resolution." Office, 1856). For an account of urban speculation along the state's first major railroad, see Donald B. Oster, "The 9. "Important Resolution." Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad, Government and Town 10. "Pacific Railroad," American Railway Times Founding, 1846-1861," Missouri Historical Review 87 8 (17 April 1856): 1; McKenzie, Opening the Rail (July 1993): 403-421. Gateway, 19, 26-39; "Missouri Railway Relief Bill," American Railway Times 8 (3 January 1856): 1; "The 2. Edward Miller, "Report of the Chief Engineer," Pacific Railway Disaster," ibid. 7 (8 November 1855): in Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the 2; "The Disaster at the Gasconade Bridge on the Pacific Pacific Railroad to the Stockholders (St. Louis: Missouri (Mo.) Railway," ibid. 7 (20 December 1855): 1. Republican Office, 1857), 24-25. The change in name from Pacific Railroad of Missouri to Missouri Pacific 11. "The Pacific (Mo.) Railway," American Railway Railroad occurred in 1876 as the company emerged Times 8 (8 May 1856): 2; Solomon W. Roberts, "Obituary from receivership following a national business panic in Notice of Edward Miller, Civil Engineer," Proceedings of 1873. the American Philosophical Society 12 (December 1872): 581-586. The North Pennsylvania Railroad was later 3. The best overviews of the railroad's early history incorporated into the larger Reading Railroad system. are Joseph L. Kerr, The Missouri Pacific: An Outline History (New York: Railway Research Society, 1928); 12. Edward Miller to George R. Smith, 8, 18 April Wayne J. Burton, "History of the Missouri Pacific 1857, George R. Smith Papers, Missouri Historical Railroad" (typescript, St. Louis, 1956); and William Society, St. Louis; Eighth Census of the United States, H. McKenzie, Opening the Rail Gateway to the West: 1860, "Jackson County, Missouri," 182. A few years Constructing the Pacific Railroad of Missouri (St. Louis: after the census, the family sold out at a loss during the St. Louis Chapter of the National Railway Historical upheavals of the Civil War and moved to Philadelphia. Society, 2001). For financial issues, see John W. Million, Roberts, "Obituary Notice," 585. State Aid to Railways in Missouri (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1896). For a parallel case of the 13. Allen Glenn, History of Cass County Missouri nondevelopment of towns (though for different reasons), (Topeka, KS: Historical Publishing Co., 1917), 204. see James R. Shortridge, "The 'Missing' Railroad Towns 14. The History of Cass and Bates Counties, Along the Union Pacific and the Santa Fe Lines in Missouri (St. Joseph, MO: National Historical Co., Kansas," Kansas History 26 (Autumn 2003): 186-205. 1883), 391-392; Glenn, History of Cass, 204. The threat to create a new county may seem idle, but when local 4. James P. Kirkwood, "Report of the Chief people revived this quest in 1869 and 1870, it received a Engineer," in First Annual Report of the Board of favorable vote in the Missouri House of Representatives Directors of the Pacific Railroad to the Stockholders (St. before losing in the Senate by an 18 to 13 tally. For Louis: Republican Book and Job Office, 1851), 43-44; details, see two well-researched articles by Tilghman "Railroad Convention in Boonville," Lexington Express, Cloud in the Pleasant Hill Times: "About Richland—the 17 August 1852,2. County Pleasant Hill Nearly Made," 3 June 1932, 6, and 5. Kirkwood, "Report of the Chief Engineer," 44; "Richland County Is Rejected by Close Vote in State "The Pacific Road," Independence Messenger reprinted Senate," 10 June 1932,5. in Liberty Weekly Tribune, 22 October 1852, 1. 15. Liberty Weekly Tribune, 14 August 1857, 1; 6. Samuel B. Harding, Life of George R. Smith: "Due to Wreck," Pleasant Hill Times, 8 March 1907, Founder of Sedalia, Mo. (Sedalia, MO: privately printed, 1. The most authoritative document that survives—the 1904), 153-175, quotation on p. 157. court petition to allow a vote on the 1857 subscription— contains ambiguous wording. It says that, to receive the 224 Missouri Historical Review proposed subsidy, the railroad must build "on or near" the the Business of Kansas City," 29 April 1865, 1; "The surveyed route (map 2) to the point where it intersects the Pacific Railroad to St. Louis," 19 August 1865, 2; and state road running between Harrisonville and Pleasant "The Pacific Railroad," 23 September 1865, 1. Hill. Cass County Court Record, 6 May 1857,332, folder 4701, U.S. Work Projects Administration, Historical 23. Burton, "History of the Missouri Pacific," 1: Records Survey, Missouri, 1935-1942, Western Historical 201-202. Manuscript Collection, Columbia, MO. 24. "Affairs in Missouri," New York Times, 4 December 1861, 10; "Destruction of Pleasant Hill," 16. Edward Miller, "Report of the Chief Engineer," Liberty Weekly Tribune, 28 August 1863, 1; Ann Davis in Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Niepman, "General Orders No. 11 and Border Warfare Pacific Railroad to the Stockholders (St. Louis: Missouri During the Civil War," Missouri Historical Review 66 Republican Office, 1858), 19. (January 1972): 185-210. By this order, issued on August 17. Ibid., 20-21; Harding, Life of George R. Smith, 25 (two days after William Quantrill's raid on Lawrence, 288; Edward Miller to John W Wimer, 9 March 1859, Kansas), rural residents of Bates, Cass, Jackson, and part quoted in Burton, "History of the Missouri Pacific," 1: of Vernon counties were forced to leave the region within 195; William E. Crissey, Warrensburg, Mo.: A History fifteen days. People living within a mile of Pleasant with Folklore (n.p., 1924), 19. The two Johnson Hill and four other cities were exempt, but some twenty County men were Senator Benjamin W. Grover and thousand of their neighbors became refugees. Representative N. B. Holden. 25. Liberty Weekly Tribune, 4 March 1864, 1; 9 18. Miller, "Report of the Chief Engineer" (1858), June 1865, 2. 20-21. Rumors about a branch railroad from Pleasant 26. Cass County Deed Book N, 453, 457, 476, Cass Hill to Fort Scott grew serious in 1861, four years before County Historical Society. the main line was completed to Kansas City. See a letter to the editor from "Clay" in Liberty Weekly Tribune, 12 27. Roberts, "Obituary Notice," 585. April 1861, 2; "Fort Scott and Pleasant Hill Railroad," St. Louis Missouri Republican, 19 August 1865, 3; 28. "Our Town Almost Became 'Wyoming, Mo.,'" "The Pacific Railroad to St. Louis," Kansas City Weekly Pleasant Hill Times, 6 October 1944, 1. Wyoming must Western Journal of Commerce, 19 August 1865, 2; and have been the name intended for the new townsite because "Railroad Meeting," ibid., 26 August 1865, 1. This line county deed book "N" records both Howard's and Van was finally constructed in 1880-1881 as the Lexington Hoy's additions as "to the town of Wyoming" (pp. 453, and Southern Railway Company. 457). By the time the Pacific Railroad Company filed its plat for the downtown area, however, Pleasant Hill 19. Cass County Deed Book J, 470, 475, 637, 639, people had annexed the site, so the deed book records the Cass County Historical Society, Harrisonville, MO. city core as the "Pacific Railroad Addition to the town of 20. Ledger Book No. 2, p. 22, folder 2-21, Robert Pleasant Hill" (p. 476). The city of Wyoming, it seems, Campbell Family Collection of Historical Papers, St. existed only unofficially. Louis Mercantile Library, University of Missouri-St. 29. Pacific company officials designated their Louis. See also Cass County Deed Book K, 145, Cass principal commercial street as "First." In part, this name County Historical Society, and William R. Nester, From was forced upon them since the more obvious choice Mountain Man to Millionaire: The "Bold and Dashing of "Main" had been appropriated a few weeks earlier Life" of Robert Campbell (Columbia: University of by Clayton Van Hoy as part of his western addition to Missouri Press, 1999). the then unplatted town core. Van Hoy's original plat for his eastern addition (Cass County Deed Book N, p. 21. McKenzie, Opening the Rail Gateway, 43- 49. For contemporary analysis of the crisis, see "The 453) is reproduced in Norma R. Middleton's Echoes of Railways of Missouri," American Railway Times 11 Home: Memories of a Hometown (Pleasant Hill, MO: by (15 January 1859): 1, and "Pacific Railroad," Lexington the author, 1988), A14. She mislabels it, however, as the Express, 28 April 1860, 1. Bridge and other losses during elusive "Town of Wyoming." Sterling Price's campaign of 1864 are detailed in "The 30. Miller's filing was July 19, 1865; the Pacific War in Missouri," New York Times, 16 October 1864, 3. Railroad's occurred on July 20. Cass County Deed Book 22. Business implications of the railroad completion N, 474, 476. The surveyor was Garland C. Broadhead, are discussed in several articles in the Kansas City an engineer for the railroad company. See History of Weekly Western Journal of Commerce: "A Letter from Cass and Bates, 480. our Warrensburg Correspondent," 4 February 1865, 3; 31. "Veteran Auctioneer," Pleasant Hill Times, "The Completion of the Pacific Railroad—Its Effect on 18 August 1916, 1. The quotation is from John E. Edward Miller's Town • 225

McGlathery, a longtime resident who witnessed the G2, K5; Journal of the House of Representatives of the event. State of Missouri at the Regular Session of the Twenty- Fifth General Assembly (Jefferson City: Ellwood Kirby, 32. George D. Hope, "In Early Days," ibid., 5 1869), 446-448. Humphreys is buried in the Pleasant December 1913, 10; "Sunday the 100th Birthday for Hill Cemetery, along with both Aliens, Chandler, Cordell, Town of Pleasant Hill," ibid., 6 October 1944, 1,8; Dunn, and Knorpp. Middleton, Echoes of Home, A21-A24; History of Cass and Bates, 228-230. 40. Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, "Cass County, Missouri," 880, 907, "Moniteau County, 33. "The Pacific Railroad to St. Louis," 2; "Railroad Missouri," 814, and "Benton County, Iowa," 812; Meeting," Kansas City Weekly Western Journal of Middleton, Echoes of Home, M8. Commerce, 26 August 1865, 1. 41. Cass County Deed Book J, 475; Cass County 34. H. Craig Miner, "Border Frontier: The Missouri, Deed BookN, 356,401,437,456; and Cass County Deed Fort Scott & Gulf Railroad in the Cherokee Neutral Book O, 122, all in Cass County Historical Society. Lands, 1868-1870," Kansas Historical Quarterly 35 (Summer 1969): 105-129. 42. Plat Book of Cass County Missouri (Minneapolis, MN: North West Publishing Co., 1895), 55; Cass County 35. History of Cass and Bates, 474. Deed Book 1, 43; Cass County Deed Book 3, 384; and 36. Demuth, History of Pettis County, 461, 630-631; Cass County Deed Book 5, 352, all in Cass County Cass County Deed Book T, 278, Cass County Historical Historical Society. Society. 43. Cass County Deed Book 1, 43; Cass County 37. Middleton, Echoes of Home, A23; Hope, "In Deed Book 3, 384; and Cass County Deed Book 5, 352. Early Days," 10; "John C. Knorpp Dead," Pleasant Hill 44. Roberts, "Obituary Notice," 585; Eighth Census Times, 1 May 1925, 1; Glenn, History of Cass, 755. of the United States, 1860, "Jackson County, Missouri," 38. Income data are from the Eighth Census 182. Miller Street in Pleasant Hill no longer exists. It of the United States, 1860, "Montgomery County, was renamed Lake about 1890, not out of dislike for Pennsylvania," 717, and "Cole County, Missouri," 194. Miller, but in celebration of a new recreational lake built See also Dennis K. Boman, Lincoln s Resolute Unionist: at the street's north end. Hamilton Gamble, Dred Scott Dissenter and Missouri s 45. Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography Civil War Governor (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State (New York: D. Appleton, 1889-1900), http:// University Press, 2006), and J. W. Hodge, ed., The United famousamericans.net/johnwelsh/; Eighth Census of the States Biographical Dictionary and Portrait Gallery of United States, 1860, "Cooper County, Missouri," 433; Eminent and Self-Made Men, Missouri Volume (New Senate Executive Journal, 37th Cong., 1st sess. (1861), York: United States Biographical Publishing Co., 1878), 370. 663-664. Marriage to women in the Thomas Goode family of Cole County actually led three prominent businessmen 46. Scharf, History of Saint Louis, 1: 689-690; to 1860s Pleasant Hill. Theodore Stanley, a Connecticut Edward Miller Jeffreys, Jeffreys of Worcestershire, Nevis, man and Yale graduate who had moved to Missouri in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: by the author, 1939), 8-9. 1842, married Martha Goode in 1845. She was a sister 47. The ten Missouri counties represented are Cole to Mrs. Humphreys and an aunt to Mrs. Gamble. The (1 purchaser), Daviess (1), Franklin (1), Gasconade (1), Stanleys came to Pleasant Hill in 1867, too late to be Jackson (4), Johnson (1), Moniteau (3), Pettis (2), Platte land speculators. He was a successful banker, however, (1), and St. Louis (2). Cass County Deed Book 3, 348, and president of the town's first major manufacturer, the and Cass County Deed Book X, 47, both in Cass County Pleasant Hill Woolen Company. See History of Cass and Historical Society. Bates, 518-519. 48. Edward Miller, "Report of the Chief Engineer" 39. Ninth Census of the United States, 1870, (1858), 20; Middleton, Echoes of Home, G6-G8. "Middlesex County, Massachusetts," 336, and "Cass County, Missouri," 648; Middleton, Echoes of Home, The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900

JAMES F. BAKER*

The April 29, 1900, strike of the St. Louis and Suburban Electric Railroad, which preceded the in­ famous St. Louis Transit streetcar strike by nine days, served to arouse pro-strike sentiments among Transit's union members. Their inflamed passions contributed to the violent start and protracted boycott of the Transit strike. Most studies of the St. Louis streetcar strikes of 1900 focus on the Transit job action. It was a watershed event in St. Louis history due to the dramatic level of violence, the popular support from the working class, the great impact on the residents and economy of St. Louis because of Transit's near street rail monopoly, and the galvanizing effect on movements to reform govern­ mental and business practices. Scholars have paid little attention to the shorter and less dramatic strike by St. Louis and Suburban employees.1 The Suburban strike was more easily settled because the union did not insist on a closed shop, and the company did not adamantly refuse for months to agree to arbitration. A precursor to the Transit strike, a precipitating event leading to reform efforts, and a strike settled in a timely way by arbitra­ 'As It Should Be" tion, the St. Louis and Suburban strike deserves a closer look. [SHSMO 027956] The political and economic environment of 1890s St. Louis led to the street railway strikes of 1900 and shaped the public's reaction to them. The city's ongoing labor-capital struggles were aggravated by an economic de­ pression from 1893 to 1897.2 The press attacked corporate consolidations that resulted in utility monopolies and condemned the corrupt practices of the financial and business leaders of the Big Cinch, political organizations (both Republican and Democrat), and power brokers such as Ed Butler and the Boodle Gang.3 Charles Turner, president of the St. Louis and Suburban, and Edwards Whitaker, head of St. Louis Transit, were members of the Big

*James F. Baker is the writer, publisher, and current editor of the Kirkwood Historical Review and a retired special education administrator. He received an MS degree in education from Southern Illinois University-Edwardsville.

226 The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 227

Cinch; both were bankers and part of the St. Louis busi­ ness and political culture of the backroom deal cemented by bribes.4 Due in part to relentless St. Louis Post-Dispatch stories about consolidations resulting in trusts and monopo­ lies, bribery, corporate indiscretions, and unfair tax breaks and favored treatment given to corporations by local gov­ ernmental leaders, St. Louis workers were well aware of the chasm between their daily struggles and the privileged lives of the corporate millionaires living in the city's central west end. St. Louis workers were predisposed to support the strikers in their struggle against the street rail corporations.5 By the late 1890s, the middle class had begun to vote for antitrust candidates, but the streetcar strikes in 1900 further stimulated their desire for reform. In the spring of 1899, Democratic state legislators and Governor Lon Stephens betrayed antitrust promises they had made when campaigning for office. The legislators ac­ cepted bribes from the Brown Brothers' Central Traction Company lobbyists and passed a bill removing the limit of $10,000,000 on joint stock capitalization, thus allowing consolidation of the Charles Turner, president city's street rail companies. Stephens signed the bill. With no state cap, lob­ of the St. Louis and byists quickly bribed the members of the St. Louis Municipal Assembly to Suburban, was also pass an ordinance allowing a transit merger. St. Louis Transit was formed to the president of the operate the consolidated lines. The Suburban remained independent.6 Commonwealth Trust Company. Following the consolidation, St. Louis Transit changed routines and rules. [SHSMO 027946] Work shifts were lengthened to between fourteen and seventeen hours, dupli­ cate runs were terminated, and tasks were consolidated, resulting in laid-off workers. Rumors of decreased pay under the new owners heightened anxiety and increased employee unrest. Convinced that the street rail combination was inimical to its interest, labor quickly began to organize unions to protect the workers. In July 1899, organizers for the Amalgamated Association of Street Railway Employees, fearful of retaliation by the street rail companies, secretly recruited employees and formed two St. Louis locals, #131 for St. Louis Transit and #144 for St. Louis and Suburban. When the companies discovered the locals, they responded by firing union members. Sentiment supporting a walkout built swiftly in both divisions.7 A push to organize street railway unions was taking place throughout the country. In 1899-1900, unionization in Buffalo, Cleveland, Kansas City, and Little Rock resulted in company retaliation and street rail strikes. Grievances typically included the discharge of employees for union activities, a lack of recognition of the union's right to represent its members, long hours, and low pay.8 In St. Louis anger about the street rail consolidation and tax breaks en­ joyed by streetcar companies was heightened by arrogant corporate responses to accidents caused by negligence, employee error, or improper equipment. St. Louis Transit had increased fares while providing fewer cars, increasing distances between stops, and reducing maintenance on the cars. Company of­ ficials seemed unconcerned about the effects of extensive street damage and obstructions caused by changing routes and the laying of heavier rail. Transit 228 Missouri Historical Review

general manager Jilson Coleman focused on cutting costs to boost earnings and appeared unconcerned with employee relations, customer service, and the public good.9 Overcrowded dirty cars, long wait times, fre­ quent accidents, and tighter monitoring of passenger transfers created antagonism toward the street rail cor­ porations. The working class vilified Transit as being concerned only with making money for its investors and top officers. While the Suburban operated more efficiently than Transit, it was also viewed as arrogant and uncaring.10 Residents interpreted the street rail labor-manage­ ment struggle based on their own beliefs about class, monopolies, unionism, tax breaks for street rail corpo­ rations, corrupt business practices, and—most signifi­ cant for many—treatment of patrons. Based on these factors, and in agreement with the employees' griev­ ances about working conditions and pay, most of the St. Louis working class supported the Suburban strik­ ers and, later, the Transit strikers. In contrast, the St. In addition to ^, ...^ Louis Globe-Democrat, an advocate for business, called for strikers to obey as head of the St. the law and end the strikes. Once the strikes began, perceptions of corporate Louis Transit, Edwards arrogance were reinforced by the companies' refusal to accept arbitration to Whitaker was president end the strikes despite petitions by the public, entreaties by politicians, and of Boatman s Bank in St. newspaper editorials.11 Louis. In January and February of 1900, momentum built quickly for a Transit [SHSMO 027947] strike, but former Lindell division superintendent George Baumhoff convinced employees not to strike. On March 10, he worked out an agreement to settle the issues raised by employees, except for the amount of pay. Transit employ­ ees were given union recognition and a ten-hour working day. Arbitration was accepted as the way to settle the remaining pay issue.12 With the Transit agreement in place, the Amalgamated Association of Street Railway Employees focused on division 144. The union asked the Suburban for the same terms granted to division 131 by Transit. With Harry B. Hawes, president of the St. Louis Police Board, acting as a mediator, the parties negotiated an agreement on April 6. The company agreed to provide impartial hearings for men claiming to have been discharged because of union activities and to reinstate them if that were found to be true, arrange runs of less than ten consecutive hours not split by unpaid down time, improve notifi­ cation of working schedules, provide extra pay for work outside shifts, "treat" (meet and confer) with employee committees, and recognize the union as long as it remained open to all employees of the Suburban.13 The agreement quickly broke down, with each side claiming the other was at fault. On April 21, a delegation from the Central Trade and Labor Union (CTLU) met with Thomas Jenkins, the Suburban's superintendent, to resolve the issues. The delegation called for arbitration. The company would pick one man, the employees would select one, and two CTLU representa­ tives would select a final arbitrator. The proposal obviously put more power on the labor side of the arbitration panel, a fact not missed by Jenkins. He The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 229 stated that he would accept arbitration only if division 144 would give con­ cessions, which he outlined in a lengthy document.14 It stated that the com­ pany would tolerate no interference with the hiring or discharging of its men, explain none of its acts to anyone but the employee hired or discharged, and tolerate no union interference that might injure the company's discipline or method of operating its streetcar lines. If the concessions were made, Jenkins offered to reinstate any man who had been discharged for unionism but was guilty of no other infractions of the company's rules. He claimed that the Suburban had honored the April 6 agreement and that the union had not acted in good faith, failing to permit all employees of the system to join. He said the company had proof that many of its employees had been prevented from becoming members of division 144 "by means of armed men," while union men from other street railroads were allowed to attend and participate. The union counterclaimed that Jenkins had encouraged "company" men to join and act as informants. Jenkins denied the claim. Union leadership admitted that it had prevented individuals from joining but felt justified in preventing spies from attending its meetings.15 Sam Jolly, president of division 144, reported back to the rank and file late in the evening on Saturday, April 28. In the early hours of Sunday, na­ tional union president W. D. Mahon announced that division 144 would offer the same terms to Superintendent Jenkins as those previously accepted by St. Louis Transit. He proclaimed that the Suburban would be struck at noon if the terms were rejected. Jenkins rejected them, and the union put its strike plan into action. At noon on Sunday, April 29, 1900, the Suburban strike and boycott began.16 Division 144 quickly mobilized the support of St. Louis trade and labor unions and the public for a street rail boycott.17 The boycott had become a powerful union weapon. In 1881 the Typographical Union had used a boycott This sketch of Thomas against the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and its advertisers as an effective strike Jenkins appeared in the strategy. In the early 1890s, St. Louis brewery workers had persuaded mem­ St. Louis Post-Dispatch bers of the Trade and Labor Union, the Federation of Labor, and the Knights on August 5, 1900. of Labor to boycott nonunion breweries. In 1891, Lemp and Anheuser Busch, [SHSMO 028054] weary of the boycott by working-class St. Louisans, be­ came union shops. The Missouri State Federation of Labor, formed in 1891, established a Committee on Strikes and Boycotts. Missouri workers had learned to use the boycott to unite across ethnic and craft/trade lines and exploit their combined consumer power. Thus, the practice of boycott was well established by 1900 when the Suburban's strikers tried to force concessions by preventing corporate income from sales (fares) and hindering the access to supplies need­ ed for operation.18 Each party attempted to put a positive spin on its own actions when interacting with the press. The newspapers re­ ported widely differing accounts of strike-related actions, de­ pending on the paper's political leanings and whether labor or management was interviewed. The Suburban strike did not routinely become front-page news in the Post-Dispatch and Globe-Democrat until the start of the more disruptive Transit 230 • Missouri Historical Review

strike, but it did receive daily coverage on inside pages. Commuters who needed the Suburban cars to reach work, businessmen along the Suburban's routes, strikers, and strike sympathizers closely followed the latest develop­ ments.19 The St. Louis newspapers reported the union's position that the strike had been declared because the Suburban had waged "a war of extermina­ tion" against the organization, refusing arbitration unless the unionists signed an agreement that annulled previous pacts. Union officials claimed that the Suburban had discharged forty men because of union membership—a violation of the April 6 agreement.20 At noon, grievance committee members stationed them­ selves at the De Hodiamont headquarters, the car barns, the Sarah Street crossing, and the St. Louis business district loop. They boarded each car as it passed and notified the crew of the strike. At 12:20 p.m., the first crew to abandon a car took it to the De Hodiamont sheds and quietly left the car. Suburban official James McCabe stood prepared with recruits who were experienced with streetcars and had been trained in anticipation of a strike. Without disruption, two replacement workers boarded the car and returned it to service. Within the hour, eight crews abandoned their cars and were replaced.21 All remained civil until a motorman stood on the track near the headquarters, blocked an approaching car, and pleaded with the nonunion crew to quit work. He shouted, "For God's sake, men, get off the car and join us. For the W. D. Mahon, president sake of humanity, for the sake of your fellow workmen, don't run your car any of the Amalgamated further." A police sergeant ordered him to stop. The two exchanged heated Association of Street and Electric Railway words, causing a crowd to gather. The situation cooled when the angry mo­ Workers, unsuccessfully torman left to telephone Chief of Police John Campbell to complain that his ran for Congress. rights as a citizen had been violated.22 [SHSMO 027952] At 11:00 p.m., strike supporters threw stones at a Suburban car near the De Hodiamont station, and the conductor shot twice into the crowd, causing it to disperse. Shortly thereafter, four men wearing Transit uniforms boarded the car, drew their revolvers, and marched the motorman and conductor from the car, leaving the passengers stranded. The frightened riders heard five shots. The motorman had been shot in the heel, and the conductor was wounded in his left hand.23 A livid Charles Turner immediately offered a reward for the apprehension of the men. On May 2, four men were arrested in connection with the incident. One victim identified a motorman on the Transit's Cass line as the shooter.24 The union maintained that it had no knowledge of violent actions by its members and that "only peaceable means would be employed by them to ef­ fect a settlement." At a union meeting, the strikers were again instructed "to resort to no steps leading to violence." Because of the Suburban's and city officials' concerns about further violence, policemen were stationed along the company's city lines with instructions to prevent disturbances.25 By late Sunday evening, according to McCabe, 48 of the 325 workers had left the cars. The union replied that McCabe's figure was low and that The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 • 231

300 workers were expected to be off the job the next morning. On April 30, Jenkins asserted that only 60 to 65 men were on strike and that former em­ ployees had filled all of their places.26 Indicative of early rumor and wild hysteria at the beginning of the strike, the Post-Dispatch led its April 30 coverage with headlines: "ONE SUBURBAN MAN HAS DIED. Non Union Employee Killed by a Stone. INJURED SUNDAY NIGHT. WILLIAM M'DANIELS, MOTORMAN, THE VICTIM, Was at Work on the Main Line of the Road When a Crowd Stoned Him and the Conductor." Though it made exciting copy, the informa­ tion that prompted the story was a hoax. The address given to the coroner who sent a wagon to pick up the body was, according to a "snickering" May 1 Globe-Democrat report, a vacant lot.27 The Post-Dispatch did not acknowl­ edge its error and moved on to other stories. By May 3, readers found little about the strike in the Post-Dispatch or the Globe-Democrat, with extensive coverage given instead to the impending visit of Admiral George Dewey. Since the Suburban lines were running and violence was at a minimum, the strike was not newsworthy enough for the front pages. Early on May 2, the engineer and three guards at the Brentwood pow­ erhouse engaged in a gun battle with strike sympathizers. Twelve striking Suburban employees lived in Maddenville near the scene of the attack. Their neighbors were believed to be responsible for the action against the power­ house and for throwing stones at streetcars as they passed by. As a result of the incidents, Sheriff Peter Kerth and two deputies patrolled until the cars quit running at midnight.28 Tension was high among nonstriking Suburban car men, and most were armed while on duty. As one conductor's car passed along Shady Avenue in Webster Groves, he fired at a stone thrower. Shortly before 4:00 a.m., a Suburban owl car ran over four cartridges, causing four "shots." In response, the conductor pulled his revolver and fired shots into the air to attract the at­ tention of the police.29 Only one streetcar remained in service on the St. Louis and Kirkwood line on May 2, taking an hour to make a round-trip. The cars on the Meramec River division ran regularly during the day, but at longer intervals than before the strike.30 Accidents on the Suburban lines were reported daily. On May 3, a child fell on the tracks while playing in the street and was crushed by the wheels of an approaching car. The next day, at Thirteenth and Washington, a car ran down a cook on her way to work at the Franklin Hotel. She sustained severe bruising. On May 5, a Suburban motorman was attacked by a passenger who claimed the motorman had deliberately attempted to crash into a wagon. Later that day, a mail car hit a produce wagon near 6700 Manchester and knocked the woman driving it to the ground. Whether the accidents resulted from poor­ ly trained replacement workers, as claimed by the union, or from the usual hazards of operating a street railway is not clear.31 A major part of the union's strike strategy was to gain support from labor and trade organizations. The Central Trade and Labor Union assisted in gain­ ing declarations of support. The Stationary Firemen Local #6 resolved to levy a $5.00 fine on any member of the association caught riding a Suburban car during the strike. Each union established its own penalties. The Street Car 232 • Missouri Historical Review

Builders Union #8157 set the fine for patronizing the Suburban at $1.00 per sighting. The Tobacco Workers International Union levied a $2.00 fine per Suburban ride. The Carpenters and Joiners Union #173 was one of many lo­ cals to pledge "moral and financial assistance," but the strongest support came from Transit's union members.32 The May 4 St. Louis County Watchman optimistically reported little in­ timidation of working car men in the county: "The cars are running regularly on the county line of the company, by the company's employees, and it is believed that no trouble will occur which cannot be overcome by peaceful and lawful methods." On the same day, the St. Louis Globe-Democrat reported the cutting of all the line's phone wires between Webster Groves and Meramec Highlands and destruction of all the incandescent lights along the line.33 On May 5, the first payday since the strike began, strikers lined up with working employees to ask for the pay due to them. Each striker was asked to turn in his Suburban badge before back pay would be given; all but two refused. The two men collected their pay and then divided the money among the rest of the cash-poor strikers. Tension arose at the Manchester division pay window when a nonstriker attacked a striker. Friends began to take sides, but cooler heads prevailed, restrained the angry men, and thus prevented a dangerous brawl. The Globe-Democrat reported, "All the working conduc­ tors and motormen still carry revolvers."34 During the strike, patronage of the Suburban was low due to support for the boycott by the working class, middle-class riders' fears of ridicule and vio­ lence, increased numbers of commuter trains run by the steam railroads that paralleled some of the major Suburban routes, nearby St. Louis Transit lines, and the unpredictable availability of cars. The Suburban's strikers became creative and hired vehicles and teams to haul passengers from Benton on the Suburban's Meramec division to a Transit stop on the Tower Grove line. They encouraged riders to boycott the Suburban and to patronize Transit.35 As an independent fighting for survival against the massive St. Louis Transit Company (which was running without interference), the Suburban was in an untenable situation. With police support, its lines continued to run nearly on schedule in the city. Despite the boycott, there was no great civic pressure to stop the strike. On May 3, Police Board President Hawes felt little urgency to deal with the union and put off giving answers to the Workingmen Committee's concerns about police intimidation and armed car crews. Because Transit and Suburban routes served many of the same city areas, and because of increased steam rail service, there was not yet enough disruption of the economy to galvanize politicians into action.36 After several days, businesses along the Suburban's routes began to suffer from the lack of traffic, causing businessmen to circulate petitions requesting the removal of police squads. They stated that the police presence hurt busi­ ness and that nothing in the strike warranted so many squads. Pressure on Chief of Police Campbell to outlaw the carrying of weapons by the Suburban's car crews came from a division 144 committee and, separately, from promi­ nent citizens concerned with public safety. Crews firing into rock-throwing crowds to disperse them had wounded some protesters. Believing that some­ one would eventually be killed, the petitioners feared for the lives of both The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 233 strikers and passengers.37 Campbell had not responded be­ fore the start of the Transit strike on May 8. Tension between Transit workers and the company be­ came public on May 5 when the union presented a proposal for the redress of employees' concerns. The Post-Dispatch reported "Union's Request in Disfavor with President Whitaker." By May 7, it became obvious that a Transit strike was imminent as both sides held firm to their posi­ tions. Union employees believed Transit was dismissing men for union activities, thus not abiding by the terms of the March 10 agreement. Increasingly angry division 131 members gathered along the Suburban's street crossings to jeer and harass its car crews. Union officials from both the Suburban and Transit divisions again insisted that their men had been instructed not to engage in acts of violence, cit­ ing the perpetrators as misguided friends of the strikers and toughs who enjoyed the opportunity to fight and vandalize. Despite the union's stated position and efforts to prevent its men from resorting to violence, union members were arrest­ 38 ed for violent acts against the Suburban and its strike-breaking workers. John Campbell was St. At a mass meeting on May 7, Suburban strikers cheered claims of solidar­ Louis chief of police from ity; no striker had defected. They were encouraged by the promise of strike 1882 to 1883 and from benefits at the end of the week.39 Despite brave words, the union leadership 1898 to 1901. had begun to realize that their chance of success was tenuous with nearly half [SHSMO 027948] of the men remaining on the job. Fortunately for the union, the Suburban had been the only street rail company in the transportation strike. For nine days, it tried to keep its lines running despite the disruption and boycott. The com­ pany could not afford the disruption and decreased revenue for an extended period. The beginning of the strike and boycott against Transit made matters worse. By the time the Transit strike started, much of the groundwork to mobi­ lize labor and sway public opinion had already been accomplished. Because many in the working class were already unhappy with street rail service and were also union members, the strikers quickly received an outpouring of pub­ lic support. Unions not directly involved in the strike demonstrated solidar­ ity with the strikers by disciplining members caught breaking the boycott.40 When Transit division 131 walked out, the street rail boycott was vastly ex­ panded, further limiting patronage of the Suburban's cars.41 The strikes divided the city into two camps—strike supporters who viewed the workers as being assaulted by the corporations and company supporters who saw the strikers as lawbreakers who were assaulting the city. Many cor­ porate and civic leaders, fearing the emerging power of unions and the work­ ing class, supported the street rail companies, thus clearly defining and exac­ erbating already existing tensions between upper and working classes. Civic and governmental leaders expanded police support to protect the operations and assets of the street rail corporations.42 The transportation strikes and boycott stimulated the growing desire for reform among middle-class workers and shop owners already upset with the poor service provided by utility monopolies and the unfair tax breaks granted 234 Missouri Historical Review

to them. The sympathies of the middle class tended to split based on level of income and the degree of financial hardship experienced due to the boycott. While they might have been angry toward the corporations and sympathetic toward the strikers, most St. Louis middle-class workers were not willing to take to the streets in protest. Many initially supported the boycott by finding alternative transportation, but they wanted to see continuous streetcar service and an end to the strikes. They directed their efforts more toward bringing an end to the strikes than to supporting the strikers' issues, and they viewed arbitration as the best means to settle the strike. A citizens' committee formed to try to arbitrate an end to the strike, but when that failed, a group of leading businessmen signed and publicized a proclamation against the strike. In The Mirror, William Marion Reedy commented, "However the leading business men may feel about the strike, the sentiment of the greater number of the people, who are not leading business men, is with the strikers."43 For many, such sentiments did not translate into active support for the strikers or zealous adherence to the boycott, but in­ stead motivated them to work toward reforming corrupt business and governmental practices. By the end of the strikes, frustrations with the companies' strikebreaking tactics and with police and posse actions during the strikes led a populace previously divided by ethnicity, location, and income to work together on the common cause of re­ form. This created an unusual situation for St. Louis at the time—interethnic and interclass cooperation.44 Politicians such as Governor Lon Stephens and his appointee, St. Louis Police Board President Harry Hawes, proved ineffective in dealing with the violence and the un­ DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE rtm TIE K

order in the area and was also endan­ gered. Later in the day, the Suburban sent out a crew with a police escort to remove the abandoned cars. The threat­ ening crowd verbally abused and threw rocks at the group, who fired a shot back. Only the presence of the police saved the crew from harm. The level of violence precipitated the Suburban's decision to discontinue operations east of Fourteenth Street.46 Strikers were sometimes success­ ful in converting streetcar crews to their cause. The Post-Dispatch reported that Suburban motorman John Hawkins and conductor John O'Brien in Webster car 318 yielded to the strikers' tactics when they reached Thirteenth Street. As they left the car, strike supporters grabbed them and shook their hands. O'Brien was quoted as saying, "I'll tell you, boys, that I didn't realize the kind of a "Stoning a Suburban Car proposition I was up against. I can't afford to lose my life for a few dollars. 47 on Thirteenth Street" The best thing I can do, I guess, is to join the union." [SHSMO 027953] Conditions in the county were better because the Transit men concentrat­ ed their effort toward shutting down the city streetcar operations. The main effect noticed in county towns was a dramatic increase in patronage on the steam railroads, despite the Suburban's efforts to keep cars running.48 Though the Suburban strike had been an irritant to St. Louis politicians, the magnitude and violence of the Transit strike galvanized bureaucrats and newspapers. The Post-Dispatch proposed appointing seven circuit court judg­ es as arbitrators. Mayor Henry Ziegenhein offered his best efforts to maintain order and to do anything in his power to bring the parties to arbitration. The mayor issued a proclamation calling for the citizens of St. Louis to "avoid all gatherings upon the streets and public places of the city; to refrain from loud or boisterous discussions of the situation, and thereby to assist in the main­ tenance of public peace and order during the pendency of the present street railway strike." He specifically asked, in concern for their safety, women and children to comply and to refrain from being drawn to large gatherings.49 On May 9, Transit suspended all operations except for mail cars until it was assured better police protection. Post-Dispatch headlines that day announced in large type, "SUBURBAN ROAD IS RUNNING. The Line Resumes Service Under Police Guard Wednesday Afternoon." From the start of the Transit strike, Charles Turner was frustrated with the lack of police support for his lines. He angrily proclaimed that he had three hundred men ready to return to work if their lives could be protected. He notified the public that he would put the cars into operation and run them every ninety seconds if the Suburban received assurance that the police would prevent strike sym­ pathizers from intimidating the crews and protect his men in the discharge of 236 Missouri Historical Review

their duties. Hawes testily responded, "The protection promised the Suburban shall be given if the entire force of patrolmen is necessary to secure it. . . . If the Suburban fails to run its cars, it will not be the fault of the police depart­ ment."50 The second day of the Transit strike began quietly, with only Suburban cars running, and even those cars did not start operations until three o'clock 1 in the afternoon. The Suburban concentrated its efforts on its more lucrative city lines. The '¥:^w / V/#'-. only car that ran on the Manchester division was the white post office car carrying mail to Maplewood, Webster Groves, and Kirkwood. The Brentwood powerhouse was heavily guard­ ed. Even when no cars were in operation, its dynamos were kept running to send a small flow ? writ ~-„ih»z"

our medicine, and we expect the Suburban company to do the same if it goes in our favor."59 Woodworth notified strikers not discharged before April 29 to report for work. Headlines from the May 15 Post-Dispatch signaled the end of the strike: "SUBURBAN CARS RUN AS OF OLD, Strike Practically Ended by an Agreement." Police guards were withdrawn from the Suburban's proper­ ties for the first time since April 29, and owl cars ran for the first time since May 8. Despite the agreement, hard feelings and accusations were plentiful. Union men claimed that men who had reported for duty were told they could not work until they had applied for reinstatement. National union president Mahon urged restraint, citing a clause in the agreement that the Suburban and the union could not promise the return of all men to work by the next day. He assured them the company would keep its agreement and was only waiting until all of the men had applied for reinstatement. Had Mahon not taken a conciliatory stance, the strike would have reignited.60 Two arbitrators were quickly selected. Scott H. Blewett, a sales agent of the American Car and Foundry Company, represented Suburban, and H. W. Steinbiss, a well-known local labor leader and editor of the St. Louis Labor Compendium, served as the union representative. By the close of their meet­ ing at the St. Nicholas Hotel on May 18, they believed that most issues had been resolved. W. T. Anderson, a St. Louis grain dealer, was acceptable to both as a third arbitrator. After learning that Anderson had signed an antistrike document circulated among businessmen of the city, Steinbiss requested that a different man be named. After much debate, Steinbiss agreed to Anderson's selection if the union men were willing to accept him. It remains unclear why the union accepted Anderson.61 Tension ran high. The grievance committee representative stated that the men who reported back for work were "received with indignity, and even insult." He charged that some men who had been working on April 29 were not allowed to return to their runs. Mahon urged the grievance committee to investigate the claims of the men not permitted to return and encouraged union members to allow the arbitration process to proceed.62 On May 25, the union voted to strike again over the issue of reinstate­ ment. Jenkins had refused to rehire a man who had criminal charges being brought against him as a result of his actions during the strike. The Suburban superintendent had already agreed to take back ten of eleven men who were in question. Ben Clark, the workers' attorney, addressed the men, urging them not to be hasty in their actions. As a result of his persuasiveness, the union voted to give Jenkins twenty-four hours to reinstate all the men, but they al­ lowed him to substantiate his charges against the man to whom he especially objected. Clark then arranged a meeting in which Jenkins conferred with George Woodworth over their differences. They reached agreement, and the strike was averted.63 The arbitrators made their decision on July 21: "The employees of said Suburban Railroad Co. have failed to keep said (April 6) agreement with T. H. Jenkins, superintendent of the Suburban Railway Co." The statement was signed by W. T. Anderson and Scott Blewett. Steinbiss submitted a sepa­ rate report stating that all who had difficulty joining the union had become The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 • 239 members of the division, so therefore the union was not at fault.64 The re­ sult, since both sides had agreed to stand by the arbitrators' decision, was that the terms of the April 6 agreement were binding. Though the union did not win the arbitration, it salvaged most of what had been asked for and re­ ceived in the agreement: a ten-hour work day, recognition of the union, rein­ statement of union men, and extra pay when working outside of shifts. Had the union insisted on a closed shop as did the Transit strikers, management would have been unwilling to settle. Despite losing the arbitration decision, the Suburban's men must have been relieved not to be in a prolonged battle like their Transit brethren. Given the small number of strikers remaining off the job at the time of the settlement, the men were fortunate that the Suburban chose to settle and recognize their union in order to gain a financial advantage over St. Louis Transit. Suburban lines ran without major incident during the remainder of the five-month-long Transit strike. Many patrons boycotted Transit's cars in fa­ vor of Suburban. The Suburban operated well-above-capacity loads, espe­ cially during the morning and afternoon rush hour periods. A cartoon ap­ peared in the Post-Dispatch showing an overloaded Suburban car with com­ muters packed on the roof and hanging from the ends of the car. The caption read, "You Might Have Thought This a Joke a Month Ago But It Is a Reality Now."65 On June 10, the St. Louis Republic featured a half-page illustration of an overloaded Suburban car. The headline read, "How the Only Unembarrassed Street Car Line in St. Louis Handles Its Patronage." According to the article, "The sardine simile has become a fact, and the sight of men huddled in close order on top of street cars, as well as hanging over the platforms and from the windows, can be seen any morning or afternoon along the route of the Suburban street railroad." Amazingly, since May 15, only one man had been reported to be badly injured as a result of a fall from a car roof. Once the strike was settled, Jenkins and the Suburban began expansion ef­ forts. He stated to newspapers that his purpose was to physically build up the Suburban's property. Instead of paying dividends from the big profits made during the Transit strike, he extended the Suburban's lines, made improve­ ments on equipment, and upgraded routes with heavier rail. He pledged not to stop until the Suburban was a top-notch street railroad property. Though not stated to reporters, his intent was to force United Railways/St. Louis Transit to eliminate the competition by purchasing the Suburban at his asking price.66 The Suburban workers were aware that management was fighting a de­ laying action against Transit, hoping to maneuver to a better buyout position. They understood that the outcome of the Transit strike would ultimately affect them, so they staunchly supported the boycott. If further consolidation came to pass, they knew they could be terminated or forced to abide by the terms ending the Transit strike. The St. Louis elite believed that the streetcar strikes signaled a possible beginning of class warfare and that unionism posed threats to corporate profits and, ultimately, to their control of the community and the established (often illegal) way of doing business in the city. Though the strikes did not result in class warfare, they clearly defined class divisions in the city. The working class and small shop owners generally supported the strikes and boycotts of 240 • Missouri Historical Review

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rotes THINK THr* POLICE «viAtt'<& tOT J 3 NOV '> unppy one. 'YOU MlCKT WAVE THOUGHT THIS A JOKE / i*o-*~* AGO BU" ?T IS A BP6r(rry NOw aW»tf.

'Tow Might Have the streetcar lines, while the police, politicians, and wealthy businessmen gen­ Thought This a Joke a erally sided with the streetcar companies. Both strikes featured a prominent Month Ago But It Is a role for the police in support of the streetcar company operations.67 Reality Now " Reverend Frank Foster, the pastor of Memorial Congregational Church in [SHSMO 027957] the Cheltenham neighborhood, summarized the strike issues for a nationally circulated magazine, The Independent. He concluded his article with lessons to be learned from the transit strikes: a compulsory arbitration clause ought to be inserted into every franchise given to a street railway company, union­ ism had come to stay, union leaders needed to see that compulsory unionism is a curse, the boycott was self-destructive as it cut deepest into the pockets of the wage earners, and it had been "criminal folly" by the public to elect partisan politicians who had neither character nor backbone.68 His last item bespoke the frustration of the populace with their politicians and the desire for reform. In a year when city boosters were beating the drum for St. Louis to host the World's Fair, concern over the violent excesses of the strikes combined with public embarrassment over their handling served to increase support for a movement to reform local and state government. The strikes had placed a spotlight on St. Louis's poor municipal services, governmental corruption, and the need for fair taxation of utilities. Though the strikes had failed to establish the level of control desired by the union divisions, they successfully brought labor issues to the attention of state politicians. The Democratic Party platform in 1900 favored arbitration of labor disputes and affirmed the right of labor to organize for the material benefit of workers.69 In 1901 the state legis­ lature, in response to public outrage, passed a franchise tax bill that instructed the State Board of Equalization, for purposes of taxation, to require written answers from steam, electric, and cable railroads when questioned about their property. Missouri Attorney General Edward C. Crow petitioned the state supreme court in 1900 to have the company charters of St. Louis Transit and United Railways revoked. Though that effort failed, it represented the mood for change.70 The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 • 241

St. Louis residents began to actively campaign for public ownership of utilities as an alternative to corporate monopolies. Former Missouri labor commissioner Lee Meriwether, who espoused public ownership, ran as a re­ form candidate for mayor in 1900. He was denied the Democratic nomina­ tion for mayor, bypassed by Harry Hawes and the Jefferson Club (reformist Democrats who desired to wrest power from Boss Ed Butler), in favor of Rolla Wells, a safe candidate who would not seriously threaten the accepted way of doing business. Wells, a former street rail man and president of American Steel Foundry, had close ties to the utilities. He benefited from crossover Republican votes and the fraudulent actions of Butler's men who voted fre­ quently to make certain that Wells was elected. The establishment, both Republican and Democrat, was afraid of independent candidate Meriwether's popularity and worked diligently to ensure his defeat.71 In a miscalculated move by the power brokers, labor attorney Joseph Folk, who later became the bane of the Big Cinch and the boodlers, was chosen to run for circuit attorney. Butler believed him to be nonthreatening and agreed that he could be nominated. Little did he realize that Folk would spend the next four years attacking him and the corrupt St. Louis business and govern­ ment practices.72 The election of Wells left the Big Cinch temporarily in control. The new mayor promoted his theme of a "New St. Louis," where public buildings, streets, and hospitals would be a source of pride rather than an embarrassment. Meriwether's Public Ownership Party's showing was significant, winning six seats in the House of Delegates, and Meriwether gathered over thirty thousand votes. The public mistrust of monopolies and the desire for reform could no longer be ignored. Public pressure and the election of reformers such as Folk resulted in litigation against the worst corporate and political offenders and forced changes in governmental and business procedures.73 The Suburban's management did not understand that the mood for reform and Folk's election required a change in their method of doing business. In an effort to gain approval for route extensions that would compete with Transit's best lines, Charles Turner and Suburban officials in 1901 again resorted to the tried-and-true St. Louis business practice—bribery of governmental of­ ficials. Folk investigated the transgression and brought it to the grand jury in January 1902. The case was among the first of Folk's many high profile cases against boodlers.74 Due to the publicity from the scandal, credit lines dried up, leaving the Suburban short of money to complete capital projects. Patronage from the World's Fair in 1904 pumped money into the cash-strapped com­ pany, but after the fair, passenger totals fell dramatically. The company could never shake the stigma from the Boodle Scandal. In 1905 the Suburban lost $158,000 and carried a long-term debt of $7,500,000. At the time of the street rail consolidation in 1899, United Railways had set aside $3,000,000 for the purchase of the Suburban. It merely had to wait. On June 29, 1906, the St. Louis and Suburban gave up the struggle to remain independent and agreed to United Railways' takeover, effective January 1, 1907.75 The Suburban strike illustrates the labor-management issues of the day, class divisions in St. Louis, the mistrust of corporations and antitrust senti­ ment, and perhaps most importantly, the benefit of arbitration as an effective 242 Missouri Historical Review

tool. Because of arbitration, the Suburban and its union members emerged from the strike relatively unscathed. The Transit strike ended in a crushing defeat for the worn-down members of division 131. Without an agreement for a closed shop, without gaining anything above what was in place prior to the strike, and having seen the ef­ fect of the boycott dwindle as the strike grew lengthy, the power of the street railway union in St. Louis was effectively broken. In the long run, however, some good had come from the strikes as attitudes and policies had begun to change in favor of arbitration. In 1918, when St. Louis streetcar work­ ers struck again, strong words from the press and pressure from a coalition of local government officials and businessmen forced an unwilling United Railways into arbitration. Federal and state officials made it clear they were prepared to intervene in the conflict to ensure streetcar service.76 A precursor to the Transit strike, the Suburban strike addressed the same labor issues, but due to financial opportunism on the part of the Suburban and common sense on the part of union leaders, arbitration was effectively used to settle the strike. Both strikes tapped into the mistrust of the working class toward corporate management and middle-class antitrust sentiments to help stimulate St. Louisans' desire to reform business and governmental prac­ tices. The St. Louis and Suburban strike of 1900 deserves to emerge from the shadow of the St. Louis Transit strike and take its place as a significant event in the history of the city.

NOTES 2. David P. Thelen, Paths of Resistance: Tradition and Dignity in Industrializing Missouri (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 189-200. A railroad 1. The Suburban was the only viable St. Louis strike and a general strike in St. Louis in 1877 solidified streetcar company not swallowed up by the 1899 street labor-management battle lines that would carry on into rail consolidation. On September 20, 1899, United the early 1900s. Some St. Louis labor actions in the Railways acquired the Jefferson Avenue, Lindell, 1890s included: boycott of Anheuser Busch and Lemp Missouri, National, Union Depot, and Southern Electric breweries (1890 to 1891), lasters' strike of Hamilton- street railway companies. From September 30, 1899, Brown Shoe Company (1894), carpenters' strike to 1904, St. Louis Transit leased the city streetcar lines (1896), and electrical workers' strike of Wagner Electric from United Railways. For more background on the Company (1899). An economic depression from 1893 to consolidation, see Steven L. Piott, "Modernization and 1897 increased tension as St. Louis workers lost jobs and the Anti-Monopoly Issue: The St. Louis Transit Strike businesses held the line on expenses. of 1900," Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society 35 3. Scot McConachie, "Public Problems and Private (October 1978): 4-5; Andrew D. Young, The St. Louis Places," Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society 34 Streetcar Story (Glendale, CA: Interurban Press, 1988), (January 1978): 90-91; James Neal Primm, Lion of the 76-81,89-94; and James Lee Murphy, "The Consolidation Valley: St. Louis, Missouri (Boulder, CO: Pruett, 1981), of Street Railways in the City of St. Louis, Missouri" 367-378. The Big Cinch comprised a group of about (master's thesis, St. Louis University, 1964). For strike forty wealthy bankers, lawyers, and investors, primarily studies, see Piott, "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly from the private places of the West End, who were Issue," 3-16; Diana M. Young, "The St. Louis Streetcar characterized by Joseph Pulitzer in the St. Louis Post- Strike of 1900," Gateway Heritage 11 (Summer 1991): Dispatch and by Primm on page 376 as "a clique of self- 4-17; and William Marion Reedy, The Story of the Strike: anointed leaders [who] ruled the city in its own interest An Explanation of the Development of Lawlessness out of and to the detriment of the public." The Boodle Gang did a Labor Issue (St. Louis: n.p., 1900). business by giving and taking bribes or payoffs. Julian S. Rammelkamp, "St. Louis: Boosters and Boodlers," The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 243

Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society 34 (July and after consolidation, Delbridge assailed excessive 1978): 200-210. speed, reckless driving, and refusal to provide enough cars so paying passengers could obtain a seat. In 1898 4. Primm, Lion of the Valley, 375, 380. Brown a fearful citizen pulled a gun to prevent a Suburban Brothers, a New York syndicate, owned Transit. Whitaker, motorman from running down his family. He was found their local agent, was president of Transit, president of guilty, but on appeal the judge ruled that he was innocent Boatman's Bank, and vice president of Bell Telephone because he drew the gun to protect his family. The judge Company. Turner also headed Commonwealth Trust, stated, "Citizens have rights which corporations must which was heavily involved in his real estate and street respect." Piott, "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly rail activities. James Cox, ed., Notable St. Louisans in Issue," 3-4; Thelen, Paths of Resistance, 217; St. Louis 1900 (St. Louis: Benesch Art, 1900), 59, 114. Post-Dispatch, 20 January 1898. 5. Primm, Lion of the Valley, 372-373. Charles 11. "What the Strike Is About," St. Louis Globe- Turner's St. Louis and Suburban Railroad in 1900 had a Democrat, 10 May 1900; Piott, "Modernization and the market value of $3,000,000, but it paid less than $2,000 Anti-Monopoly Issue," 3; "The Suburban Arbitration," a year in taxes at a time when streets were unpaved St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 21 July 1900; "Arbitration at a and sewers were clogged in poorer sections of the city. Standstill," ibid., 22 July 1900. Management would not Thelen, Paths of Resistance, 221. One-fourth of all St. accept an arbitration plan that was not heavily weighted Louis Post-Dispatch articles about local government and in its favor. public affairs in the late 1890s concerned public utility issues. 12. Primm, Lion of the Valley, 380. Primm asserts that the agreement was made only to delay a strike 6. Thelen, Paths of Resistance, 220-222; Young, St. and prevent embarrassment while the company sold a Louis Streetcar Story, 76-79; Young, "St. Louis Streetcar new bond issue—the company did not intend to abide Strike," 5. by it. Further discussion of the behind-the-scenes 7. Young, "St. Louis Streetcar Strike," 6; Frank manipulations leading to Transit's March 10, 1900, Foster, "The Street Car Strike at St. Louis," The agreement can be found in Young, St. Louis Streetcar Independent, 26 July 1900, 1782. Though the Suburban Story, 89-90. Manager Jilson Coleman's ineffective was not part of the 1899 consolidation, it held a virtual response to strike threats endangered the corporation's monopoly on service to large sections of St. Louis financial manipulations and led to his forced resignation County. Less than five years earlier, it had acquired the and replacement with George Baumhoff, an unrepentant St. Louis and Kirkwood Railroad and the St. Louis and antiunion man and a key figure in the upcoming battle Meramec River Railroad. For a history of the two lines between management and labor. prior to and after consolidation with the Suburban, see 13. "Arbiters Make Two Reports," St. Louis Post- James F. Baker, King Trolley and the Suburban Queens Dispatch, 22 July 1900. (Kirkwood, MO: Meramec Highlands Books, 2005). 14. "Strike on the Suburban," St. Louis Globe- 8. "Buffalo Expects Strike," St. Louis Globe- Democrat, 30 April 1900. Jenkins was the representative Democrat, 2 May 1900; "Samuel Lee, Union Director," for the St. Louis and Suburban (main line), St. Louis St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 8 May 1900; "Little Rock, and Meramec River Railroad, St. Louis and Kirkwood Arkansas Street Railway on Strike," ibid., 3 May 1900. In Railroad, and Brentwood, Clayton and St. Louis Railroad. Little Rock, the union completely shut down the system, Although the latter was still under construction, it was giving it more bargaining clout than the Suburban's nearing completion. union could muster. Samuel Lee and W D. Mahon were national officials who were actively involved in both St. 15. Ibid.; "Arbiters Make Two Reports." Transit Louis strikes. division 131 members were welcome to observe division 144 meetings. Companies trying to prevent the growth 9. Young, St. Louis Streetcar Story, 86. Coleman of union power commonly used spies to monitor union had an accounting background and focused on figures, activities. Verification that the Suburban had infiltrated neglecting relationships. the union with spies was not found, but given the tenor 10. Charles L. Delbridge, "Move Forward Please" of the times, it was quite likely. Young describes an (St. Louis: Collins, 1901), 4. After consolidation, "army of undercover men . . . constantly on the watch Delbridge charged, the distances between stops were for signs of union activity, discontent, malingering and made longer, and Transit, having a virtual monopoly, subversion." Young, St. Louis Streetcar Story, 89. reduced the number of cars in service. Cars were filthy 16. "Strike on the Suburban." because the cleaning service was eliminated. A persistent critic of the industry (including the Suburban) prior to 244 Missouri Historical Review

17. "Indorsedthe Strike," St. Louis Globe-Democrat, Car," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 4 May 1900; "Trolley Car 6 May 1900; "Supported by Carpenters," ibid., 1 May Struck Her," ibid., 5 May 1900; "Mob vs. Motorman," 1900; "The Street Railway Trouble," ibid., 4 May 1900; ibid., 6 May 1900; "Attacked the Motorman," St. Louis "Suburban Strike Still On - Strikers appeal to United Globe-Democrat, 6 May 1900; "Struck by the Mail Car," Labor for Moral Support," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 3 ibid., 6 May 1900. May 1900. 32. "Indorsed the Strike"; "Strikers Indorsed. 18. Thelen, Paths of Resistance, 193-195. The Tobacco Workers to be Fined for Suburban Car Rides," union plan to prevent generation of power by cutting off St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 1 May 1900; "Supported by the Suburban's coal supply failed because the company Carpenters"; "The Suburban Strike." anticipated the strike and amassed great quantities of coal. "Street Railway Trouble." 33. "Suburban Rail Employees Strike," St. Louis County Watchman, 4 May 1900; "Street Railway 19. The Post-Dispatch gave front-page coverage Trouble." Meramec Highlands was a popular resort on the with articles on April 30 and May 1, but when violence bluffs of the Meramec River two miles west of Kirkwood seemed to be controlled by police presence and the cars and was the Suburban's streetcar terminus. See James F. were running, the editor relegated the strike coverage to Baker, Glimpses of Meramec Highlands: St. Louis' Only inside pages. Globe-Democrat coverage did not hit the Exclusive Health and Pleasure Resort (Kirkwood, MO: front page until the start of the Transit strike. Meramec Highlands Books, 1995), 162-178. 20. "One Suburban Man Has Died," St. Louis Post- 34. "The Street Car Situation," St. Louis Globe- Dispatch, 30 April 1900. Democrat, 7 May 1900. 21. "Strike on the Suburban." A crew consisted 35. "Steam Cars Every Hour," ibid., 30 April 1900; of a conductor who took the fares and a motorman who "Strikers Adopt Novel Plan," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 3 operated the car. May 1900. 22. Ibid. 36. "Hawes Asks for More Time," St. Louis Post- Dispatch, 4 May 1900; "Street Railway Trouble." 23. Ibid.; "One Suburban Man Has Died." The Post- Dispatch description varied on the details. It claimed 37. "Street Car Situation." two shots had been fired—one on the car platform and one midway through the car. Both papers agreed the 38. "Against Men's Demands - Transit Proposal motorman had been shot in the heel and the conductor in Disfavor with President Whitaker," St Louis Globe- in the hand. Democrat, 5 May 1900; "Both Sides Are Firm - Transit Company Declines to Accept Union Agreement," ibid., 24. "Police Make Four Arrests," St. Louis Globe- 7 May 1900; "Motorman Severely Beaten," ibid., 9 Democrat, 3 May 1900. May 1900; "Suburban Men Arrested," St. Louis Post- Dispatch, 3 May 1900. 25. "One Suburban Man Has Died"; "The Suburban Strike," St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 1 May 1900. 39. "Suburban Union Meets," St. Louis Globe- Democrat, 8 May 1900. 26. "Strike on the Suburban"; "One Suburban Man Has Died." 40. Thelen, Paths of Resistance, 193-195; "Indorsed the Strike"; "Supported by Carpenters"; "Street Railway 27. "Couldn't Find Corpse - A Wild Story Started in Trouble"; "Suburban Strike Still On." Connection with the Strike," St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 1 May 1900. 41. Young, "St. Louis Streetcar Strike," 10; Piott, "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly Issue," 7-8; 28. "Police make Four Arrests." The Brentwood Foster, "Street Car Strike at St. Louis," 1784. Official powerhouse was located on the St. Louis and Kirkwood figures from Transit showed 13,733,621 passengers for division. Maddenville later became part of Brentwood. the quarter ending June 30. The bulk of those passengers "Suburban Rail Employees Strike," St. Louis County were served before the start of the boycott. The quarter Watchman, 4 May 1900. prior to the strike recorded 27,058,585 passengers. "Lost 29. "Police make Four Arrests." Shady Avenue is to company in fares $700,000, loss to strikers in wages now Kirkham Avenue. The owl car was a late-night run. $490,000, loss to retail business estimated $1,000,000." "What Arbitration Might Have Saved," St. Louis Post- 30. Ibid. The Meramec division was also known as Dispatch, 18 July 1900. the Manchester line. 42. Piott, "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly 31. "Child Killed by Suburban Car," St. Louis Issue," 3. Globe-Democrat, 4 May 1900; "Child Killed by Trolley The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 245

43. The Mirror, 17 May 1900, 8. 59. Ibid. 44. Young, "St. Louis Streetcar Strike," 16. 60. Ibid. 45. Piott, "Modernization and the Anti-monopoly 61. "The Suburban Arbitration," St. Louis Globe- Issue," 10-11, 16. Democrat, 29 May 1900. 46. "Assaults on Suburban, Men - Result in 62. "Suburban Road Arbitrators," St. Louis Post- Abandonment of Traffic East of Jefferson Avenue," St. Dispatch, 19 May 1900. Louis Globe-Democrat, 9 May 1900; "Riot near Carr 63. "All Men Back or Walk Out," St. Louis Globe- Square," ibid., 9 May 1900. Democrat, 25 May 1900. 47. "Strike Brings Rioting." 64. "Arbitrators Make Two Reports," St. Louis 48. "How the City Went to Work," St. Louis Post- Post-Dispatch, 22 July 1900. Dispatch, $ May 1900. 65. "Calm on the Suburban Line" and "Untold Tales 49. "Suburban Road is Running" and "Avoid of the Streetcar Strike," both in ibid., 20 May 1900. Gatherings," both in ibid., 9 May 1900. 66. Young, St. Louis Streetcar Story, 104. 50. "President Turner's Position," St. Louis Globe- 67. Piott, "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly Democrat, 9 May 1900. Issue," 1. 51. "On the County Lines," St. Louis Globe- 68. Foster, "Street Car Strike at St. Louis," 1784. Democrat, 10 May 1900. 69. "Bryan is Nominated—Synopsis of a Platform," 52. "To Settle the Strike . . . Frank Liebrecht, The St. Louis County Watchman, 13 July 1900; "Bryan and Strike's First Victim," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 May New York Prime Factors in Situation Before the National 1900. Democratic Convention—Forecast of the Platform," St. 53. "Suburban Places Its Full Complement of Cars Louis Post-Dispatch, 1 July 1900. on All Urban Divisions," St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 70. "For Purposes of Franchise Tax," St. Louis 12 May 1900. The Suburban's Kirkwood division Post-Dispatch, 29 April 1901. The State Board of connection with Transit's Lindell division was at the Equalization failed to use its new powers to raise taxes southwest comer of Forest Park. "No Cars Today," ibid., on the railroads. 13 May 1900. 71. Primm, Lion of the Valley, 383. 54. "No Cars Today." 72. Ibid., 381-382. 55. "Rails Spiked," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 14 May 1900. U.S. mail cars were painted white so they 73. Ibid., 381-385; Thelen, Paths of Resistance, would be instantly recognized and thus not bothered by 223-224; Young, "St. Louis Streetcar Strike," 16; Piott, strikers. "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly Issue," 15-16. 56. Young, "St. Louis Streetcar Strike," 11; Piott, 74. Primm, Lion of the Valley, 385-387; Young, St. "Modernization and the Anti-Monopoly Issue," 10; Louis Streetcar Story, 104-108. The line extensions were Primm, Lion of the Valley, 380. never approved or built. 57. "Suburban Settlement Hoped For," St. Louis 75. Young, St. Louis Streetcar Story, 127-129; Globe-Democrat, 13 May 1900; "Suburban Trouble Primm, Lion of the Valley, 385-387. Again Becomes a Subject of Negotiation," ibid., 14 May 76. Young, "St. Louis Streetcar Strike," 17. War 1900. contracts made continued streetcar operation a high 58. "Arbitrators Work on Both Systems," St. Louis priority for business and government. Post-Dispatch, 14 May 1900. From the Stacks: Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Kansas City The William Volker and Company DAVID BOUTROS*

As is the case with many businesses in the United States, the William Volker and Company owed much to the character and interests of its founder. William Volker was an astute and careful businessman who, in the course of his long career, established the base for an organization that became the larg­ est wholesale distributor of interior furnishings in the nation.1 William Volker the businessman is unfortunately over­ looked in favor of William Volker the philanthropist. Volker's business life, however, is important to understanding the ac­ tions and values of the man. In the popular tradition, Volker is perceived as a kindhearted "easy touch" who could not say no to an outstretched hand.2 In fact, Volker was not an "easy touch" but was as methodical in his philanthropy as in his business, and many of his business goals—providing qual­ ity service, giving incentives for self-reliance and efficiency, and being busy and happy—were also the goals of his giving. The significance of the William Volker and Company is not only that it was the means by which Volker gained the wealth he so freely gave away, but also that it was an expression of his most basic attitudes toward life and his fellow men. Volker was born on April 1, 1859, near Hanover, Germany.3 His father, Frederich, was a miller and farmer, and his mother, Dorothea, was a strong-willed woman and the center around which her large family revolved. The im­ portance of Volker's parents in shaping his character cannot William Volker, 1911 be overestimated. He, his brother, and his sisters were taught the virtues of [WHMC-Kansas City] thrift, hard work, and humility. They were expected to assume an ever-in­ creasing responsibility for the chores of the farm and serve an "apprenticeship to work." This apprenticeship was highly regarded by Volker, who years later lamented that "modern" youths lacked an opportunity to appreciate work.4 Although Volker received formal schooling in Germany, his most important education came from his mother who regularly read to the children from the Bible. Volker tradition abounds with examples of his sense of fair play, com­ mitment to honesty, and belief that his duty was "to be his brother's keeper." At the age of twelve, Volker came with his family to the United States and arrived in Chicago just a few days after the Great Fire in 1871. He attended

*David Boutros is associate director of the Western Historical Manuscript Collection-Kansas City.

246 From the Stacks • 247

Chicago public schools, and at fourteen, he took a job in a dry goods store. Volker described his experiences:

The clerks in the store were the usual kind—good natured, easy-going fellows who weren't looking for hard jobs. It happened that the location of the store brought to it a good many old women, foreigners, with little money and very slow to make purchases. The clerks avoided them and made no effort to sell them goods. . . . One day a clerk asked me to wait on one of these old women. "She won't buy anything, anyhow," he whispered. "Just show her a few things." I waited on the old woman. Her hands were knotted and stiff with rheumatism. She had a little money tied in her handkerchief. With no thought of the good of the store, merely to help the old woman as I would have helped my own grandmother, I tried to understand her needs. She bought some coarse print goods, I remember. After that I was regularly assigned to the unpopular duty of waiting on those old women—not by the proprietor, but by the clerks. I did my best to serve them and the result was an ever increasing stream of old women who brought their foreign speech and small hoardings to our store. My pay was raised to $5 weekly and I was happy.5

Later, in his own business, Volker's primary concern was to serve the customer as well as possible. "The customer is always right" was a central theme of his firm.6 Volker enrolled in Professor J. Dyhrenfurt's Business College to learn the necessary skills of the nineteenth-century businessman—the keeping of ac­ counts and business correspondence. After five months, Dyhrenfurt asked him to become a junior teacher tutoring the slower pupils (as well as part-time janitor). When he was seventeen, Volker reached the turning point in his career.7 Professor Dyhrenfurt relayed an offer from Charles Brachvogel: "I want to have a smart man who can keep books and write all my letters. He must be willing to work." Brachvogel, a Russian-born German, owned the largest pic­ ture frame and molding manufacturing and wholesale house in Chicago, em­ ploying seventy-five men. Being in charge of correspondence allowed Volker to learn the operation of the firm and interact with Brachvogel on policy. He quickly became indispensable, and when Brachvogel was killed in an acci­ dent, the twenty-year-old Volker was asked to run the company. Within a few years, the young man wanted his own business and looked west for new markets. Fearing his youth would hinder business, he took two partners. Again, tradition has him choosing Kansas City over St. Joseph be­ cause the former city lacked a manufacturer of frames. Kansas City was also close to the woods he needed and was a developing trade center with a broad hinterland to the west and southwest. In July 1882, with capital borrowed from his father and partners and his own savings, Volker and his associates, August Hansmann and Albert Soukup, opened the Hansmann, Volker and Company, manufacturing picture moldings 248 Missouri Historical Review

and frames, mirrors, cabinet hardware, and furniture novelties.8 They sold both wholesale and retail. The first months did not go well. Volker was responsible for the ac­ counts and sales. Hansmann directed manufacturing but apparently did not accurately estimate costs, so the company lost money. By concentrating on the wholesale business, the firm ended the year in the red but survived. In 1885, Volker bought out Hansmann and changed the firm's name to William Volker and Company, which prospered under his control.9 He added window shades as a major line in 1887; floor oilcloth and linoleum in 1891; wool rugs and carpets in 1904; and draperies in 1911. The firm's novelties and specialties included all types of furniture and wooden ware: baby furni­ ture and buggies, cedar chests, lamps, occasional tables, summer and porch furniture, kitchen stools, breakfast sets, lighting fixtures, vacuum cleaners, and household gift items.10 Around the turn of the century, window shade manufacturers restricted supply in order to sell directly to retailers. Volker purchased an interest in a Chicago shade cloth factory in 1902 and sent W. H. Regnery from the com­ pany's shade mounting room to learn the business. Several years later, Volker bought out the other owners, named Regnery factory manager, and gave him a block of stock in the operation. This manufactur­ ing enterprise provided Volker a needed source of goods that even­ tually included a shade roller fac­ tory in Ogdenburg, New York, and a cotton mill in Goldville, South Carolina, and expanded to pro­ duce imitation leathers, bookbind­ ings, rubber hollands, and other coated textiles.11 In 1900, Volker sent an em­ ployee who had contracted tu­ berculosis to Denver to open a sales office. When the Colorado The William Volker and customers demanded more prompt delivery, Volker established a Denver Company Special Order Shade Department branch. Pressured by local competition and eager to find new opportunities, [WHMC-Kansas City] he opened other branches in Houston, San Francisco, Memphis, Seattle, Los Angeles, Dallas, Portland, Oregon, Salt Lake City, Oklahoma City, Wichita, and Omaha. In addition, merchandise was held in public warehouses in thirty other locations.12 The Kansas City branch was also expanded. In 1891 the company moved to larger quarters at 616-618 Delaware, and in 1914, Volker built a new build­ ing on Main between Second and Third streets, providing 50 percent more space.13 Early company records provide only scant information about the financial strength and workings of the firm. It is obvious that Volker kept meticu­ lous records that were used in planning; few documents survived, however, particularly for the years prior to 1900. Those that do exist record a con- From the Stacks • 249 stant growth in sales. For example, the dollar value in sales for 1901 through 1907 increased 188 percent.14 Assuming an average profit of 19 percent, the company would have earned $1,800,392 during those seven years.15 William Volker reportedly became a millionaire in 1906. He explained, "Providence has been good to me."16 Except the first year, the company always made a profit—until 1930-1931 when Volker offered his employees a choice of discharging one-third of the workforce and a slight reduction in salary; or all employees staying, a 10 percent reduction in salaries, a reduction of hours from 44 to 30 a week, and a maximum salary to executives of $250 per month. The minimum weekly wage was $12. The employees chose the latter option. Salaries were restored in 1934, and the company was back into the black a year later. Volker's management philosophy was straightforward and simple: he ex­ pected his managers to work as hard as he, and his employees to render full services. He gave his managers full rein to test their abilities. He rarely criticized but did not give additional responsibilities to someone if he was not satisfied with that person's work. Rather than giving directions, he asked questions to assist in solving a problem. His intent was always to build self- reliance in his staff. Volker was a careful and shrewd judge of character and was not often disappointed by his choice of employees.17 A hardworking businessman, Volker was at his desk at 6:00 a.m. and stayed until after 6:00 p.m. He methodically solved one problem at a time, thinking through a situation before taking action. He visited each of his many branch offices at least once each year. In addition, it is estimated that Volker devoted at least 20 percent of his time to civic and philanthropic activities.18 Volker expected his employees to contribute their best to the company. A practical man, he provided incentives to help that ensure his expectations would be met. He took care to guarantee his employees were paid the going wage, encouraged company picnics and sports activities, and sought commit­ ment and loyalty from his workers. At various times, Volker experimented with profit sharing, such as when he assigned a block of stock to W. H. Regnery. In July 1917, Volker formal­ ized this profit sharing with the William Volker and Company Trust Estate. Though not a corporation, the trust estate issued "certificates of interest" that managers and key employees could purchase.19 At his retirement, Volker took a further step by converting his company into corporations and making the stock available to all employees. Additionally, an installment purchasing program provided all the advantages of dividends before the employee had fully paid for stocks. Believing the benefits should go to those in the organization, the stockholders agreement called for the re­ linquishment of stock when an employee died, retired, left the firm, or was discharged. At Volker's retirement, the William Volker Charities Fund, the legal entity devised to hold and distribute his great wealth, controlled 70 per­ cent of the company's stock. Ten years later the employees owned 55 percent of the stock outright and an additional 15 percent in installment contracts.20 Volker participated little in the business after retiring, spending most of his time on his charities. That discontinued after 1944, with him spending most of his last years confined to bed. On November 4, 1947, Volker died at the age of eighty-eight. At the end of his life, the William Volker Charities Fund 250 • Missouri Historical Review

exceeded $15 million—the remainder after the untold millions of dollars he had given away during his lifetime.21 William Volker was not a man with the Midas touch, but he was a man devoted steadfastly and energetically to every effort he made. His one real tal­ ent may have been the ability to find opportunities and values in situations and people that others did not see. His one real virtue, perhaps, was his concern for his fellow man and a commitment to use his talent for the betterment of others. Volker in fact lived as his "brother's keeper."

NOTES Volker and Company Trust Estate. Kansas City City Directories, 1885-1892. 1. Kansas City Times, 1 November 1980. 10. Volker avoided competing with the established 2. Volker, in many respects, has assumed the Kansas City manufacturers and wholesalers of heavy proportions of a legend in Kansas City. Various case goods (living room, dining room, and bedroom stories are repeated throughout the sources, often with sets) and, in turn, had little competition for the goods he inconsistencies in minor facts and with no citation to handled. Luhnow, "Mr. Anonymous," 31. the origin of the information. The intent of these stories was clearly not to convey history, but to perpetuate the 11. Ibid., 31-32. traditional image of William Volker. 12. Ibid., 32. 3. Much of the Volker biographical information 13. Kansas City Star, 25 October 1914. comes from news articles published during his life and at his death; Herbert C. Cornuelle, Mr. Anonymous: The 14. Gross sales records, 1887, 1890, 1892, 1893, Story of William Volker (Caldwell, ID: Caxton Printers, 1901-1908, folder 9, Volker and Company Records. 1951), and Harold W. Luhnow, "Mr. Anonymous" Figures computed by author. (mimeograph typescript, 15 September 1948), folder 67, William Volker and Company Records, Western 15. Sales records for Kansas City and branches, Historical Manuscript Collection-Kansas City. Luhnow 1906-1909, with comparisons by months, folder 10, was Volker's nephew. ibid. Data for the years 1906-1909 shows a gross profit to revenues ratio averaging close to 19 percent per 4. Kansas City Star, 24 December 1939. year. 5. Ibid., 27 June 1915. 16. Cornuelle, Mr. Anonymous, 87. 6. Luhnow, "Mr. Anonymous," 9. This source 17. Luhnow, "Mr. Anonymous," 9. is particularly useful with details about the operation of the company, although it must be used carefully as 18. This is Luhnow's figure. In the January 23, a thesis of Volker's thoughts and intents, particularly 1920, Kansas City Star, J. C. Nichols estimated that concerning his charitable activities. Volker spent "1/3 to 1/2 his time devoted to public service." 7. Kansas City Star, 28 April 1929. 19. The trust estate beginning assets were $2.4 8. The firm was listed under this name in the million, and the trustees were Volker, Albert Hochland, Kansas City City Directories, 1883 and 1884. This fact and W. H. Regnery. Articles of Agreement for the is not mentioned in the Volker tradition. William Volker and Company Trust Estate, 29 August 9. Soukup continued with the firm, primarily as a 1917, folder 29, Volker and Company Records. craftsman, and was listed as a partner until 1892. Volker, 20. Luhnow, "Mr. Anonymous," 12, 13. in effect, solely owned and controlled the business from 1885 until 1917 when he established the William 21. Cornuelle, Mr. Anonymous, 171. Book Reviews

The Union on Trial: The Political Journals Monroe were both in the auditorium to hear his of Judge William Barclay Napton, 1829-1883. salutatory address. Edited by Christopher Phillips and Jason L. Napton absorbed completely what he took Pendleton with an introduction by Christopher to be the culture and values of late Jeffersonian Phillips (Columbia: University of Missouri Virginia. Unable to find a place as a lawyer there, Press, 2005). xx + 631 pp. Illustrations. Notes. he tried to recreate Virginia society in Saline Bibliography. Index. $49.95. County, Missouri. In the early years, along­ side such neighbors as General T. A. Smith, M. William B. Napton was an important, if little- M. Marmaduke, Beverley Tucker, and Claiborne remembered, figure in nineteenth-century Missouri Jackson, it seemed that he might succeed. But then history. Arriving in Missouri late in 1832, he es­ came even more agitation against slavery. When tablished himself as a member of the Boonslick Senator Thomas Hart Benton began in the 1840s Clique that dominated antebellum Missouri poli­ to work against extending slavery into the terri­ tics. Napton spent three separate periods between tories, Napton authored the Jackson Resolutions 1838 and 1880 as a justice of the that ended Benton's long career in Missouri Supreme Court. He also the Senate and split the Missouri set himself up as a farmer or plant­ Democratic Party. er in Saline County and practiced Napton spent most of the Civil law in St. Louis. During his whole War in St. Louis after Federal mi­ adult life, and despite the enormous litiamen harassed him at his Saline changes in the American political County farm. He practiced law in and social scene between 1850 and the city until the Radicals lost con­ 1875, Napton remained a steadfast trol of state government, so that he defender of the superiority of slave- was returned to the state supreme based society, the sovereignty of the court in 1873. individual states of the Union, and The publication of his political the desirability of government by an journals is a great boon to histori­ agricultural elite. ans. Napton was a keen observer This is not what would be of events and personalities on the expected from the son of a merchant tailor of national and state political scenes. His generally Princeton, New Jersey. But after earning a degree lucid, often acerbic, and sometimes brilliant com­ at the College of New Jersey in Princeton, Napton mentary makes nineteenth-century personalities went to Albemarle County, Virginia, in 1827 as and long-abandoned ideas come alive for the mod­ a private tutor. He soon met Thomas Jefferson's ern reader. Napton's values are not ours. Not only daughters and grandchildren, toured Monticello, did he favor the continued enslavement of African and dined with local gentry including James and Americans, he also thought that neither women Dolley Madison. When he graduated from the nor white men without property should vote. But University of Virginia Law School in July 1830, given those values, he was honest and insightful. former presidents James Madison and James He insisted to the end of his life that the Civil War had been fought for the defense and protection of

251 252 Missouri Historical Review

slavery. As a supreme court justice, he applied University of Missouri Press, 2005). ix + 242 laws that did not at all conform to his personal pp. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. preferences. As a man of intellect, he read and $29.95. commented upon some of the best writing of his day, even when American public opinion moved According to writer and sports historian far beyond him. George R. Matthews, the St. Louis Olympic Games Phillips provides a lengthy and skillful bio­ of 1904, only the third to be held since the revival graphical sketch to introduce this long volume. of the Olympic movement in Athens, Greece, in Footnotes on nearly every page of the journal, 1896, have been unjustly maligned in historical ac­ supplied by the editors, explain events and iden­ counts. It is Matthews's intention to "refocus the tify people mentioned by Napton. Sometimes blurred image and polish the long-tarnished reputa­ the notes go astray. John Scott of Ste. Genevieve tion of America's first Olympics" (p. 211). He has (1785-1861), Missouri's territorial delegate and succeeded reasonably well in his effort. Matthews first representative in the U.S. House, is wrongly argues that prior accounts have strayed from the identified as John G. Scott (1819-1892), a later truth primarily as a result of personal differenc­ Missouri representative (p. 351). es between International Olympic

Note 71 on page 336 and note 174 '^s^mi^'f^&^^^^^sjsf President Pierre de Coubertin and on page 396 also contain errors, as James E. Sullivan, the director of the do appendixes III and V. tell Olympics in St. Louis. Coubertin, The most serious concern about who had traveled to America in the scholarly apparatus accompany­ Firs!Hi s 1893, had also been disappointed ing the diary is Phillips's description with the physical geography of the here, echoing his previous work, of I Tie 1 St. Louis area. As he later recalled, Missouri as "a once-western state I %\AMYS JB "I had a sort of presentiment that the whose residents by the 1880s had W^^^^n Olympiad would match the medioc­ come to believe themselves part of rity of the town" (p. 205). As a result the South" (p. 3). This was no doubt of this personal enmity and forebod­ true for Napton and Missouri's ing, Coubertin refused to attend the two senators at the time, former I (, i o it c; Ijli^^^Av< t games. He claimed that in allowing Confederates Francis Cockrell the Olympics to be appended to the and George Vest. But no evidence is presented 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition, they had ap­ that large portions of the state's population—the peared as merely a sideshow to the larger fair. He Germans, industrialists, labor leaders, and cul­ also argued, after the fact, that the games had gen­ tural figures such as William Greenleaf Eliot in erated little national attention and were, as a result, St. Louis and William Rockhill Nelson in Kansas largely a failure. Coubertin continued to vent his City—thought Missouri was or should be in the displeasure with the St. Louis games twenty-sev­ South. en years later in his published memoirs and then After the Civil War, America became an in­ provided selective information to Bill Henry, who dustrial, commercial, and urban society. By no continued to distort the historical record in his means did all of Missouri's people, and certainly 1948 book, An Approved History of the Olympic not that portion who led the state into the twentieth Games. Matthews seems to have the upper hand century, look back to the chattel-based agrarian- in this debate, but the reader will have a sense that ism embodied by Napton. something has been glossed over in the story. This is especially true after one finds out that Coubertin Robert W. Frizzell awarded Sullivan a special gold medal for his ef­ Northwest Missouri State University forts after the St. Louis games. Such an award had been presented only a half-dozen times before and America's First Olympics: The St Louis Games then only to heads of state. of 1904. By George R. Matthews (Columbia: Book Reviews • 253

Matthews does a good job of detailing what Fair exhibit; and an American who rode in a car today would be considered commonplace machi­ for part of the race and then entered the stadium to nations between cities to see which would be al­ run the final lap as an imposter. Although the St. lowed to host the Olympics in 1904. St. Louis, Louis Olympics did not achieve the level of gran­ led by savvy and determined exposition presi­ deur, size, and international prominence of the dent David Francis, ultimately wrested the event succeeding London (1908) and Stockholm (1912) from Chicago (the original recipient of the award games, Matthews firmly believes they deserve to for the games) largely because of its position as be recognized for enhancing and promoting the host of the World's Fair. Matthews also includes Olympic ideal. Overall, the book is an interesting a valuable chapter on the historical origins of the account of a neglected and misunderstood event modern Olympic movement. Relying heavily on that should be of interest to sports enthusiasts, information from David C. Young's The Modern historians, and general readers with an interest in Olympics: A Struggle for Revival, Matthews pro­ Missouri history. vides an interesting account of the efforts of Greek romantic poet Panagiotis Soutos, wealthy Greek Steven L. Piott businessman and benefactor Evangelis Zappas, Clarion University of Pennsylvania and British health and physical exercise advocate Dr. William Penny Brookes to promote a revival Fort Pillow, A Civil War Massacre, and Public of the Olympics. Memory. By John Cimprich (Baton Rouge: In contributing an excellent overview of the Louisiana State University Press, 2005). ix + 193 St. Louis Olympics that included both individual pp. Maps. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $29.95. and private athletic club competitions covering a six-month period, Matthews provides detailed ac­ The subtitle of John Cimprich's exhaustive counts of the events and their statistical outcomes history of Fort Pillow suggests the underlying sig­ as well as personalized descriptions of many of the nificance of his work. Perhaps no other episode athletes who competed in them. In taking issue encapsulates the politics of race in American his­ with Coubertin and Henry, Matthews is not shy tory as thoroughly as the controversy surrounding about adding his own hyperbole. The Olympics the Confederate massacre of black troops at Fort were conducted at a time when a "sports mania Pillow, Tennessee, on April 12, 1864. rampaged across the country" (p. At the center of the story is 201) and were a "vigorous specta­ Nathan Bedford Forrest. A slave cle suited to an energetic and con­ trader before the war, Forrest be­ fident nation" that "captivated the came one of the Confederacy's attention of the American press and most ferocious warriors. Following public" (p. 211). Participants from Northern victory and emancipa­ eleven countries competed in fifteen tion, Forrest led the organization of Olympic sports, and athletes turned the paramilitary Ku Klux Klan. He in world-class performances and set died superintending leased black numerous world and Olympic re­ laborers on a Tennessee prison cords. The games were not without farm. In a life characterized by the their comical sidebars. The mara­ instinctive violence that sustained thon included a Cuban who had to white supremacy, the massacre at cut his trousers off at the knee at the Fort Pillow comes as no surprise. starting line and ran the race in a There, and in subsequent encoun­ pair of heavy street shoes; an American who was ters, Forrest's men killed at least twice as many under a doctor's care and given strychnine, egg black soldiers as white. Forrest became an icon of whites, and brandy as stimulants during the race; the Confederacy's "Lost Cause," but in the politics two men of the Tsuana tribe of South Africa who of race, his naked brutality needed to be clothed. were in town as part of the South African World's Remembered for his military bravado in the face of 254 Missouri Historical Review

superior Federal forces, Forrest became a central of uncertainty shrouded the battle at Fort Pillow. figure in a process of historical obfuscation. The Gradually, younger historians lifted that shroud citizens of Memphis erected an equestrian statue by examining the evidence anew. Writing in the in his honor, and the Fort Pillow massacre became 1950s when the civil rights movement began to a controversy little noted by academic historians challenge white supremacy, Dudley T. Cornish and and thoroughly befogged by amateurs. Albert Castel brought fresh clarity to the events. It was not that Forrest's penchant for brutality More recently, Cimprich dedicated himself to the was forgotten. Rather, it was romanticized with the systematic clarification of a historical record will­ "Lost Cause." A central tenent of white suprema­ fully muddled by amateurs and purposefully ne­ cy became the depiction of African Americans as a glected by academicians. people well treated and largely content in slavery. Cimprich's book is more than an effort to set A corollary was that, in freedom, blacks received the record straight—it is the record. Working with the firm direction they needed from the superior every available primary source, Cimprich pres­ white race. Justifications of racial brutality re­ ents a complete history of Fort Pillow. Named for mained strong, but the uncontrolled rage that sus­ Tennessee's General Gideon Pillow and construct­ tained it had been dressed up. As Cimprich dem­ ed as part of the early Confederate defenses on the onstrates, this is precisely how the controversy of Mississippi River, Fort Pillow became a secondary the Fort Pillow massacre emerged. point of defense after General P. G. T. Beauregard Initial reports left no doubt that a massacre had decided to fortify Island No. 10 to the north. As occurred. Forrest himself spoke of putting a scare Ulysses Grant advanced Federal forces up the into black troops. Some of his troopers, appalled Tennessee River, Union gunboats forced the sur­ at the butchery, tried to make sense of it in let­ render of Island No. 10 early in April 1862. Fort ters home and in diaries. As the Confederacy col­ Pillow briefly became the Confederate's northern lapsed and Forrest feared being charged with war defensive position. Its defenders endured heavy crimes, he began to cover his tracks by emphasiz­ bombardment and held off Union forces through ing his offer to accept the surrender of the Federal May. When the Confederates abandoned the fort, garrison and his need to continue the battle when it became a depot in the Federal line of supply sup­ that offer was refused. More broadly, the memory porting Grant's Vicksburg campaign. Thereafter, of the Lost Cause associated the Confederacy with it served as a Federal recruitment center for black a defense of liberty rather than a defense of slav­ troops and a fortified supply center for Unionists ery. African Americans receded from the stage in western Tennessee. Ironically, General William of history. When W. E. B. Dubois published his Tecumseh Sherman ordered Federal forces to monumental Black Reconstruction in 1935, the abandon the fort as he concentrated his resources country's leading academic journal, the American on the Atlanta campaign. Had Sherman's orders Historical Review, did not review it. been carried out, there would have been no Fort The controversy over the massacre at Fort Pillow massacre. Pillow became an essential ingredient in the his­ That there was a massacre, Cimprich's work torical obfuscation that white supremacy required. leaves no doubt. Well into the middle decades of the twentieth century, James G. Randall, a leading academic Louis S. Gerteis historian of the Civil War, insisted that a cloud University of Missouri-St. Louis Book Notes

Captain Tough: Chief of Scouts. By Charles F. discusses early education in Missouri by providing Harris (Wyandotte, OK: Gregath Publishing Co., firsthand accounts of school buildings, teaching 2005). iv + 126 pp. Illustrations. Notes. Index. methods, and activities. $14.95, paper. By His Own Hand?: The Mysterious Death of Charles F. Harris tells the story of Captain Meriwether Lewis. Edited by John D. W. Guice William Tough, chief of scouts for General James (Norman: Oklahoma University Press, 2006). xxi Blunt during the Civil War, in this biography. Over + 178 pp. Illustrations. Selected Bibliography. the course of his life, Tough was a Kansas Redleg, a Index. $24.95. gold rusher, a Pony Express rider, a state legislator, and a U.S. marshal. To order a copy, visit www. Three years after returning from his expedition camppope.com/kansas.htm. with the Corps of Discovery, Meriwether Lewis was shot to death. For years, people have wondered if Key Command: Ulysses S. Grant's District of his death was a suicide or a homicide. In this book, Cairo. By T. K. Kionka (Columbia: University of historians analyze the evidence to try to shed some Missouri Press, 2006). xii + 229 pp. Illustrations. light on Lewis's mysterious death. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $39.95. Seneca, Missouri: Little Town on the Border, Ulysses S. Grant used Cairo, Illinois, as his Volume VII. By Virginia Brady Hoare and Mary headquarters to recapture the Mississippi valley Alice Tourtillott (Seneca, MO: Seneca Historical from Confederate forces. T. K. Kionka provides a Committee, 2006). 77 pp. Illustrations. $10.00, history of the town as well as a discussion of Grant's plus $2.00 shipping, paper. military endeavors while there. Virginia Brady Hoare and Mary Alice Tourtillott Five Stars: Missouri's Most Famous Generals. explore the history of local businesses in Seneca, By James F. Muench (Columbia: University of Missouri. To order a copy, send a check for $12.00 Missouri Press, 2006). xi + 157 pp. Illustrations. made payable to Virginia Hoare to 14175 Bethel Index. $16.95, paper. Road, Seneca, MO 64865. Missouri has produced thirty military generals, Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They including Alexander William Doniphan, Sterling Wrote Home. Edited by Walter D. Kamphoefner Price, Ulysses S. Grant, John J. Pershing, and Omar and Wolfgang Helbich (Chapel Hill: University Bradley. This book profiles these men, their roles of North Carolina Press, 2006). xxxiv + 521 pp. in history, and their adventures on the battlefield. Illustrations. Notes. Glossary. Bibliography. Index. $59.95. A Second Home: Missouri's Early Schools. By Sue Thomas (Columbia: University of Missouri Many German Americans, one of the largest Press, 2006). xii+142 pp. Illustrations. For More immigrant groups at the time, joined the Union Reading. Index. $14.95, paper. army during the Civil War. This collection of more than three hundred letters gives insight into the im­ Education in Missouri has changed over the migrant experience during this era. years from the environment of a one-room school- house to a modern school building. Sue Thomas

255 News in Brief

An exhibit titled Daniel Fitzpatrick: Artist/ technical, historical, and personal developments Cartoonist is on display in the North-South over the course of four decades. Corridor Gallery through October 19, 2007. Renowned St. Louis Post-Dispatch cartoonist Daniel Fitzpatrick (1891-1969) began his artistic career studying anatomy and life drawing at the Picturing Native Americans in the Nineteenth Art Institute of Chicago. This exhibit features Century: Lithographs from McKenney and Halls fine art drawings from Fitzpatrick's sketchbooks History of the Indian Tribes of North America will along with selected examples of the artist's origi­ open September 29 in the Main Gallery. Thomas nal editorial cartoons. These juxtapositions dem­ McKenney, former head of the U.S. Bureau of onstrate how the cartoons and drawings relate to Indian Affairs, worked with writer James Hall to each other. publish a large portfolio of portraits and biogra­ phies of American Indians in 1832. This exhi­ bition, on display through March 2008, displays many of the remarkable hand-colored lithographs Lawrence Rugolo: Forty Years ofPrintmaking that illustrated the book. Viewers are encouraged will open July 14 in the Main Gallery with a pub­ to contemplate these images and consider how they lic reception from 2:00 to 4:00 p.m. Nationally influenced past and present perceptions of Native recognized printmaker Lawrence Rugolo has lived Americans in the United States and abroad. and worked in Missouri for over forty years. In this exhibit, a retrospective sampling of Rugolo's serigraphs showcases his inventive use of the silk- screen technique. Drawn from the permanent After evaluating patron usage, the Society holdings of the Society, as well as the personal has decided to keep the Newspaper Library and collection of the artist, the often vibrantly colored Reference Library open on Tuesday evenings until images in the exhibition range in subject matter 9:00 p.m. on a permanent basis. The Society will from naturalistic landscapes to surrealistic visions be open every Tuesday evening except for holi­ and geometric abstractions. The exhibit will be on days. display through September 15, 2007.

The University of Missouri Retirees re­ Join artist Lawrence Rugolo as he presents cently toured the Society to learn more about the an in-depth tour of the exhibit Lawrence Rugolo: Newspaper Library, the Reference Library, the Forty Years of Printmaking on August 28, 2007, Photograph Collection, and the Art Gallery. To at 5:30 p.m. in the Society's Art Gallery. During schedule a tour of the Society, call (573) 882- the tour, he will discuss his experiments with tech­ 7083. nique and explain how aspects of his work reflect

256 Index to Volume 101

Note: Italicized numbers refer to illustrations.

Baumann, Timothy, 62-63 Acheson, Dean, 85, 87, 87 Benac, David, "Whose Forest Is This?: Hillfolk, Industrialists, and Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, by Mark Twain, 72, 74-75 Government in the Ozarks," 17-35 The Adventures of Tom Sawyer, by Mark Twain, 73 Benton Park West, by Edna Campos Gravenhorst, 126 The Adventures of Tom Sawyer as Illustrated by Thomas Hart Benton, Thomas Hart (artist), 193; illustrations, 72, 73 Benton (art exhibition), 66 Benton, Thomas Hart (senator), 130, 138, 147, 148, 153, 154, 155, Affton, MO, schools, 65 156-157,757, 158, 159, 161-162 African Americans, 60-62, 123-124, 127, 168-182, 191, 192 Beyond the Sabbath: Missouri and Her Violent Heritage, by Dick education, 7, 8-9, 15 Steward, 127 health issues, 170-171, 172-173 Biddle, Nicholas, 154, 155, 158, 159-160,160, 161 politics, 168, 171-172, 173-179 Biddle, Thomas, 154, 154, 158 Alton, IL, 48, 50-53, 54 Big Spring State Park, Carter County, 31 Amalgamated Association of Street Railway Employees, 227, Bingham, Eliza Thomas, 119 228 Bingham, George Caleb, The Thread of Life (painting), 119, 194 "America's Crossroads: A Century of Kansas City Essays from Bingham, James Rollins, 119 the Missouri Historical Review," by Diane Mutti Burke and John Black Artists' Group, St. Louis, 60-61 Herron, 196-204 Boatman's Savings Institution, St. Louis, 136,136 America's First Olympics: The St. Louis Games of 1904, by Bock, H. Riley, 122-123 George R. Matthews, 252-253 Boman, Dennis, 46 An Opportunity Lost: The Truman Administration and the Farm Book Notes, 65, 126-127, 191, 255 Policy Debate, by Virgil W. Dean, 191 Book Reviews, 60-64, 120-125, 187-190, 251-254 Anderson, W T., 238 Bordewich, Fergus M., Bound for Canaan: The Underground Anticommunism, 79-80, 87, 88, 89-90, 92 Railroad and the War for the Soul of America, 123-124 Architects, St. Louis, 193 Bound for Canaan: The Underground Railroad and the War for Arkansas, 61-62 the Soul of America, by Fergus M. Bordewich, 123-124 Armstrong, John M., 212, 216 Bridge, Hudson, 140 Arrow Rock: Crossroads of the Missouri Frontier, by Michael Brown, Leslie, 60-61 Dickey, 62-63 Buckner, Alexander, 147, 148, 148 Artists/Friends: The Adolf and Rebecca Schroeder Collection (art Bull, John, 147, 148, 152-153 exhibition), 66 Bullard, Loring, Healing Waters: Missouri's Historic Mineral Ashley, William Henry, 147-153, 157 Springs and Spas, 121-122 Atherton, Lewis, 36, 39, 39, 40, 41, 43 Bushwhackers. See Guerrillas. Atlantic Union Committee, 87, 88 By His Own Hand?: The Mysterious Death of Meriwether Lewis, Aton, Rusty D., Baseball in Springfield, 111 edited by John D. W. Guice, 255

B Baker, James F. Cairo, IL, 255 King Trolley and the Suburban Queens, 65 Camden Point, MO, 104-109, 110, 111 "The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900," 226- Campbell, John, 232-233, 233, 236 245 Campbell, Robert, 135, 212, 213, 215, 221 Baker, Sam, 29, 30 Campbell, Stephen, "Hickory Wind: The Role of Personality Ballinger, Richard A., 24 and the Press in Andrew Jackson's Bank War in Missouri, 1831- Ballwin by David Feidler, 127 1837," 146-167 Bank of the State of Missouri, St. Louis, 135-136 Cape Girardeau County, MO, 6, 8, 10, 11, 13 Bank war, Missouri, 146-167 Cape Girardeau, MO, 1, 4-5, 7, 10, 11 Banking, 135-138 Cape Girardeau Normal School, 10-11, 11 Barile, Mary, 66 Captain Tough: Chief of Scouts, by Charles F. Harris, 255 Bartimus, Tad, 185, 185-186 Careless Talk: World War II Posters from the William Copeland Baseball in Springfield, by Rusty D. Aton, 127 Collection (art exhibition), 66 Baseball, St. Louis, 127 Carlson, Laurie Winn, William J. Spillman and the Birth of "'Bashi-Bazouks' and Rebels Too: Action at Camden Point, July Agricultural Economics, 187-188 13, 1864," by Scott A. Porter, 99-114 Carter County, MO, 19, 20, 21, 31

257 258 Missouri Historical Review

Casa Loma Ballroom, St. Louis, 126 Cass County, MO, 205, 209, 213 East St. Louis, IL, 127 Catholic Church, St. Louis, 65, 126, 141-142 Education, 1,2,3-13,255 Catholic Protectorate and Industrial School of St. Louis, 141 Affton, MO, 65 Caulder, Peter, 61-62 African Americans, 7, 8-9, 15 Chinese St. Louis: From Enclave to Cultural Community, by "Edward Miller's Town: The Reconceptualization of Pleasant Huping Ling, 126 Hill by the Pacific Railroad of Missouri," by James R. Shortridge, Christensen, Lawrence O., 36-47, 36, 44; "Forty Years of Missouri 205-225 History: A Memoir,", 36^7 Ellison, Arthur Wayland, 193 Christensen, Maxine J., 36, 38, 39, 42 Enrolled Missouri Militia, 100-111 Christian College, Columbia. See Columbia College. The Essence of Liberty: Free Black Women during the Slave Era, Cimprich, John, Fort Pillow, A Civil War Massacre, and Public by Wilma King, 191 Memory, 253-254 Evolution of the Missouri Militia into the National Guard of Cincinnati Commercial Agency, St. Louis, 135 Missouri, 1804-1919, by John Glendower Westover, 191 Civil War, 5, 7, 65, 126, 192, 253-254, 255 Germans in, 255 Platte County, 99-114 Faherty, William Barnaby, The St. Louis German Catholics, 126 Red Legs, 99, 102 Fairy Lawn (house), Jackson, 6, 6 women, 188-189 Falk, Lee Walker, Making Our Mark: 150 Years of Affton Schools, Clark, Bennett Champ, 175, 175 65 Clay, Henry, 146-147, 153, 153 Farley, James A., 174, 175 Clayton, William L., 87-88 Feldman, Jay, When The Mississippi Ran Backwards: Empire, Clemens, Samuel, 67-68, 70-77, 76, 191 Intrigue, Murder, and the New Madrid Earthquakes, 122-123 Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, 72, 72, 74-75 Ferrell, Robert H., Harry S. Truman and the Cold War Revisionists, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer, 73, 73 191 Cloney, Thomas W., 217-218, 219 Feurer, Rosemary, 189-190 Cochran, John J., 174 Fiedler, David, Ballwin, 111 Coghlan, Ralph, 82 Fisk, Clinton B., 100, 101-102, 104-105, 106, 108, 112 Colorado College, Colorado Springs, 11-13, 12 Fitzpatrick, Daniel Connally, Tom, 85, 86, 88, 88, 89, 91, 96 art exhibition, 256 Conservation, 17-32 cartoons, January front cover, 84, 85, 86, 90, 92 Cook, Michael L., 187-188 Five Stars: Missouri's Most Famous Generals, by James F. A Crisis in Confederate Command: Edmund Kirby Smith, Richard Muench, 255 Taylor, and the Army of the Trans-Mississippi, by Jeffery S. Fleming, Honoree, 68-70, 77 Prushankin, 126 Foley, William, 39-40, 43, 44, 44, 45, 120-121 Crockett, Norman, 40, 41 Folk, Joseph, 22, 241 Curtis, Henry Z., 101 Ford, James H., 105-110,705 Curtis, Samuel R., 101, 102, 105, 106, 108, 110 Forestry, 17-32 Fort Pillow, A Civil War Massacre, and Public Memory, by John D Cimprich, 253-254 Dains, Mary K., 44, 45 "Forty Years of Missouri History: A Memoir," by Lawrence O. "A 'Damn Yankee' in Rebel Territory: James Hutchison Kerr's Christensen, 36^17 Reflections on his Southeast Missouri Years," by Joe P. Dunn, Freedom of the press, 48-53 1-16 Fremont, Jessie Benton, 126 Daniel Fitzpatrick: Artist/Cartoonist (art exhibition), 256 Frisco Travelers, 115-118, 116, 117 Davis, Lowndes H., 4, 4, 6 Fristoe, John Wallace, 57, 58 De Andreis, Felix, 65 Frizzell, Robert W, 251-252 Dean, Virgil W. From the Stacks, 56-59, 115-118, 183-186, 246-250 An Opportunity Lost: The Truman Administration and the Frontier Missionary: Felix De Andreis, 1778-1820: Farm Policy Debate, 191 Correspondence and Historical Writings, by John E. Rybolt, 65 ed., John Brown to Bob Dole: Movers and Shakers in Kansas Fruitland, MO, 7-8, 15 History, 127 Fruitland Normal Institute, 7, 11 Democratic Party, 147-163, 169, 171, 172-179 Devine, Michael J., co-ed., The National Security Legacy of Harry S. Truman, 65 Gamble, Hamilton R., Jr., 217, 218-219 Dickey, Michael, Arrow Rock: Crossroads of the Missouri Gateway Arch, St. Louis, 196-197 Frontier, 62-63 Gender Matters: Civil War, Reconstruction, and the Making of the Donnell, Forrest C, 78-98, 78, 80, 86, 90 New South, by LeeAnn Whites, 188-189 Dunklin, Daniel, 147, 148, 153, 156, 156 General Hospital No. 2, Kansas City, 170-171, 171; staff, 172 Dunlap, Frederick, 27-28, 29-30, 31-32 Gentzler, Lynn Wolf, 45, 121-122 Dunn, James, 218, 219 Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home, ed. by Dunn, Joe P., "A 'Damn Yankee' in Rebel Territory: James Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich, 255 Hutchison Kerr's Reflections on his Southeast Missouri Years," Gerteis, Louis S., 253-254 1-16 Glasgow, MO, 37 Dunn, Paul, 30, 32, 35 Glyndon, Howard. See Searing, Laura Redden. Index 259

Goodrich, James W., 38, 39-40, 44, 45 Jackson, Andrew, 146-167, 757; political cartoons, 146, 161, Graduate Theses Relating to Missouri History, 2006, 192-193 161-162 Gragg, Larry, 41 Jackson, MO, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9-11 The Grand Hotels of St. Louis, by Patricia Treacy, 127 James, Frank, 103 Grandin, MO, 23, 23 "James H. Lucas: Eminent St. Louis Entrepreneur and Grant, Ulysses S., 6-7, 255 Philanthropist," by Joseph C. Thurman, 129-145 Gravenhorst, Edna Campos, Benton Park West, 126 James, Jesse, 103, 104,104 Grenz, Suzanna M., co-auth., Jessie Benton Fremont: Missouri's Jayhawkers, 99, 102, 105, 107, 108, 110, 111 Trailblazer, 126 Jeffreys, Charles B. P., 221-222 Guerrillas, 99-114, 192 Jenkins, Thomas, 228-229, 229, 231, 236, 237, 238, 239 Guice, John D. W., ed., By His Own Hand?: The Mysterious Death Jennison, Charles R., 99, 99, 105-111, 113 of Meriwether Lewis, 255 Jessie Benton Fremont: Missouri s Trailblazer, by Ilene Stone and Suzanna M. Grenz, 126 H John Brown to Bob Dole: Movers and Shakers in Kansas History, Hadley, Herbert, 23-24, 24 ed. by Virgil W. Dean, 127 Hager, Ruth Ann, 66 Johnson, Lyndon B., 265 Hannibal, MO, 68 Johnston, Richard D., 103, 105 Hansmann, August, 247-248 Jones, David H., A History of Pierce City through Post Cards, Harris, Charles F., Captain Tough: Chief of Scouts, 255 Photographs, Papers, & People, 191 Harry S. Truman and the Cold War Revisionists, by Robert H. Ferrell, 191 Hathaway, Thomas T., 27 Kamphoefner, Walter D., co-ed., Germans in the Civil War: The Havig,Alan, 124-125 Letters They Wrote Home, 255 Hawes, Harry B., 228, 232, 234, 234, 237, 241 Kansas City American, 173, 174, 177 Hawkins, Notley, art exhibition, 128, 194 Kansas City Call, 203 Healing Waters: Missouri s Historic Mineral Springs and Spas, by Kansas City, MO, 170-174, 192, 196, 197-204, 202, 247-250; Loring Bullard, 121-122 General Hospital No. 2, 170-171, 777 Helbich, Wolfgang, co-ed., Germans in the Civil War: The Letters Kansas, history of, 127 They Wrote Home, 255 Kastor, Peter J., The Nation's Crucible: The Louisiana Purchase Hennings, Thomas C, Jr., 92, 176 and the Creation of America, 120-121 Herron, John, co-auth., "America's Crossroads: A Century of Keeley, Mary Paxton, 184, 184-185 Kansas City Essays from the Missouri Historical Review" 196- Kern, James, 90, 91 204 Kemper, William T., 173-174, 774, 175 "Hickory Wind: The Role of Personality and the Press in Andrew Kenrick, Peter, 141-142, 142 Jackson's Bank War in Missouri, 1831-1837," by Stephen Kerr, James Hutchison, 1-16, 7 Campbell, 146-167 Kerr, Mary Ella Spear, 12. See also Spear, Mary Ella. Higgins, Billy D., A Stranger and a Sojourner: Peter Caulder, Key Command: Ulysses S. Grant s District of Cairo, by T. K. Free Black Frontiersman in Antebellum Arkansas, 61-62 Kionka, 255 History & Geography of Lake of the Ozarks, Volume One, by H. King Trolley and the Suburban Queens, by James F. Baker, 65 Dwight Weaver, 127 King, Wilma, The Essence of Liberty: Free Black Women during A History of Pierce City through Post Cards, Photographs, the Slave Era, 191 Papers, & People, by David H. Jones, 191 Kionka, T. K., Key Command: Ulysses S. Grant's District of Hoare, Virginia Brady, co-auth., Seneca, Missouri: Little Town on Cairo, 255 the Border, Volume VII, 255 Kirkwood, MO, 205 Hoffmann, Donald, Mark Twain in Paradise: His Voyages to Knorpp, John C, 217-218, 219 Bermuda, 191 Kremer, Gary R., 43,44,44, 45,46,61-62; "William J. Thompkins: Howard, Jesse, 212, 213-214, 215, 216, 219-221 African American Physician, Politician, and Publisher," 168- Howard University, Washington, DC, 169-170 182 Huber, Patrick, 46 Kuykendall, Eliza A., 106, 111 Humphrey, Hubert H., 196-197 Kuykendall, William L., 104, 106, 111 Humphreys, David E., 217, 218-219 Hunting, 19-21,27, 22,30 Hurt, R. Douglas, 45, 47 Laas, Virginia J., 188-189 Lake of the Ozarks, 127 I Lawrence Rugolo: Forty Years of Printmaking (art exhibition), '"I Plant Myself. . . Down on My Unquestionable Rights': Elijah 256 Lovejoy's Fatal Stand for Freedom," by Katie Roberts, 48-55 League of Nations, 80-81, 83 Independence, MO, 198 Lee, George T., 22, 25, 25 Indians and Emigrants: Encounters on the Overland Trails, by Legal conservatism, 79-94 Michael L. Tate, 127 Leuchtenburg, William E., The White House Looks South: Franklin Iowa s Forgotten General: Matthew Mark Trumbull, by Kenneth D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson, 65 L. Lyftogt, 65 Lewis, Meriwether, 255 Liebrecht, Frank, 236 Light & Life in Missouri: Photos by Notley Hawkins (art exhibi­ Jackson Academy, 4, 5-6 tion), 128,194 260 • Missouri Historical Review

Lincoln Institute, Jefferson City, 169 Missouri History Speakers' Bureau, 128 Ling, Huping, Chinese St. Louis: From Enclave to Cultural Missouri Lumber and Mining Company, 19, 21, 23, 23 Community, 126 Missouri Pacific Railroad. See Pacific Railroad of Missouri. Little Dixie, 192 Missouri Park, St. Louis, 135 Looker, Benjamin, 'Point from which creation begins": The Missouri River, 192 Black Artists' Group of St. Louis, 60-61 Mitchell, Arthur Wergs, 174 Lossos, David A. Monroe County, Missouri: Then & Now, 1831-2006, by the St. Louis, 126 Monroe County Historical Society, 191 St. Louis Casa Loma Ballroom, 126 Morgan, Jack, Through American and Irish Wars: The Life and Louisiana Purchase, 120-121 Times of General Thomas W. Sweeny, 1820-1892, 65 Lovejoy, Elijah, 48-55, 49; house, Alton, 57 Morgan, W. James, 109, 110 Lovejoy, Owen, 52, 52 Morrow, Lynn, 44, 46 Lucas, Adrian, 129, 131 Moss, Thomas Jefferson, 56 Lucas, Anne, 129-130, 131, 133 '"The Most Serious Senator': A Reconsideration of Forrest C. Lucas Bank, St. Louis, 138 Donnell of Missouri and the North Atlantic Treaty," by Matthew Lucas, Charles, 129, 130 C. Sherman, 78-98 Lucas, James H., 129, 129-145 Muench, James F., Five Stars: Missouri s Most Famous Generals, Lucas, John Baptiste Charles, 129-133,130 255 Lucas Market, St. Louis, 133, 133 Mullen, Robert A., Recasting a Craft: St. Louis Typefounders Lucas Place, St. Louis, 133-135,134 Respond to Industrialization, 189-190 Lucas, Robert, 129, 130 Mutti Burke, Diane, 63-64; co-auth., "America's Crossroads: Lucas, Simonds, and Company, St. Louis, 136-138 A Century of Kansas City Essays from the Missouri Historical Lucas and Turner, San Francisco, 137 Review,", 196-204 Lucas, William, 129, 131 Lyftogt, Kenneth L., Iowa's Forgotten General: Matthew Mark N Trumbull, 65 Napton, William Barclay, 251-252 National Bank. See Second Bank of the United States. M National Colored Democratic Association, 173 McDaniel, Lawrence, 81-82, 82 National Negro Constitution League of America, 171 Mcintosh, Francis, 50 The National Security Legacy of Harry S. Truman, ed. by Robert McKissock, Thomas, 221-222 P. Watson, Michael J. Devine, and Robert J. Wolz, 65 McKittrick, Roy, 82-83 National Women in Media Collection, 183-186 McLaughlin, Malcolm, Power, Community, and Racial Killing in The Nation s Crucible: The Louisiana Purchase and the Creation East St. Louis, 127 of America, by Peter J. Kastor, 120-121 Mahon, W. D., 229, 230, 237, 238 Negro Central League, 171 "Making Him Fresh Again: On Writing Yet Another Mark Twain Neo-isolationism, 79, 88, 90, 91-92, 93, 95 Biography," by Ron Powers, 67-77 New Deal, 175, 176-177 Making Our Mark: 150 Years of Affton Schools, by Lee Walker New Madrid County, MO, 173 Falk, 65 New Madrid earthquakes, 122-123 March, David, 37-38, 38, 39 News in Brief, 66, 128, 194, 256 Mark Twain: A Life, by Ron Powers, 67-68, 70-77, 124-125 North Atlantic Treaty, 78-81, 83-93 Mark Twain in Paradise: His Voyages to Bermuda, by Donald Hoffmann, 191 O Matthews, George R., America's First Olympics: The St. Louis Oldham, William, 101 Games of 1904, 252-253 Olson, James, 44 Meekins, Josiah, 220-221, 222 Olympics, St. Louis, 1904, 252-253 Meriwether, Lee, 241 Open range, 17, 25-27, 26, 31, 32 Migration, 192 The Other Missouri History: Populists, Prostitutes, and Regular Military Assistance Program, 89, 91 Folk, ed. by Thomas M. Spencer, 63-64 Miller, Edward, 205-206, 209, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216, 219, Overland trails, 127 220-222 Overton, Holmes, 101 Miller, John, 147, 148, 156 Owens, Jessie, 178 Missouri, 192 Ozarks, 77, 17-32,25, 192 Bootheel, 21, 173, 192 Forestry Commission, 22, 23 history, 63-64; teaching of, 36-47 Pacific Railroad of Missouri, 139-141, 205-225 maps, 208, 210 Page and Bacon, St. Louis, 136-137 National Guard, 191 Parker, Thomas A., 6 southeast, 1, 4-11 Parrish, William E., 42, 43, 44 State Archives, 46 Paw Paw Militia. See Enrolled Missouri Militia. State Industrial Home for Negro Girls, 192 Payne, Felix, Sr., 173, 175 State Militia, 99-111, 112, 191 Pendergast, Tom, 172, 173, 174 Missouri Forestry Association, 27-28, 29, 30, 31, 32 Pendleton, Jason L., co-ed., The Union on Trial: The Political Missouri Free Press, 156 Journals of Judge William Barclay Napton, 1829-1883, 251- Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, 142 252 Index 261

Perry, J. Edward, 170, 171 Pettis, Spencer, 154, 157, 158 St. Louis' Big League Ballparks, by Joan M. Thomas, 127 Phillips, Christopher, 46; co-ed., The Union on Trial: The Political St. Louis, by David A. Lossos, 126 Journals of Judge William Barclay Napton, 1829-1883, 251- St. Louis Casa Loma Ballroom, by David A. Lossos, 126 252 St. Louis Fireman's Fund Association, 142 Picturing Native Americans in the Nineteenth Century: Lithographs St. Louis Gas Light Company, 136 from McKenney and Hall's History of the Indian Tribes of North The St. Louis German Catholics, by William Barnaby Faherty, America (art exhibition), 256 126 Pierce City, MO, 191 St. Louis Laclede Fire Company, 142 Pinchot, Gifford, 18, 19, 23-24 St. Louis, MO, 49-50, 129-143, 146-163, 192, 193, 196-197, 226- Piott, Steven L., 252-253 245 Platte City, MO, 100, 102, 103-104, 105, 108-109, 110 Bank of the State of Missouri, 135-136 Platte County, MO, 100-111 baseball, 127 Pleasant Grove Cemetery, Camden Point, 110-111, 777 Benton Park West, 126 Pleasant Hill Academy, Cape Girardeau County, 7, 11, 15 Black Artists' Group, 60-61 Pleasant Hill, MO, 7, 205-225, 205, 214, July front cover; maps, Boatman's Savings Institution, 136,136 212,215,218 Catholic Church, 141-142 Poe, Benjamin F., 101, 109-110 Catholic Protectorate and Industrial School of St. Louis, 141 'Point from which creation begins": The Black Artists' Group of Chinese, 126 St. Louis, by Benjamin Looker, 60-61 Cincinnati Commercial Agency, 135 Porter, Scott A., "'Bashi-Bazouks' and Rebels Too: Action at Gateway Arch, 196-197 Camden Point, July 13, 1864," 99-114 hotels, 127 Power, Community, and Racial Killing in East St. Louis, by Lucas Bank, 138 Malcolm McLaughlin, 127 Lucas Market, 133, 133 Powers, Ron, 67 Lucas Place, 133-135,754 "Making Him Fresh Again: On Writing Yet Another Mark Lucas, Simonds, and Company, 136-138 Twain Biography," 67-77 map, April front cover, 132 Mark Twain: A Life, 67-68, 70-77, 124-125 Missouri Park, 135 Price, Sterling, 99-100 Olympics, 1904,252-253 "Protect Missouri" flag, 106, 106, 107, 111, 113 Page and Bacon, 136-137 Prushankin, Jeffery S., A Crisis in Confederate Command: printing type trade, 189-190 Edmund Kirby Smith, Richard Taylor, and the Army of the Trans- streetcars, 65, 226-245 Mississippi, 126 St. Louis Observer, 48, 49-51, 55 St. Louis Times, 49 St. Louis Transit, 226-245 Quantrill, William, 101 "The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900," by James Quirk, Tom, 74-75 F. Baker, 226-245 Schofield, John M., 101 R Schroeder, Adolf E., 66 Radical Republicans, 8-9, 10 Schroeder, Rebecca, 45, 66 Railroads, 56-59. See also names of railroads. Schroeder, Walter, 194 Gasconade Bridge disaster, 140, 747 Searing, Laura Redden, 183, 183-184 maps, 208,210, 212 Second Bank of the United States, Philadelphia, 146-163,158 Randolph, John L., 221, 222 A Second Home: Missouri's Early Schools, by Sue Thomas, 255 Recasting a Craft: St. Louis Typefounders Respond to Sedalia, MO, 211, 212 Industrialization, by Robert A. Mullen, 189-190 Seneca, Missouri: Little Town on the Border, Volume VII, by Reconstruction, 1, 188-189 Virginia Brady Hoare and Mary Alice Tourtillott, 255 Record, Samuel J., 25, 27 Shannon County, MO, 20, 27, 26 Red Legs, 99, 102 Sherman, Matthew C, '"The Most Serious Senator': A Republican Party, Missouri, 80, 81 Reconsideration of Forrest C. Donnell of Missouri and the North Reynolds County, MO, 20, 30, 57 Atlantic Treaty, 78-98 Ridley, Jack, 41,43 Shortridge, James R., "Edward Miller's Town: The Rio Pact, 84, 85, 86, 89 Reconceptualization of Pleasant Hill by the Pacific Railroad of Roberts, Katie, "T Plant Myself. . . Down on My Unquestionable Missouri," 205-225 Rights': Elijah Lovejoy's Fatal Stand for Freedom," 48-55 Simonds, John, 137,137 Rodes, J. H., 20,21 Slavery, 48, 49-53 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 176-177 Smith, Edmund Kirby, 129 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 65, 175, 179 Smith, George R., 207, 207, 211 Rosecrans, William S., 99-101, 102, 103, 104, 105 Smith, Seth, 66 Ross, Marion Thompkins, 170, 171, 175, 179 Soukup, Albert, 247 Rugolo, Lawrence, art exhibition, 256 Southeast Missouri Drummers' Association, 775, 115-118 Rybolt, John E., Frontier Missionary: Felix De Andreis, 1778- Spear, Mary Ella, 6, 7, 12. See also Kerr, Mary Ella Spear. 1820: Correspondence and Historical Writings, 65 Spencer, Selden P., 80-81, 81 Spencer, Thomas M., 46; ed., The Other Missouri History: Populists, Prostitutes, and Regular Folk, 63-64 262 Missouri Historical Review

Spillman, William J., 187-188 United Nations, 83-84, 85 Springfield, MO, baseball, 127 United Railways. See St. Louis Transit. Springs, mineral, 121-122 University of Missouri, Rolla, 40-41, 41 Stack, Frank, landscape, October front cover U.S. Forest Service, 28-29 Stack, Joan, 194 State Historical Society of Missouri art exhibitions, 66, 128, 194, 256 Van Hoy, Clayton, 213-214, 215, 216, 219-221 Family History Day, 128 Vandenberg, Arthur, 85, 86-87, 88, 91 Steinbiss, H. W., 238-239 Vaughan, Harry H., 176 Stepenoff, Bonnie, 46 Violence, 127 Stephens, Lon, 227, 234 Virginia City, Nev., 70, 77 Steward, Dick, Beyond the Sabbath: Missouri and Her Violent Volker, William, 246, 246-250 Heritage, 127 Von Schrenk, Hermann, 22, 23, 28, 29 Stoddard County, MO, 56 Stone, Ilene, co-auth., Jessie Benton Fremont: Missouri's W Trailblazer, 126 Walmsley, Harry R., 19, 20 The Stories They Tell: Understanding Missouri History through WalmsleyLaw, 19-20 Maps (art exhibition), 128, 194 Walsh, Frank P., 168, 170 A Stranger and a Sojourner: Peter Caulder, Free Black Warrensburg, MO, 211,213 Frontiersman in Antebellum Arkansas, by Billy D. Higgins, Waters, Amy, 66 61-62 Watson, Robert P., co-ed., The National Security Legacy of Harry Street railway unions, St. Louis, 226-245 S. Truman, 65 Streetcar strikes, St. Louis, 1900, 226-245 Weaver, H. Dwight, History & Geography of Lake of the Ozarks, Strother, George E, 148, 152, 161 Volume One, 127 Sweeny, Thomas, 65 Wells, Rolla, 241 Welsh, John, 221 West, George, 107, 111 T. J. Moss Tie Company, 56-59 Weston, MO, 707, 102 Tate, Michael L., Indians and Emigrants: Encounters on the Westover, John Glendower, Evolution of the Missouri Militia into Overland Trails, 127 the National Guard of Missouri, 1804-1919, 191 Taylor, Charles Fletcher, 103, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109, 110 When The Mississippi Ran Backwards: Empire, Intrigue, Murder, Taylor, George R., 215, 221, 222 and the New Madrid Earthquakes, by Jay Feldman, 122-123 Taylor, Richard, 126 Whig Party, 147, 152, 154-155 Thomas, Joan M., St. Louis'Big League Ballparks, 127 Whitaker, Edwards, 226, 228 Thomas, Sue, A Second Home: Missouri's Early Schools, 255 The White House Looks South: Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Thompkins, Jessie, 175 Truman, Lyndon B. Johnson, by William E. Leuchtenburg, 65 Thompkins, William J., 168, 168-179, 169, 172, 176 White, John Barber, 21, 23-24, 28, 28 Thornton, John C. Calhoun, 100, 100-113 Whites, LeeAnn, Gender Matters: Civil War, Reconstruction, and Thrailkill, John, 104, 106-107, 109, 109, 110, 113 the Making of the New South, 188-189 The Thread of Life (painting), by George Caleb Bingham, 119, "Whose Forest Is This?: Hillfolk, Industrialists, and Government 194 in the Ozarks," by David Benac, 17-35 Through American and Irish Wars: The Life and Times of General William J. Spillman and the Birth of Agricultural Economics, by Thomas W. Sweeny, 1820-1892, by Jack Morgan, 65 Laurie Winn Carlson, 187-188 Thurman, Joseph C, "James H. Lucas: Eminent St. Louis "William J. Thompkins: African American Physician, Politician, Entrepreneur and Philanthropist," 129-145 and Publisher," by Gary R. Kremer, 168-182 Timber industry, 77, 19, 23, 24, 27-29, 31, 32, 56-59 William Volker and Company, 246-250, 248 Todd, Elnathan, 219-221 Williams, H. H. M., 4, 6, 7 Tough, William, 255 Winn, Kenneth, 44, 44, 46 Tourtillott, Mary Alice, co-auth., Seneca, Missouri: Little Town on Winston, John H., 100, 101 the Border, Volume VII, 255 Wolz, Robert J., co-ed., The National Security Legacy of Harry Treacy, Patricia, The Grand Hotels of St. Louis, 127 S. Truman, 65 Truman, Harry S., 65, 79, 83-84, 90, 176, 178, 191 Women, 188-189 Trumball, Matthew Mark, 65 African American, 191 Turner, Charles, 226-227, 227, 230, 235, 237, 241 journalists, 183-186 Turner, Henry S., 136 Woodsburning, 17, 22, 24, 25-26, 27, 30, 31-32 Twain, Mark. See Clemens, Samuel. Woodworth, George H., 237-238 Wyoming, MO, 214 U Underground railroad, 123-124 Union, MO, 777 Zapalac, Kristin E. S., 123- 124 The Union on Trial: The Political Journals of Judge William Ziegenhein, Henry, 235 Barclay Napton, 1829-1883, ed. by Christopher Phillips and Jason L. Pendleton, 251-252 Missouri Historical Review

Vol. 101 • October 2006-July 2007

Gary R. Kremer Editor

Lynn Wolf Gentzler Associate Editor

Blaire Leible Garwitz Information Specialist

The Missouri Historical Review (ISSN 0026-6582) is published quarterly by The State Historical Society of Missouri, 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298.

Copyright © 2007 by The State Historical Society of Missouri Volume 101

Contributors Contents

Baker, James R, retired special education administrtor, America's Crossroads: A Century of Kansas City Essays Kirkwood from the Missouri Historical Review By Diane Mutti Burke and John Herron 196 Benac, David, assistant professor ofhistory, Southeastern Louisiana University, Hammond "Bashi-Bazouks" and Rebels Too: Action at Camden Point, July 13, 1864 Campbell, Stephen, master's candidate in American By Scott A. Porter 99 history, California State University, Sacramento A "Damn Yankee" in Rebel Territory: James Hutchison Christensen, Lawrence O., Curators' Teaching Professor Kerr's Reflections on his Southeast Missouri Years Emeritus, University of Missouri-Rolla By Joe P. Dunn 1

Dunn, Joe P., Charles A. Dana Professor of History Edward Miller's Town: The Reconceptualization of and Politics, Converse College, Spartanburg, South Pleasant Hill by the Pacific Railroad of Missouri Carolina By James R. Shortridge 205

Herron, John, assistant professor ofhistory, University Forty Years of Missouri History: A Memoir of Missouri-Kansas City By Lawrence O. Christensen 36

Kremer, Gary R., executive director, The State Historical Hickory Wind: The Role of Personality and the Press in Society of Missouri, Columbia Andrew Jackson's Bank War in Missouri, 1831- 1837 Mutti Burke, Diane, assistant professor of history, By Stephen Campbell 146 University of Missouri-Kansas City "I Plant Myself . . . Down on My Unquestionable Porter, Scott A., assistant professor, Center for Army Rights": Elijah Lovejoy's Fatal Stand for Freedom Tactics, U.S. Army Command and General Staff By Katie Roberts 48 College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas James H. Lucas: Eminent St. Louis Entrepreneur and Powers, Ron, writer, broadcaster, and teacher, Castleton, Philanthropist Vermont By Joseph C. Thurman 129

Roberts, Katie, eleventh-grade homeschooled student, Making Him Fresh Again: On Writing Yet Another Walnut Shade Mark Twain Biography By Ron Powers 67 Sherman, Matthew C, doctoral candidate in American history, Saint Louis University "The Most Serious Senator": A Reconsideration of Forrest C. Donnell of Missouri and the North Shortridge, James R., professor of geography, University Atlantic Treaty of Kansas, Lawrence By Matthew C. Sherman 78

Thurman, Joseph C, adjunct professor of history, The St. Louis and Suburban Streetcar Strike of 1900 Jefferson College, Hillsboro, and Lewis and Clark By James F. Baker 226 Community College, Godfrey, Illinois Whose Forest Is This?: Hillfolk, Industrialists, and Government in the Ozarks By David Benac 17

William J. Thompkins: African American Physician, Politician, and Publisher By Gary R. Kremer 168 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of this state, shall be the trustee of this state - Laws of Missouri, 1899; Revised Statutes of the State of Missouri, 2000, chapter 183.

OFFICERS, 2004-2007 Richard Franklin, Independence, President (vacant) First Vice President James R. Reinhard, Hannibal, Second Vice President (vacant) Third Vice President Donna G. Huston, Marshall, Fourth Vice President Henry J. Waters III, Columbia, Fifth Vice President Albert M. Price, Columbia, Sixth Vice President and Treasurer Gary R. Kremer, Jefferson City, Executive Director, Secretary, and Librarian

PERMANENT TRUSTEES (Former Presidents) Bruce H. Beckett, Columbia Lawrence O. Christensen, Rolla Robert C. Smith, Columbia H. Riley Bock, New Madrid Leo J. Rozier, Perryville Avis G. Tucker, Kansas City

TRUSTEES W. H. (Bert) Bates, Kansas City (2007) Emory Melton, Cassville (2007) Roy Blunt, Springfield (2009) Thomas L. Miller Sr., Washington (2008) Charles R. Brown, St. Louis (2007) Robert J. Mueller, Ste. Genevieve (2007) John L. Bullion, Columbia (2009) James B. Nutter Sr., Kansas City (2009) Doug Crews, Columbia (2007) Bob Priddy, Jefferson City (2009) Laura White Erdel, Columbia (2008) Dale Reesman, Boonville (2009) Widget Harty Ewing, Columbia (2007) Brent Schondelmeyer, Independence (2007) Michael R. Gibbons, Kirkwood (2007) Brian K. Snyder, Independence (2009) Virginia J. Laas, Joplin (2007) Bonnie Stepenoff, Cape Girardeau (2008) Stephen N. Limbaugh Jr., Cape Girardeau (2008) Arvarh E. Strickland, Columbia (2009) W. Grant McMurray, Independence (2008) Blanche M. Touhill, St. Louis (2009) James R. Mayo, Bloomfield (2008) Robert W. Wilson, Milan (2008) EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Eight trustees elected by the board of trustees, together with the president and the treasurer of the Soci­ ety, constitute the executive committee. The executive director serves as an ex officio member. Richard Franklin, Chairman, Independence Bruce H. Beckett, Columbia Virginia J. Laas, Joplin H. Riley Bock, New Madrid Stephen N. Limbaugh Jr., Cape Girardeau Charles R. Brown, St. Louis Albert M. Price, Columbia Lawrence O. Christensen, Rolla Robert C. Smith, Columbia Doug Crews, Columbia The State Historical Society of Missouri collects, preserves, makes accessible, and publishes material relating to the history of Missouri and the Middle West. Its extensive collections of books, newspapers, jour­ nals, maps, manuscripts, and photographs are open to the public. An art gallery features rotating exhibits with selected paintings by George Caleb Bingham and Thomas Hart Benton on permanent display. The Society is a not-for-profit, tax-exempt organization. Gifts of cash or property to the Society are deductible for federal income, estate, and gift tax purposes. For further information about gifts or bequests, contact Gary R. Kremer, Executive Director. Contact the Society at: 1020 Lowry Street, Columbia, MO 65201-7298; phone (573) 882-7083 or (800) 747-6366; e-mail: [email protected]; Web site: www.umsystem.edu/shs. Qa oS ^o a^' ^ n m

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