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Title the Revolution and Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines(December 1985-January 1988): with a Case in The The Revolution and Realignment of Political Parties in the Title Philippines(December 1985-January 1988): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Author(s) Kimura, Masataka Citation 東南アジア研究 (1989), 27(3): 352-379 Issue Date 1989-12 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56376 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 27, No.3, December 1989 The Revolution and Realigntnent of Political Parties in the Philippines (Decetnber 1985-January 1988): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* time, a new pro-Aquino party, Lakas ng I Introduction Bansa, was formed by political leaders close to President Aquino and attracted The revolutionD of February 1986 and many politicians at various levels who subsequent events drastically changed were supportive of her administration the alignment of political parties and regardless of their previous party affilia­ their power relations. The once-domi­ tions. The Liberal Party (LP)-Salonga nant Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) Wing also enhanced its strength; it disintegrated rapidly, once the then Pres­ started to take an independent course of ident Marcos fled the country. Its lead­ action, while remaining in the ruling ership splintered into a few groups; it coalition. Some parties became critical of lost many followers. The state of the President Aquino. The United Nationalist coalition of parties which supported Democratic Organization (UNIDO), for Aquino's candidacy in the special presi­ one, was frustrated by and dissatisfied dential election, or the snap election as it with the Aquino Administration, though has been popularly called, also changed it barely remained in the ruling coalition. dramatically. For example, Partido The Mindanao Alliance and the Christian­ Demokratiko Pilipino Lakas ng Bayan Social Democratic Party (CSDP) left (PDP-Laban) increased its membership the coalition at an early stage and size rapidly by great magnitude; it joined the opposition. Bansang Nagkaisa strengthened the position of the conserva­ sa Diwa at Layunin (BANDILA)2) tive bloc against that of the progressive increased its membership immediately bloc within the party and conflicts be­ 2) BANDILA decided, at its Second National tween the two aggravated. At the same Congress in October 1986, to remain a movement with a defined partnership agree­ **M~~. Asian Center, University of the ment with one (or more) political party Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro or coalition of parties, in spite of a pref­ Manila, the Philippines erence among certain segments of its I) There is an argument against using the leadership to transform it into a political term "revolution" on the ground that the party or create its own political party. February incident did not bring about any However, BANDILA is included in this significant change either in the Philippine paper together with political parties on the social structure or in the socio-economic grounds that it played a significant role in characteristics of the ruling elite. the special presidencial election and the /' 352 M. KIMURA: Political Parties in the Philippines after the revolution and then became ratification and a revolution. The pe­ not so visible as it used to be before riod, therefore, is a very interesting and the revolution. Leftist forces, which convenient period for studies of political boycotted the special presidential elec­ parties. The account of the process is tion and were left out of the revolution, basically descriptive and divided into formed a new legal leftist party called two parts. The first part tries to outline Partido ng Bayan (PnB), which main­ the political development at the national tained close relations with another leftist level. The second part focuses on the organization, Bagong Alyansang Maka­ development in the province of Batan­ bayan (BAYAN) . gag3) as a case at a local level. This An examination of the process 1Il was attempted to show that what took which the realignment of political parties place at the two different levels were developed and their power relations closely interrelated and that they took changed will shed light on certain im­ place according to their own respective portant aspects of the characteristics of logic and motives highly independent the Philippine political parties and party of each other in spite of the close inter­ system and of the behavior of party pol­ relations especially in the case of so­ iticians as well as of the nature of the called traditional political parties.4) revolution. What follows is an attempt with this view to give a brief account of II The National Scene the process of realignment of political parties and of the change in their power The special presidential election which relations which took place during a pe­ preceded and triggered off the revolu­ riod from the beginning of the special tion was a contest between KBL's presi­ presidential election campaign in De­ dential and vice-presidential candidates, cember 1985 until the local elections of namely, Ferdinand E. Marcos and Arturo January 1988. The period which covered M. Tolentino on the one hand and only two years and a few months was an the UNIDO-Laban ng Bayan coalition's extremely hectic period which underwent 3) The author has been conducting a case five dramatic political events, namely, study of elections and politics in Batangas three sets of elections, a constitutional since 1984. A part of its results, which will be his dissertation, was utilized here '\.revolution and that it intends to participate to give a case of realignment of political in the electoral process as well as in extra­ parties at the provincial level. Since stud­ parliamentary activities. 0 n the other ies on party politics at the provincial hand, the Communist Party of the Philip­ level are scarce, it will give some insights pines (CPP) is not included on the grounds into the state of political parties at this that it resorts to non-electoral activities level. or armed struggle, that it did not play 4) The term "traditional political party" here any significant role in the election and the refers to a kind of party which is built revolution, and that the author does not primarily upon networks of dyadic relations have sufficient data on its state during between individuals as described by Lande the period covered in this paper. [1964J. 353 Corazon C. Aquino and Salvador H. It had dominated Batasang Pambansa, Laurel on the other hand, with leftist the national legislature, by controlling forces under BAYAN boycotting the about two thirds of its seats; it had al­ election. Almost all the political parties most monopolized local elective posi­ and organizations were aligned into the tions in most of the provinces, cities, and three groups. The Nacionalista Party municipalities all over the country.6) The (NP)-Roy Wing which had been closely then opposition, on the other hand, had aligned with KBL supported the Marcos­ been fragmented. They had had little Tolentino ticket. Laban ng Bayan was say in the policy making process under initially formed by eight parties and or­ the authoritarian regime; militant organ­ ganizations: they were the LP-Salonga izations had been resorting to non-par­ Wing, PDP-Laban, Panaghiusa, the liamentary struggles such as large-scale Young Philippines Party, Bicol Saro, the demonstrations. The state of fragmen­ National Union of Christian Democrats tation was well reflected in the great (NUCD), the Convenor Group and difficulty the opposition encountered in BANDILA [Laban ng Bayan 1985: 1­ agreeing on one common presidential 2J. Then, the Mindanao Alliance, the candidate, when the special presidential Muslim Federal Party, CSDP, the Na­ election became imminent. It was only tional Union for Liberation (NUL) and on December 11, the last day to file a Laban ni Ninoy sa Gitnang Luzon also certificate of candidacy, that Laurel, the adhered to Laban ng Bayan [ibid.: Ex­ president and presidential candidate of hibit D].5) There were some parties UNIDO, accepted the presidential can­ that were not aligned into the three didacy of Aquino, the candidate of Laban groups. For example, the LP-Kalaw ng Bayan, to become her running-mate Wing fielded Eva Estrada Kalaw for on the condition that both of them run Vice-President, while supporting Aquino under the banner of UNIDO [Cunanan for President. Ruben R. Canoy ran for 1985: 6-7J. The coalition between UNI the presidency under the Social Dem­ DO and Laban ng Bayan was formal­ ocratic Party. But, these parties were ized even later in the campaign period minor forces as evident in the number [Anonymous 1986b: 1 & 10J. ofvotes they received. Before the revolution, KBL had been 6) In the 1980 local elections which were the last local elections before the revolution, the powerful ruling party under the lead­ all but four elected governors were KBL ership of the then President Marcos. in the country's seventy-three provinces. The four non-KBL governors were Natalia 5) Since the Mindanao Alliance and NUL as F. Dumlao (NUL) of Nueva Vizcaya, Jose well as Bicol Saro had been member organ­ C. Laurel, V (NP) of Batangas, Federico izations of UNIDO, it seems to suggest O. Mengote (Independent) of Eastern that they switched from UNIDO to Laban Samar, and Homobono Adaza (Mindanao ng Bayan or synonymously from Laurel to Alliance) of Misamis Oriental. See Philip­ Aquino at the last stage of the unification pines, Commission on Elections [Undated­ process of the opposition. a]. 354 M. KIMURA: Political Parties in the Philippines The presidential election turned out to from Marcos as early as March 7 at a be an unprecedentedly fraudulent one. meeting of the KBL Executive Commit­ Its aftermath led to the revolution. The tee. On March 13, a group of KBL process leading to the revolution IS a members led by Ople made an agree­ much talked about story, which does not ment to form a new party from the need to be repeated here.
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