The Third World, Global Islam and Pragmatism: the Making of Iranian Foreign Policy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State
“Institutional Power Sharing in the Islamic Republic of Iran” Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State University 2021 Western Political Science Association Panel: Governance, Identities, Religion and Politics *Please do not cite or circulate without the permission of the author Keywords: Iran; Middle East; Comparative Politics; Political Institutions 1 The Constitution of the Islamic Republic establishes a semipresidential system, where executive power is divided between the supreme leader and the president. Prior to the 1989 constitutional amendments, the system also included a third executive—a prime minister; however, this position was abolished by the amendments, and the office of the presidency was strengthened in its wake. According to the language of the Constitution, the supreme leader’s position (referred to in the text of the Constitution as the “Leader”) is considered separate from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches (which the Constitution refers to as the “three Powers”). Although the supreme leader takes on a number of functions that are commonly associated with these branches of government elsewhere in the world, the position of the “Leader or Council of Leadership” is conceptually distinct from the “three Powers,” and, in fact, is tasked with resolving disputes and coordinating relations between the three branches.i Along with this dispute resolution power, article 110 outlines the ten additional express powers of the Leader: determining the general policies of the political system -
From the Great Empire to the Islamic Republic Minorities in Iran: Assimilated Identities, & Denied Rights
From The Great Empire to The Islamic Republic Minorities in Iran: Assimilated Identities, & Denied Rights Tarık Albitar Abstract As the current modern state system is composed of nearly two hundred states that encompass more than five thousand ethnic groups, these groups speak more than three thousand languages. This form of diversity has become a real element within any modern society. Moreover, recognition and respect for these dissimilarities are assumed to be vital for stabilizing domestic affairs and ensure peace and prosperity within a state. In fact, the development of minorities concept came along with/as a result of many factors, one of these factors was the development of other concepts such as nation, citizenship, and superior identity/macro-identity, especially with the rise of remarkable philosophical and intellectual movements during and after the French revolution such as J. J. Rousseau and his social contract. The real development of the minority rights, however, came along with the development of the human rights universalism, which came as a result of the horrifying human losses and the wide-scale of human rights abuses, during the Second World War. Iran, on the other hand, had witnessed enormous historical development; these developments had resulted in creating a widely diversified society in terms of religious views, ethnicities, and linguistic communities. The first national project, however, had failed to emulate the Western model of the modern state and thus was unable to complete its national project, especially after the rise of the Islamic Revolution. On the other hand, the post-revolution Iranian constitution is based on religious interpretations of Islam (Jaafari / Twelfth Shi'a), thus some of the existed minorities are recognized and many others are denied. -
Asala & ARF 'Veterans' in Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Region
Karabakh Christopher GUNN Coastal Carolina University ASALA & ARF ‘VETERANS’ IN ARMENIA AND THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH REGION OF AZERBAIJAN Conclusion. See the beginning in IRS- Heritage, 3 (35) 2018 Emblem of ASALA y 1990, Armenia or Nagorno-Karabakh were, arguably, the only two places in the world that Bformer ASALA terrorists could safely go, and not fear pursuit, in one form or another, and it seems that most of them did, indeed, eventually end up in Armenia (36). Not all of the ASALA veterans took up arms, how- ever. Some like, Alex Yenikomshian, former director of the Monte Melkonian Fund and the current Sardarapat Movement leader, who was permanently blinded in October 1980 when a bomb he was preparing explod- ed prematurely in his hotel room, were not capable of actually participating in the fighting (37). Others, like Varoujan Garabedian, the terrorist behind the attack on the Orly Airport in Paris in 1983, who emigrated to Armenia when he was pardoned by the French govern- ment in April 2001 and released from prison, arrived too late (38). Based on the documents and material avail- able today in English, there were at least eight ASALA 48 www.irs-az.com 4(36), AUTUMN 2018 Poster of the Armenian Legion in the troops of fascist Germany and photograph of Garegin Nzhdeh – terrorist and founder of Tseghakronism veterans who can be identified who were actively en- tia group of approximately 50 men, and played a major gaged in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (39), but role in the assault and occupation of the Kelbajar region undoubtedly there were more. -
Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran’S 1988 Prison Massacres Are Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity
BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons © Amnesty International (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4. -
TNSR Journal Vol 2 Issue 4 Book Final.Pdf (12.61Mb)
Texas National Security Review Texas T E R R A I TERRA INCOGNITA N C O G N I T A Volume 2 Issue 4 Volume Print: ISSN 2576-1021 Online: ISSN 2576-1153 MASTHEAD TABLE OF CONTENTS Staff: The Foundation Publisher: Executive Editor: Associate Editors: 04 Wars with Words? Ryan Evans Doyle Hodges, PhD Galen Jackson, PhD Francis J. Gavin Van Jackson, PhD Editor-in-Chief: Managing Editor: Stephen Tankel, PhD William Inboden, PhD Megan G. Oprea, PhD The Scholar Editorial Board: 10 More Significance than Value: Explaining Developments in the Sino-Japanese Contest Over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Chair, Editorial Board: Editor-in-Chief: Todd Hall Francis J. Gavin, PhD William Inboden, PhD 38 The Collapse Narrative: The United States, Mohammed Mossadegh, and the Coup Decision of 1953 Gregory Brew Robert J. Art, PhD Kelly M. Greenhill, PhD John Owen, PhD Richard Betts, PhD Beatrice Heuser, PhD Patrick Porter, PhD 60 The City Is Neutral: On Urban Warfare in the 21st Century John Bew, PhD Michael C. Horowitz, PhD Thomas Rid, PhD David Betz and Hugo Stanford-Tuck Nigel Biggar, PhD Richard H. Immerman, PhD Joshua Rovner, PhD Philip Bobbitt, JD, PhD Robert Jervis, PhD Brent E. Sasley, PhD Hal Brands, PhD Colin Kahl, PhD Elizabeth N. Saunders, PhD Joshua W. Busby, PhD Jonathan Kirshner, PhD Kori Schake, PhD The Strategist Robert Chesney, JD James Kraska, SJD Michael N. Schmitt, DLitt Eliot Cohen, PhD Stephen D. Krasner, PhD Jacob N. Shapiro, PhD 90 Thinking in Space: The Role of Geography in National Security Decision-Making Audrey Kurth Cronin, PhD Sarah Kreps, PhD Sandesh Sivakumaran, PhD Andrew Rhodes Theo Farrell, PhD Melvyn P. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Gestalt Computing and the Study of Content-oriented User Behavior on the Web Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/41b1c1n9 Author Bandari, Roja Publication Date 2013 Supplemental Material https://escholarship.org/uc/item/41b1c1n9#supplemental Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California University of California Los Angeles Gestalt Computing and the Study of Content-oriented User Behavior on the Web A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Electrical Engineering by Roja Bandari 2013 c Copyright by Roja Bandari 2013 Abstract of the Dissertation Gestalt Computing and the Study of Content-oriented User Behavior on the Web by Roja Bandari Doctor of Philosophy in Electrical Engineering University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Vwani P. Roychowdhury, Chair Elementary actions online establish an individual's existence on the web and her/his orientation toward different issues. In this sense, actions truly define a user in spaces like online forums and communities and the aggregate of elementary actions shape the atmosphere of these online spaces. This observation, coupled with the unprecedented scale and detail of data on user actions on the web, com- pels us to utilize them in understanding collective human behavior. Despite large investments by industry to capture this data and the expanding body of research on big data in academia, gaining insight into collective user behavior online has been elusive. If one is indeed able to overcome the considerable computational challenges posed by both the scale and the inevitable noisiness of the associated data sets, one could provide new automated frameworks to extract insights into evolving behavior at different scales, and to form an altogether different perspec- tive of aggregated elementary user actions. -
The Contemporary Roots of Kurdish Nationalism in Iraq
THE CONTEMPORARY ROOTS OF KURDISH NATIONALISM IN IRAQ Introduction Contrary to popular opinion, nationalism is a contemporary phenomenon. Until recently most people primarily identified with and owed their ultimate allegiance to their religion or empire on the macro level or tribe, city, and local region on the micro level. This was all the more so in the Middle East, where the Islamic umma or community existed (1)and the Ottoman Empire prevailed until the end of World War I.(2) Only then did Arab, Turkish, and Iranian nationalism begin to create modern nation- states.(3) In reaction to these new Middle Eastern nationalisms, Kurdish nationalism developed even more recently. The purpose of this article is to analyze this situation. Broadly speaking, there are two main schools of thought on the origins of the nation and nationalism. The primordialists or essentialists argue that the concepts have ancient roots and thus date back to some distant point in history. John Armstrong, for example, argues that nations or nationalities slowly emerged in the premodern period through such processes as symbols, communication, and myth, and thus predate nationalism. Michael M. Gunter* Although he admits that nations are created, he maintains that they existed before the rise of nationalism.(4) Anthony D. Smith KUFA REVIEW: No.2 - Issue 1 - Winter 2013 29 KUFA REVIEW: Academic Journal agrees with the primordialist school when Primordial Kurdish Nationalism he argues that the origins of the nation lie in Most Kurdish nationalists would be the ethnie, which contains such attributes as considered primordialists because they would a mythomoteur or constitutive political myth argue that the origins of their nation and of descent, a shared history and culture, a nationalism reach back into time immemorial. -
Download Full Text
Annual Report 2019 Published March 2019 Copyright©2019 The Women’s Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher, nor be otherwise circulated in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. ISBN: 978- 2 - 35822 - 010 -1 women.ncr-iran.org @womenncri @womenncri Annual Report 2018-2019 Foreword ast year, as we were preparing our Annual Report, Iran was going through a Table of Contents massive outbreak of protests which quickly spread to some 160 cities across the Lcountry. One year on, daily protests and nationwide uprisings have turned into a regular trend, 1 Foreword changing the face of an oppressed nation to an arisen people crying out for freedom and regime change in all four corners of the country. Iranian women also stepped up their participation in protests. They took to the streets at 2 Women Lead Iran Protests every opportunity. Compared to 436 protests last year, they participated in some 1,500 pickets, strikes, sit-ins, rallies and marches to demand their own and their people’s rights. 8 Women Political Prisoners, Strong and Steady Iranian women of all ages and all walks of life, young students and retired teachers, nurses and farmers, villagers and plundered investors, all took to the streets and cried 14 State-sponsored Violence Against Women in Iran out for freedom and demanded their rights. -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
The Prospect of Ethnic Nationalism in Iranian Azerbaijan
International Journal of Political Science (IJPS) Volume 3, Issue 1, 2017, PP 14-22 ISSN 2454-9452 http://dx.doi.org/10.20431/2454-9452.0301003 www.arcjournals.org The Prospect of Ethnic Nationalism in Iranian Azerbaijan Prof. Dr. Ghadir Golkarian Near East University Abstract: Nationalism in Iran has got a history full of remarkable ups and downs. The emergence of nationalism in Iran mainly belongs to the contemporary time and specially goes back to the period of time after constitutional revolution. By focusing on archaism without considering Iran Islamic era and emphasis on the separation of religion and politics, nationalism in Iran had been the consequence of romantic imaginations about Iran’s past and Iranian identity which has always been coincide with extremes and lack of consideration of historical facts, traditions and Iranian rich and valuable culture. As Iranian nationalism was promoted as a dominant discourse in the era of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, ethnic nationalism became more prominent in the same way. The dynasty let the ethnic reactions increase due to empathy (impose of idea)of idea of “one flag, one language, one nation” and it is noteworthy that as the result of this policy, ethnic nationalism and the quest for identity among Azeri Turks and Kurds of Iran raised. In this article we are trying to illustrate some main dimensions of ethnic nationalism in Iranian Azerbaijan and also study its origin regarding the present outlook. Keywords: Nationalism, ethnic nationalism, state- nation, Iranian Azerbaijan 1. INTRODUCTION The phenomenon of nation-state formation and the rise of nationalism in Iran is one of the considerable cases in this country, number of Iranian sociological issues scholars and researchers have stated different point of views and opinions and also have provided various analysis about the issue. -
Water Dispute Escalating Between Iran and Afghanistan
Atlantic Council SOUTH ASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Water Dispute Escalating between Iran and Afghanistan AUGUST 2016 FATEMEH AMAN Iran and Afghanistan have no major territorial disputes, unlike Afghanistan and Pakistan or Pakistan and India. However, a festering disagreement over allocation of water from the Helmand River is threatening their relationship as each side suffers from droughts, climate change, and the lack of proper water management. Both countries have continued to build dams and dig wells without environmental surveys, diverted the flow of water, and planted crops not suitable for the changing climate. Without better management and international help, there are likely to be escalating crises. Improving and clarifying existing agreements is also vital. The United States once played a critical role in mediating water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan. It is in the interest of the United States, which is striving to shore up the Afghan government and the region at large, to help resolve disagreements between Iran and Afghanistan over the Helmand and other shared rivers. The Atlantic Council Future Historical context of Iran Initiative aims to Disputes over water between Iran and Afghanistan date to the 1870s galvanize the international when Afghanistan was under British control. A British officer drew community—led by the United States with its global allies the Iran-Afghan border along the main branch of the Helmand River. and partners—to increase the In 1939, the Iranian government of Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mohammad Joint Comprehensive Plan of Zahir Shah’s Afghanistan government signed a treaty on sharing the Action’s chances for success and river’s waters, but the Afghans failed to ratify it.