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Hoping for Heirs Räsänen ACTA INSTITUTI ROMANI FINLANDIAE Vol. 41 RELIGIOUS PARTICIPATION IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL SOCIETIES RITUALS, INTERACTION AND IDENTITY editors Sari Katajala-Peltomaa & Ville Vuolanto ROMA 2013 Direttore degli Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae MIKA KAJAVA Institutum Classicum, PL 4 FIN – 00014 Universitas Helsingiensis Redazione del vol. 41 SARI KATAJALA-PELTOMAA & VILLE VUOLANTO Cover illustration A procession of children bearing offerings to Diana. Ostia, early third century CE. BAV (Sala delle Nozze Aldobrandini), inv. 79643. Photograph: V. Vuolanto. ISBN 978-88-7140-545-2 ISSN 0538-2270 © Institutum Romanum Finlandiae Roma 2013 www.irfrome.org ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Finito di stampare nel mese di dicembre 2013 Hoping for Heirs? The ‘Lady of the Matrimony’ and the Case of Clemet Hogenskild in Late Medieval Finland ELINA RÄSÄNEN Introduction: tracing the hidden encounters In anno Domini 1512, on Saint Anne’s Day, a nobleman called Clemet Bengtsson Hogenskild made his last will in the town of Turku/Åbo1 in Finland. He was a man of wealth and accordingly bequeathed generously to various institutions, convents, shrines, and individuals. These included, for instance, the Dominicans in Turku, and the shrines of Saint Anne, Saint Henrik, and the Three Kings in Turku Cathedral. Relatives and churchmen were promised chattels, such as horses, clothes, and jewels.2 To his newlywed wife, Lady Anna Hansdotter, Clemet referred in his will as follows: ‘if it be so that my beloved wife shall not become united with me by chil- dren, I will give her all my personal property and her dower that is 1200 marks.’3 Clemet’s provision proved unnecessary, because she did conceive, providing Clemet with an heir, a girl later to be christened Anna.4 Clemet Hogenskild mentions the names of many saints in his will, and although no surviving docu- ment explicitly conveys this, he saw, experienced, and interacted with images depicting the saints he vener- ated. This relation between the image or object and its beholder is one of the crucial aspects of the study of medieval images: how were they used, what societal functions did they fulfil, and why were they made? How did people participate in (religious) life with images? These questions, focusing on the reception and various functions of medieval art, have been widely covered in art history within recent decades.5 Moreover, the ‘anthropological turn’ has shifted the focus onto the beholder’s experience; scholars seek to understand what happens in ‘front’ of the image, instead of concentrating on what is ‘behind’ it, that is, from where the motifs and configurations come from.6 * This article is an extended version of the paper presented at the IV Passages from Antiquity to the Middle Ages conference in 2009. I wish to thank the editors of this volume for their insightful comments, Anu Lahtinen for her always generous help both with translations and details of the historical personae, and Leila Virtanen for kindly checking the language of the final version of this article. 1 When a town or place is mentioned for the first time, both Finnish and Swedish names are given, in that order. 2 Stockholm, National Archives of Sweden, RApp. 15.12. 1512. Published in R. HAUSEN (ed.) FMU, 8 vols., Helsinki 1910-1935, no. 5622. The will is also found online in the Diplomatarium Fennicum. 3 FMU no. 5622: ‘jtem ær thet swa, at min ælskelighe hustrv ey bliffuer barnbwndhen met mech, tha giffuer iach henne alle mijnne lösörer oc hennes morghengoffue ffrij, som ær xij(c) marc.’ 4 On Clemet and Anna Hansdotter, see F. ÖDBERG, ‘Fru Anna Hansdotter och hennes tid (1478-1549) med bilagor’, Västergötlands Fornminnesförenings tidskrift II: 6-7 (1907), 1-48. The name is written as ‘Klemet’ or ‘Clemet’; see FMU nos. 5503, 5518, 5622, 5793. Research literature and sources concerning Anna Hansdotter is more extensive, and these will be referred to at relevant points in the text. 5 For various approaches, see e.g. J. BASCHET – J.-C. SCHMITT (eds), L’image. Fonctions et usages des images dans l’Occident médiéval. Actes du 6e ‘International Workshop on Medieval Societies’, Paris 1996; S. KASPERSEN (ed.), Images of Cult and Devotion. Function and Reception of Christian Images in Medieval and Post-Medieval Europe, Copenhagen 2004. See also the summary on the theme by M. CAVINESS, ‘Reception of Images by Medieval Viewers’, in R. CONRAD (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art. Ro- manesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, Oxford 2006, 65-85. 6 The front/behind division is derived from Georges Didi-Huberman’s influential study and its titleDevant l’image. Question po- sée aux fins d’une histoire de l’art, Paris 1990. On the impact of anthropology on art history, see e.g. H. BELTING, An Anthropology 92 ELINA RÄSÄNEN Bruno Latour, the French sociologist of science (whose background is in anthropology), has shown how different phenomena in the world can be comprehended as networks that bind together nature, society and discourse. This type of research has traditionally been conducted in non-European cultures; according to Latour, ‘in works produced by anthropologists abroad, you will not find a single trait that is not simul- taneously real, social and narrated.’7 To my mind Latour’s thinking based on his reinterpretation, or rather denial, of modernity is very suitable for medieval studies, in which there is already a tradition of researching the Middle Ages as ‘another culture’, distant from our own and definitely not modern. Interest in anthro- pological approaches has also prompted a new attentiveness to material things, giving agency to them as objects not only used by people, but actually working together with people. A renewed concern with the presence and efficacy of crafted things falls onto the ontology of images and challenges such oppositions as object-subject or animate-inanimate. This subjectification accommodates well to most medieval images, as they were much more than simply decorations or ‘art’ in the modern sense: images of saints were considered living and communicating agents.8 To find ties between people and things in the distant past is a difficult task, even more so when written source material is scarce – as is the case concerning Finland (which, in the medieval era, was the eastern part of the Swedish Realm and formed the Diocese of Turku). Although hundreds of medieval wooden sculptures depicting saints and holy events have survived in Finland, very few contemporary persons can be associated with them.9 This applies to embroideries, paintings and other works of art as well. Therefore, if we still wish, as I do in this article, to explore how individuals participated in religious life together with saints and their images indirect references must also be used to reconstruct these encounters. The paucity of evidence should not prevent this research; as Swedish historian Janken Myrdal has said, in formulating his method based on source pluralism and aimed to open up ‘difficult’ cases, ‘the first step is to accept that true statements will be fewer than likely statements’.10 This article explores the meanings Saint Anne, the mother of the Virgin, possibly had in the lives of Clemet Hogenskild (d. 1512/13) and his wife Anna Hansdotter Tott (1478-1549). In doing so, the spotlight falls on a specific devotional aspect, namely Saint Anne’s role in fecundity and family relations. She was known for, among other things, her ability to promote fertility and to assist in childbirth; beliefs about these capacities stirred the popular imagination, giving rise to miracle stories that circulated throughout Europe.11 of Images: Picture, Medium, Body (Trans. T. DUNLAP), Princeton 2011 [Orig. in German 2001]; M.F. ZIMMERMANN, ‘Art History as Anthropology: French and German Traditions’, in M.F. ZIMMERMANN (ed.), The Art Historian. National Traditions and Institutional Practices, New Haven & London 2003, 167-88. 7 B. LATOUR, We Have Never Been Modern, New York 1993, 7; see also B. LATOUR, Reassembling the Social. An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory, Oxford 2005, 63-86. 8 See e.g. D. FREEDBERG, The Power of Images. Studies in the History and Theory of Response, Chicago 1989; H. BELTING, Likeness and Presence. History of the Image before the Era of Art (Trans. E. JEPHCOTT), Chicago 1994 [Orig. in German 1990]; K. KAMERICK, Popular Piety and Art in the Late Middle Ages. Image Worship and Idolatry in England 1350-1500, New York 2002. The classic on the theme being S. RINGBOM, ‘Devotional Images and Imaginative Devotions’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts VI:73 (1969), 159-70. 9 See J. VON BONSDORFF, Kunstproduktion und Kunstverbreitung im Ostseeraum des Spätmittelalters (SMYA 99), Helsinki 1993, 121-6; H. EDGREN, ‘Beställaren och bildinnehållet – några exempel från Finlands medeltida kyrkor’, in A. AURASMAA – T. TALVIO (eds), Museon muisti. Ritva Wäreen juhlakirja (TT 31), Helsinki 2005, 137-46. 10 J. MYRDAL, ‘Source Pluralism and a Package of Methods. Medieval Tending of Livestock as an Example’, in M. LAMBERG et al. (eds), Methods and the Medievalist: Current Approaches towards Middle Ages, Newcastle upon Tyne 2008, 134-58, esp. 144. 11 See T. BRANDENBARG, ‘Saint Anne: A Holy Grandmother and her Children’, in A. M. MULDER-BAKKER (ed.), Sanctity and Moth- erhood. Essays on Holy Mothers in the Middle Ages, New York 1995, 31-65, esp. 54-6; G. MCMURRAY GIBSON, ‘Saint Anne and the Religion of Childbed: Some East Anglian Texts and Talismans’, in K. ASHLEY – P. SHEINGORN (eds), Interpreting Cultural Symbols: Saint Anne in Late Medieval Society, Athens (GA) 1990, 95-110; C. RAWCLIFFE, ‘Women, Childbirth, and Religion in Later Medieval England’, in D. WOOD (ed.), Women and Religion in Medieval England, Oxford 2003, 91-117; V. NIXON, Mary’s Mother. Saint Anne in Late Medieval Europe, University Park 2004, 76-9.
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