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~Ll the Worlds a Fair ' - "' U IV"'i ~ HIf ,e.... ""» · f'Tr"' •'' 1 INDIANA .'~~ t..~'\. ...l~ u J ">...,. \ SOUTH ROBERT W. RYDELL BEND -:;;:::::- ' THE liBRAJ{Y ~ll the WorldS a Fair ' Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876-1916 I T 3Cf5.5 . u.~ r<.q~ 11 f>Lf ! i I The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London i ~;, Robert W. Rydell is associate professor of His­ tory at Montana State University. His dissertation, on which this study is based, won the Allan Nev­ ins Prize of the Society of American Historians. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 1984 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 1984 Printed in the United States of America 93 92 91 90 89 88 87 86 85 84 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Rydell, Robert W. All the world's a fair. Bibliography: p. Includes index. l. Exhibitions--History. I. Title. T395.5.U6R93 1984 909.81'074'013 84-2674 ISBN 0-226-73239-8 Contents Acknowledgments Vlll Introduction 1 l. The Centennial Exhibition, Philadelphia, 1876 The Exposition as a "Moral Influence" 9 2. The Chicago World's Columbian Exposition of 1893 "And Was Jerusalem Builded Here?" 38 3. The New Orleans, Atlanta, and Nashville Expositions New Markets, "New Negroes," and a New South 72 4. The Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition, Omaha, 1898: "Concomitant to Empire " 105 I 5. The Pan-American Exposition, Bnffalo "Pax 1901" 126 I' 6. The Lonisiana Purchase Exposition, Saint Lonis, 1904 "The Coronation of Civilization" 154 7. The Expositions in Portland and Seattle il "To Celebrate the Past and to Exploit the Future" 184 i, 8. The Expositions in San Francisco and San Diego Toward the World of Tomorrow 208 l Conclusion 234 Notes 239 Bibliography 293 Index 317 vii Introduction And when these days were expired, the king made a feast unto all the people that were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king's palace; where were white, green, and blue hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillars of marble: the beds were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of red, and blue, and white, and black marble. And they gave them drink in vessels of gold, (the vessels being diverse one from another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the state of the king. And the drinking was according to the law; none did compel: for so the king had appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should do according to every man's pleasure. Also Vashti the queen made a feast for the women in the royal house which belonged to king Ahasuerus. Esther 1:5-9 1 BETWEEN 1876 AND 1916, nearly one hundred million people visited the in­ ternational expositions held at Philadelphia, New Orleans, Chicago, Atlanta, Nashville, Omaha, Buffalo, Saint Louis, Portland, Seattle, San Francisco, and~ San Diego. 1 The promoters of these extravaganzas attempted to boost the eco­ nomic development of the cities and regions in which they were held as well as to advance the material growth of the country at large. Il!i!:.E?. provided I?~n­ ufacturing_and commercial interests with opportunities to erom~~-t~C'_!_f!lll!l!l consumetion of their eroducts. They showed off the nation's economic strength and artistic resources, highlighting new architectural forms and offering_f!Iod_­ els for urban planning. -:r:hey_e_r_(!_~~!.!_t~~--E:ew m~i..~ms o(en!~~lli.I_l~e_n_t.ll!l_d ~for vica!'!ou~_..!!.ll.Yel -~ ot~~!:.,_!~~-~~-s. Div~sity__ <::_hi!-E~<:t~E!z~g_th~. exeositions, and this heterogeneity was part ~f their attr:_ac::_~0_n_, Diversity, how­ ever, was inseparable from the larger constellation of ideas about race, nation­ ality, and progress that molded the fairs into ideologically coherent "symbolic universes" confirming and extending the authority of the country's corporate, political, and scientific leadership. 2 Sociologists Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann have described a "sym­ bolic universe" as a structure of legitimation that provides meaning for social experience, placing "all collective events in a cohesive unity that includes past, present, and future. With regard to the future, it establishes a common frame of reference for the projection of individual actions." The net result, according to Berger and Luckmann, is that "the symbolic universe links men with their successors in a meaningful totality, serving to transcend the finitude of individual existence and bestowing meaning upon the individual's death. All the members of society can now conceive of themselves as belonging to a meaningful universe, which was there before they were born and will be there after they die. "3 This cohesive explanatory blueprint of social experience is what the sponsors of the fairs offered to millions of fairgoers in the wake of the industrial depressions and outbursts of class warfare that occurred between the end of Reconstruction and United States entry into World War I. If one function of the expositions was to make the social world comprehen­ sible, the directors of the fairs attempted to organize the direction of society from a particular class perspective. These events were triumphs of hegemony as well as symbolic edifices. By hegemony, I mean the exercise of economic and political power in cultural terms by the established leaders of American society and "the 'spontaneous' consent given by the great masses of the pop­ ulation to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fun­ damental group; this consent is 'historically' caused by the prestige (and con­ sequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production. " 4 Hegemony, moreover, is the normal means of state control in a pluralistic society; force is used when power exer­ cised in cultural terms is no longer capable of maintaining the order on which the state is founded. 2 Introduction 3 World's fairs performed a hegemonic function precisely because they prop­ agated the ideas and values of the country's political, financial, corporate, and intellectual leaders and offered these ideas as the proper interpretation of social and political reality. While expositions were arenas for asserting the moral authority of the United States government as opposed to its coercive power, numerous military exhibits suggested that force was available to main­ tain order whenever and wherever necessary. Congressional acts providing for the establishment of exhibits by the federal government generally mandated that such displays "illustrate the function and administrative faculty of the Government in time of peace and its resources as a war power, tending to demonstrate the nature of our institutions and their adaptation to the wants of the people. "5 Fairs therefore were to serve as reminders of the belief that in America the people were sovereign. In the early years of the twentieth century, a visitor to several of the expo­ sitions spoke directly to the significance of the fairs. Henry Adams, a historian sensitive to the social transformations taking place in America, "professed the religion of World's Fairs, without which he held education to be a blind im­ possibility." His equation of religion and expositions was layered with irony and insight. He expressed concern over the growing impersonality that per­ meated the United States, as symbolized by the dynamos he saw at the Chi­ cago World's Columbian Exposition of 1893. Far more satisfying to his hu­ manistic sensibilities were the great cathedrals of the Middle Ages. One imposing structure he particularly admired was in Coutances, France. There, Adams remarked, "the people of Normandy had built, towards the year 1250, an Exposition which architects still admired and tourists visited, for it was thought singularly expressive of force as well as of grace in the Virgin. "6 The elegantly arched connection Adams drew between the medieval cathe­ dral and more recent expositions had a basis in etymology as well as historical fact. The term "fair" derives from the Latin feria, "holy day.·~ More explicitly, the German Messen connotes both "mass" and "fair. "7 America's world's fairs resembled religious celebrations in their emphasis on symbols and ritualistic behavior. They provided visitors with a galaxy of symbols that cohered as "symbolic universes." These constellations, in tum, ritualistically affirmed fairgoers' faith in American institutions and social organization, evoked a com­ munity of shared experience, and formulated responses to questions about the ultimate destiny of mankind in general and of Americans in particular. The sheer number of fairgoers testified that the expositions struck a respon­ sive chord in the lives of many Americans. While the fairs obviously failed to provide a vision that all who experienced them shared equally, they did deeply influence the content of many individual and collective beliefs and values. The social prestige and authority of the financial and political leaders who sponsored the fairs played an important part in this complex process. Perhaps another factor was a psychological dynamic that literary critic Norman 4 Introduction Holland has explored with respect to an individual reader's reaction to a mas­ terpiece of literature. In Holland's "reader-response" schema, the reader ex­ periences more than the objective external creation of the artist. A given text does not necessarily produce a fixed reaction but presents "a structure which the reader creates for himself' according to "his own characteristic transfor­ mations of his identity theme. He no longer feels any distinction between 'in here' and 'out there,' between him and it. Indeed, there is none, and he becomes 'absorbed.' "8 In the course of "doing the fair," or "taking it in," many visitors made the exposition a part of their lives.
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