The Fascist Revolution Mosse, George L

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The Fascist Revolution Mosse, George L G. L. Mosse: The Fascist Revolution Mosse, George L.: The Fascist Revolution. professionell beschäftigt, sondern auch ganz Toward a General Theory of Fascism. New York: existentiell bestimmt hat, denn Mosse muß- Howard Fertig 1999. ISBN: 0-86527-432-0; te, als Sohn des bekannten Berliner Verlegers XVII +230 S. Hans Lachmann-Mosse, 1933 aus Deutsch- land emigrieren. Gemeinsam mit Fritz Stern Rezensiert von: Jens Hacke, Humboldt- und Peter Gay gehörte er der bedeutenden Universität zu Berlin Generation von amerikanischen Historikern an, die aus der traumatischen Erfahrung, im Der amerikanische Historiker George Mosse „Dritten Reich“ nicht mehr jüdische Deut- muß für den deutschsprachigen Raum nicht sche sein zu dürfen, zum kultur- und ideen- erst entdeckt werden, denn seine nun schon geschichtlichen Verständnis des Weges in den klassischen Werke über die „völkische Revo- „Führerstaat“ wesentlich beigetragen haben.3 lution“, die „Geschichte des Rassismus in Eu- Mosses Konzept einer Kulturgeschichte ropa“ oder über die „Nationalisierung der setzt einen breiten, sich auf alle Lebensberei- Massen“ erreichten hierzulande alle Taschen- che erstreckenden Kulturbegriff voraus. Kul- buchauflagen.1 Es überrascht zunächst, daß turgeschichtsschreibung handelt in seinem sich für keines der genannten Bücher ein Re- Sinne allgemein von den „Perzeptionen“ der zensent im repräsentativen Organ der deut- Menschen und davon, wie diese Wahrneh- schen Historikerschaft, der Historischen Zeit- mungen und Auffassungen - auch durch die schrift, fand. Mosses Arbeiten können wahr- Politik - geformt und in Anspruch genom- scheinlich aus einem triftigen Grund klas- men werden (XI). Diese Sicht korrespondiert sisch genannt werden: weil sie auf eine selbst- mit der faschistischen, sehr umfassenden Les- bewußte Weise unzeitgemäß waren und oft- art des Begriffes, denn in der faschistischen mals Trends vorwegnahmen, die erst spä- Ideologie galt Kultur, so Mosse, allgemein als ter die deutsche Historiographie dominierten. „proper attitude toward life“ - eine Haltung, Thematisierte Mosse Festkultur und nationa- die den Glauben an den Führer, Arbeitsethos le Selbstinszenierung im 19. und 20. Jahrhun- und Disziplin, aber auch Heimatverbunden- dert schon seit Anfang der 70er Jahre, so ge- heit und einen Sinn für Kunst einschloß (12). schah dies in Deutschland mit mindestens ei- Indem Mosse den Faschismus als „natio- nem Jahrzehnt Verzögerung. In Zeiten politik- nalistische Revolution mit eigener Ideologie und sozialgeschichtlicher Dominanz wirkte und eigenen Zielen“ (XI) versteht4, kann er jemand wie Mosse, der die Faschismen als erstens sowohl Revolutionen von links als kulturelle Bewegungen verstehen wollte, selt- auch von rechts für grundsätzlich möglich sam fremd. und vergleichbar erklären und zweitens ei- Noch kurz vor seinem Tod im Januar 1999 ne generelle Definition mitliefern: Revoluti- hat der 80jährige einen Band mit dem (zu) on ist dann die „kraftvolle Neuordnung der viel versprechenden Titel „The Fascist Revo- 1 lution. Toward a General Theory of Fascism“ George L. Mosse: Die völkische Revolution. Über die geistigen Wurzeln des Nationalsozialismus, Frankfurt zusammengestellt und eingeleitet, der eine 1991; ders.: Die Geschichte des Rassismus in Euro- Sammlung von zehn verschiedenen Essays pa, Frankfurt/M. 1990; ders.: Die Nationalisierung der zum europäischen Faschismus beinhaltet. Die Massen. Politische Symbolik und Massenbewegungen Arbeiten in dem vorliegenden Band entstan- von den Befreiungskriegen bis zum Dritten Reich, Frankfurt/M. / New York 1993. den zwischen 1961 und 1996 und sind al- 2 lesamt schon in Zeitschriften und Sammel- Ernst Nolte: Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche, 9. Aufl. München 1995. Eine umfassende Analyse des europäi- werken veröffentlicht worden. Wie Ernst Nol- schen Faschismus leistet Stanley G. Payne: A History te in seiner Habilitationsschrift „Der Faschis- of Fascism 1914-1945, Madison 1995. mus in seiner Epoche“ konzentriert sich Mos- 3 Zu Mosse siehe insbesondere Steven E. Aschheim: Ge- se auf den Nationalsozialismus, den italieni- orge Mosse at 80. A Critical Laudatio, JCH 34 (1999), schen Faschismus und - kursorisch - auf die 295-312; und ferner die sehr persönliche Würdigung 2 von Anson Rabinbach: George L. Mosse 1919-1999. An Action française. Damit widmet sich der His- Appreciation, CEH 32 (1999), 331-336. toriker noch einmal dem Phänomen des Fa- 4 Alle in dieser Rezension auf Deutsch wiedergegebenen schismus, das ihn zeit seines Lebens nicht nur Zitate aus dem besprochenen Buch wurden von mir übersetzt, J.H.. © H-Net, Clio-online, and the author, all rights reserved. Gesellschaft im Licht einer projizierten Uto- lienische Faschismus der Vorstellung von der pie“ (XII). Mosse übt deutliche Kritik an dem Schaffung eines neuen Menschen an, und den (freilich nicht mehr allzu verbreiteten) Mo- totalen Anspruch faschistischer bzw. natio- dell einer „guten Revolution“ und weist zu- nalsozialistischer Doktrin leitet Mosse ideen- recht darauf hin, daß die faschistischen Be- geschichtlich vom Nationalismus - hier dem wegungen im Gegensatz zum Bolschewismus Jakobinismus - her. Insbesondere der jewei- nicht erst durch einen Bürgerkrieg an die lige Bezug auf die Französische Revolution Macht kommen mußten. In Italien wie auch in zeigt für Mosse ein Unterscheidungsmerkmal Deutschland sicherte sich eine neue Elite die des Nationalsozialismus, der durch seine ras- Herrschaft vielmehr mit modernen „Metho- sistische und antisemitische Fixierung zu ei- den der Massenmobilisierung und -lenkung“ ner radikalen Absetzung von 1789 gelang- (6). te; die Revolution war aus nationalsozialis- Weder sozialökonomische noch normati- tischer Sicht von Juden und Freimaurern in- ve Schranken behindern Mosses Begriff von itiiert worden und besaß damit „materialis- der faschistischen Revolution, deren Selbst- tischen“ und „liberalistischen“ Charakter. In wahrnehmung und -darstellung als „kultu- den romanischen Ländern sah man dies auch relle Bewegung“ Mosses Untersuchungspara- auf der radikalen Rechten differenzierter und digma begründen: „Jede vergleichende Stu- suchte vielmehr, bei Bewunderung der revo- die muß auf einer Analyse der kulturellen lutionären Kraft von 1789 die eigenen Idea- Übereinstimmungen und Unterschiede basie- le „realistischer“ umzusetzen, wobei eben- ren“, weil die sozialen und ökonomischen so auf Erziehung gesetzt und jegliche „rassi- Vorstellungen nicht nur international, son- sche“ Züchtungsvisionen fehlten (88-93). dern schon innerhalb jeder faschistischen Par- Die feste Verankerung des Nationalsozialis- tei erheblich variierten (12). Die langjähri- mus im völkischen Denken und seine spezifi- gen Kontroversen um Faschismus- und Tota- sche Verwandtschaft mit den Ausläufern des litarismustheorien werden somit größtenteils deutschen Idealismus und Irrationalismus be- ignoriert. Darin liegen - um es vorwegzuneh- dingten seine besondere Provinzialität. Hitler men - Vorzüge und Nachteile zugleich. In- erreichte nie die Attraktivität für intellektuel- sofern führt der Untertitel (gleichzeitig The- le Eliten, die Mussolini anfänglich durch sei- ma des ersten Essays) in die Irre, denn es ne Offenheit gegenüber Zeitströmungen wie kann keine Rede von einer Annäherung an dem Futurismus und dem Expressionismus eine anwendungsorientierte Theorie des Fa- zueigen war. In Italien verhinderten „römi- schismus sein. Die wichtigsten der hier ver- sche und katholische Traditionen“ eine radi- sammelten Arbeiten behandeln die Bereiche kale Entgleisung in den Provinzialimus des „Faschistische Ästhetik und Gesellschaft“ (45- völkischen Denkens (145). 54), „Rassismus und Nationalismus“ (55-68), Das Dilemma der Intellektuellen, die sich „Der Faschismus und die Französische Revo- dem Faschismus verschrieben hatten, läßt lution“ (69-93), „Der Faschismus und die In- sich wiederum generell beschreiben. Elitäre tellektuellen“ (95-116), „Der Faschismus und Vorstellungen brachen sich häufig mit der die Avantgarde“ (137-156). realisierten „Gleichheit“ innerhalb der „Mas- Im Vergleich zeigen sich für Italien und se“ im faschistischen Staat. Die Etablierung Deutschland im Zeitalter des Faschismus neuer kultureller Werte scheiterte angesichts kongruente Erscheinungen, die seit der Fran- des schnell dominierenden kleinbürgerlichen zösischen Revolution die Nationalisierung Massengeschmacks. So stellt Mosse fest: „Der und Mobilisierung der Massen bewirken. Bauer, der den heroischen Prototyp im Fa- Hier wie dort wurden die Leitmotive des schismus abgab, war kein Nietzscheanischer Nationalismus sowie Rituale und Kulte der Prometheus, sondern stellte sich als beque- nationalen Selbstinszenierung übernommen: mer Bourgeois heraus.” (115) Die Konsequenz die Idee des einheitlichen nationalen Willens, dieser „bourgeois anti-bourgeois revolution“ Militarismus und Uniformierung, Totenkult, (149) war, daß Faschisten und Nationalso- Jugend- und Schönheitskult. Gleichermaßen zialisten zwar den Anspruch auf eine „geis- hingen der Nationalsozialismus und der ita- tige Umwälzung“ erhoben, „die durch die © H-Net, Clio-online, and the author, all rights reserved. G. L. Mosse: The Fascist Revolution Schaffung eines neuen Menschen die Nation omic or social forces. We failed to see that the und die Welt erneuern würde“, sie jedoch in fascist aesthetic itself reflected the needs and Wirklichkeit in „middle-class values“ verfan- hopes of contemporary society, that what we gen blieben (116). Nun könnte man einwen- brushed aside as the so-called superstructure den, daß sich dieses Auseinanderklaffen
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