The past in perspective

Catriona Kelly Antony Beevor Edith Hall Richard J Evans Sameer Rahim Andrew Marr Ruth Dudley Edwards Anna Blundy

Updated January 2017 2 PROSPECT

Foreword by Sameer Rahim

t Prospect we believe that reflecting on the past scholarship as well as her talent for plunging the reader into the can provide key insights into the present—and the thick of the action right from the start. future. In the following pages, you can read a selec- Nazi propaganda presented Hitler’s Germany as the inher- tion of some of our favourite historical and contem- itor of the Roman Empire. The man who shaped that image porary essays we have published in the last year. was Joseph Goebbels. Richard J Evans, a leading historian AJulian Barnes’s new novel, The Noise of Time, is based on of the Nazis, reviews a biography of Goebbels that draws the life of the Russian composer Dmitri Shostakovich. In her extensively for the first time on his private diaries. What lively and expert review, Catriona Kelly, Professor of Russian at Evans finds is a man, for all his fanatical bombast, who had Oxford University, argues that Barnes has captured the spirit of “a soul devoid of content.” Also included is my interview with the “technician of survival,” who was in continual fear of having Nikolaus Wachsmann, whose acclaimed book KL is the first his music—and his life—being eradicated by Stalin. comprehensive history of the Nazi concentration camps. Staying on Russia, Antony Beevor’s column “If I ruled the We have Andrew Marr’s review of Simon Schama’s history of world” describes how after the publication of his bestselling Ber- Britain through its portraits—“a terrific, fat book, classic Simon lin: the Downfall, which criticised the Red Army’s conduct during Schama.” Marr, the BBC presenter who last year wrote a history the Second World War, the Russian ambassador accused him of of the nation through its poetry, praises the book for its “zest “lies, slander and blasphemy.” Beevor says that historical disputes and intelligence.” should not be the subject of national laws—even if that means Ruth Dudley Edwards explores the legacy of the Easter Ris- allowing Holocaust deniers to put forward their case. Scholarship ing a century on. She argues that the way the event has been com- should be robust enough to challenge lies about the past. memorated reflects a change in perception, and a desire from the Mary Beard made her name with revisionist accounts of Irish public and from their government to look forward to a posi- the Roman Empire, highlighting the women and slaves often tive future. And finally, Anna Blundy puts the great Restoration glossed over in traditional works. Reviewing Beard’s new book, diarist Samuel Pepys on the couch. What can this compulsive SPQR, Edith Hall, Professor of Classics at King’s College, Lon- writer, worker and seducer tell us about his turbulent age? don, hails her “exceptional ability” to keep up with modern Sameer Rahim is Prospect’s Arts & Books editor

Contents

03 Technician of survival 06 If I ruled the world 07 What the Romans 09 Hitler’s shadow catriona kelly antony beevor really did richard j evans edith hall

12 Anatomy of a genocide 14 An eye for a story 16 The fading myths 20 Pepys on the couch sameer rahim andrew marr of Easter 1916 anna blundy ruth dudley edwards PROSPECT 3 Technician of survival Julian Barnes brings to life the troubled inner world of Dmitri Shostakovich catriona kelly

he life of Dmitri Dmitrievich Shostakovich is at once and others have illuminated the circumstances in which the Soviet well-documented and elusive. Famous from an early Union’s foremost composer lived and worked. Yet the surround- age, the Russian composer was surrounded for his ings only make the man at the centre seem less substantial. Lau- whole life by family, musicians, pupils, enemies and rel Fay’s scholarly biography, recording what is known for certain, admirers; he attracted the attention of the formida- is at once scrupulous and dry. Tble Soviet surveillance machine at every level. Material traces, Myth-making annoys historians, but perhaps annoyed Shosta- including an apartment museum in Moscow, abound. Yet he also kovich less. His Soviet biographer, Sofya Khentova, claimed that skids away from definition. The latest Shostakovich had recalled raptly listen- to re-interpret his life is Julian Barnes, The Noise of Time ing to Lenin’s speech at the Finland Sta- whose new novel The Noise of Time is by Julian Barnes (Vintage, £14.99) tion on 3rd April 1917; Volkov recollects structured round three crucial episodes Shostakovich saying he’d ended up in the in Shostakovich’s struggle with state power. crowd by mistake and hadn’t known what the fuss was about; Fay, In private photographs and in the recollections of those closest following Lossky, states that Shostakovich was never there at all— to him in his later years, Shostakovich has the reserved intensity of by the time Lenin arrived, a nicely brought up 10-year-old would his late chamber music. But in some moods, according to the dis- have been safely tucked up in bed. The third version is much the puted but likely in some respects accurate memoirs of the musi- most convincing. But that doesn’t disprove that Shostakovich cologist Solomon Volkov, he could be both hilarious and pungent. told the other stories, or even, to some extent, believed them. Like Winding his way through a dangerous patronage culture, he has many who witnessed the Revolution (particularly the February often been understood as a martyr to the totalitarian state. But he Revolution) as a child, he had a genuine enthusiasm for popular is also psychologically comparable with figures such as Alexander upheaval and mass action all his life, if not necessarily for what Pushkin and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. Interpreting such art- resulted from that great political turmoil. Sticking to the facts can ists exclusively in terms of encoded self-revelation and concealed mean, at some level, missing the point. irony—as Shostakovich often is—would certainly not do justice to Where historians subside into embarrassed silence, nov- their intentions or intelligence. elists speak. In The Noise of Time, the different variants of the Current academic study tends to avoid the hunt for “the real Lenin story are among many pointers to the fluidity of Shosta- Shostakovich” (a kind of perpetuation of state surveillance) in kovich’s relations with his past: “These days, he no longer knew favour of a historical understanding. The archives have not pre- what version to trust. He lies like an eyewitness, as the story goes.” served the young boy’s school reports, but they confirm his near- In an anecdote that frames the novel and is also repeated within contemporary Boris Lossky’s account. Shostakovich attended it, three men drink a vodka toast on a wartime station platform: what was known officially as a commercial school, but the title was “one to hear, one to remember, and one to drink.” The Shos- a flag of convenience: the syllabus was shaped by the strong con- takovich of Barnes’s imagining includes all three: the barely temporary interest among educated Russians in “free education,” surviving crippled alcoholic, limbless on his trolley, practis- and it even had its own Montessori kindergarten. The emphasis on ing “a technique for survival”; the bespectacled listener who self-directed study, personal development and community spirit offers him vodka with egregious courtesy; and the anonymous had its echoes later in his life. witness, who disappears even from recollection after the desul- Shostakovich was certainly not purely a victim—he managed, tory encounter. after all, to outlive no fewer than three Soviet leaders, while many Not that Barnes’s purpose is anything to do with allegory. But of his artistic contemporaries preceded even Vladimir Lenin into The Noise of Time, largely based on memoirs (those collected by the grave. As well as being moulded by his era, he helped to con- Elizabeth Wilson as well as Solomon Volkov’s) is a book about struct it. Marina Frolova-Walker, Jonathan Walker, Kiril Tomoff Shostakovich’s memories, rather than a straightforward fic- tional account of his life. Complaining that the Leningrad sym- phony doesn’t figure, or that Barnes omits Shostakovich’s work as a teacher of composition, or as a deputy of the Supreme Soviet

(and a conscientious one) would be obtuse. It would be equally Catriona Kelly is a professor of Russian at Oxford University. otiose to point out that as well as agonising over his new version of Her latest book is “St Petersburg: Shadows of the Past” (Yale) Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk, Shostakovich negotiated hard over 4 PROSPECT © FRANCES BROOMFIELD / PORTAL GALLERY, LONDON / BRIDGEMAN IMAGES / BRIDGEMAN LONDON GALLERY, / PORTAL © FRANCES BROOMFIELD Reserved intensity: a portrait of Shostakovich by Frances Broomfield (2003) PROSPECT 5

in the dining room, with the clock’s door open, holding back the pendulum with one finger.” In turn, the book is structured less round onward time than time repeated: particularly, the three leap-year moments, 1936, 1948, and 1960, when Shostakovich came closest to destruction and despair. In Russia, despair is sometimes diffi- cult to separate from black humour: as the joke goes, “If you’re over 40 and you wake up, and nothing hurts, that means you’ve died.” Unlike some English chron- iclers of Russian life, Barnes has an ear for this mood: “Music is not like Chinese eggs; it does not improve by being kept under- ground.” When Shostakovich reflects on what he sees as the passivity of Ameri- cans, he notes that “even the cows stand- ing motionless in the fields looked like advertisements for condensed milk.” One of Shostakovich’s wry comments even has a parallel life as an in-joke for people who know Barnes’s previous work on Gustave Flaubert: “Life was the cat that dragged

© RUSSIAN PHOTOGRAPHER (20TH CENTURY) / PRIVATE COLLECTION / BRIDGEMAN IMAGES COLLECTION / PRIVATE (20TH CENTURY) © RUSSIAN PHOTOGRAPHER the parrot downstairs by the tail; his head Shostakovich with fellow composers Sergei Prokofiev (left) and Aram Khachaturian (right) banged against every step.” But it is above all the “hard, irreducible the 1966 film version and insisted only the Kiev production was purity” of music that drives the narration, expressed not just in used. The Noise of Time is a distillation of experience into insom- key sounds (“four factory sirens in F sharp”) or Shostakovich’s vis- niac self-questioning, or the vertiginous doubt, otkhodnyak, that ceral reaction to conducting that he hates—“Toscanini chopped succeeds the temporary confidence of a vodka high. The mode is up music like hash and smeared disgusting sauce over it”—but in interior monologue, but in the third person sometimes used about the crafting of language itself. Shostakovich’s ageing shows not themselves by particularly sensitive individuals alienated, lifelong, just in disillusion, or the shift of motion from “skitter” to “limp,” from their own lives. but in a transformation of tempi. First comes a nervous scherzo of “It had got to the point when he despised being the person he love entanglements: “And so he and Nina met, and they became was, on an almost daily basis,” a Shostakovich in his fifties reflects. lovers, but he was still trying to win Tanya back from her hus- This self-distancing permeates The Noise of Time, since the narra- band, and then Tanya fell pregnant, and then he and Nina fixed a tive’s starting point is already the existential edge—the 1937 agony date for their wedding, but at the last minute he couldn’t face it so of possible non-survival that followed the denunciation of Lady failed to turn up and ran away and hid…” Later, there is the slow- Macbeth of Mtsensk in Pravda as “Muddle instead of Music.” Anna ing that Shostakovich himself liked to mark morendo, with the Akhmatova, the poet with whom, as the novel reminds us, Shos- violist Fyodor Druzhinin told to play the slow movement of the Fif- takovich once sat in mutually appreciative silence for 20 minutes, teenth Quartet “so that flies drop dead in mid-air, and the audience wrote in Northern Elegies: “I shall not lie in my own grave.” Shosta- start leaving the hall from sheer boredom.” kovich had the same sense of self-distance. At once self-deprecating and precise, the joke captures The composer’s early years are summed up by his painfully not just Shostakovich’s capacity for evasion, but the nature of delirious love affair with Tanya, the “hard, demeaning work” of his own composition, its saturated emptiness. Fictional por- playing cinema piano, or the open-air performance of his First trayals of music soften and sweeten the nature of the art (take Symphony disrupted by a competitive concert from the neighbour- Vikram Seth’s An Equal Music or Kazuo Ishiguro’s Nocturnes), hood dogs. Motifs repeat: a string of garlic threaded round a wrist reducing it to ethereal cliché; the result is not too far from to ward off infections; a small case packed against possible arrest; novelettes such as Florence L Barclay’s The Rosary or Naomi the cocktail sauce with bobbing shrimps in the plane Shostako- Royde-Smith’s Mildensee. But The Noise of Time shares with vich gets to the United States, and where later the composer ima- Leo Tolstoy’s The Kreutzer Sonata—another text which has at gines himself afloat. its centre the tyranny of music and its physiologically devas- At one level, this phenomenology of daily life echoes the tating potential—the capacity for evocation of music-making shadow-double of Barnes’s novel, Osip Mandelstam’s memoir The that is worthy of the real thing. And, just as Shostakovich him- Noise of Time. But where the hideous sideboard owned by a rela- self survived his encounters with power to transform dog barks tion of Mandelstam’s, or the landscape of a Baltic beach, testify and factory sirens into some of the 20th century’s most explo- to the age they came from, the objects here are pared to their sig- sive exercises in created sound, so this novel is, fortunately, much nificance for Shostakovich. Two clocks, for instance, daily chime larger than the depiction of the composer in the familiar role of together in perfect unison. “This was not chance. He would turn a “technician of survival,” a midnight meditator on life’s futility on the wireless a minute or two before the hour. Galya would be and his own. 6 PROSPECT If I ruled the world Antony Beevor

States must stop trying to rewrite history

As world ruler, I would prevent countries from attempting to it of the status of a victorious nation.” control history. One saw the way the historian David Irving, who It didn’t occur to me until after writing Berlin that the rea- in 2005 was sent to prison by an Austrian court for denying the son Russians found it so painful to acknowledge the mass rapes— Holocaust, could make himself out to be a victim and a martyr. including those who suffered in the Gulag and hated Stalin—was Then there was former French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who that for them the victory over Nazi Germany was a moment of tried to outlaw the denial of the Armenian genocide in 2012. It which they could all feel proud and which unified the country. In was opportunistic and designed to get the Armenian vote. This fact Karasin warned me—before he knew exactly what was in the is a state attempt to control history, which is something I oppose book—that “what you have to realise is that the victory is sacred.” on principle. It is seen almost as the defining moment of the Soviet Union and The issue has also come up in Russia. In 2013, Sergei Shoigu, therefore cannot be tampered with. the country’s Minister for Defence, passed a law that he had been That any state has to rely on legislation to defend this idea is trying to get on the statute books since 2009. It would imprison deeply depressing. They have even set up the Russian Military anyone, in theory for up to five years, who criticised the Red Historical Society, whose aim is to foster patriotism and resist Army’s conduct during the Second World War. (I have to declare attempts to distort military history. There have been some very an interest: I am a target of this law because my 2002 book Ber- brave Russian historians, some of whom have lost their posi- lin: the Downfall also covered the mass rapes commit- tions, simply by questioning the party line of today, which is ted by Russian soldiers in 1945.) Shoigu described that there were only a few cases of rape and of course all of the “crime” of criticising the Red Army as tan- those were prosecuted. We know this is absolute rubbish: tamount to Holocaust denial. It’s interesting, the numbers were far greater. Trying to foster patriotism considering that Joseph Stalin himself was, in through history is something that many regimes have a way, the first Holocaust denier. He refused done in the past, and they tend to be undemocratic in to allow that the Jews should have any spe- one form or another. During the Russian victory cele- cial category of suffering. brations on 9th May the orange and black St George’s After the publication of my book, the ribbon was being used everywhere. This symbol from Russian Ambassador to Britain, Grigory the past is being used in eastern Ukraine to represent Karasin, accused me of lies, slander and blas- Russian heroism today. phemy against the Red Army. Karasin is now History needs to be debated openly. You can ban cer- Deputy Foreign Minister. I don’t know to tain symbols—as Germany has done with the what degree I am still in the firing line swastika—and you can even ban certain because I still get invitations to the political parties. But it is quite wrong Russian Embassy. Vladimir Putin to suppress a counter-argument in does like to come up with totally history. For example, the great contradictory positions to con- Jewish historian of the Holocaust fuse his opponents. Rather like Raul Hilberg put the number the way he accuses Ukraine of of deaths at a bit over five mil- fascism and then proceeds to sup- lion, rather than six million. port fascist or neo-fascist parties Did that make him a Hol- in western Europe. His real goal ocaust denier? It’s a grey is the attempt to control Russian area. If you want to do history. In March, while planning something about real celebrations for Russia’s victory in Holocaust deniers you the Second World War, Putin said: could prosecute them “Today we unfortunately see not under hate laws—but only attempts to misrepresent and not on the grounds of distort events of the war, but cyni- falsifying history. cal, open lies and the brazen defa- Antony Beevor is a mation of a whole generation who bestselling and award- gave up everything for the victory.” winning historian. His latest book is “Ardennes 1944: He continued: “Their goal is clear: Hitler’s Last Gamble,” which to undermine the power and moral was published last year by Viking

© MIKKO STIG/REX/SHUTTERSTOCK © MIKKO authority of modern Russia and deprive Press PROSPECT 7 What the Romans really did Mary Beard’s colourful chronicle of Ancient Rome debunks familiar myths edith hall

SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome ncient Roman literary critics admired writing Beginners will then spend the next five chapters struggling to by Mary Beard (Profile, £25) that plunged readers into the thick of the action— understand the successive waves of data about the preceding cen- in medias res—rather than boring them with pre- turies—the kings of Rome, the consolidation of the Republican ambles. Mary Beard plunges her reader, from the regime, the widening of Rome’s horizons in the fourth and third first page, into one of the most exciting episodes in centuries BC, the expansion of the empire, the violent upheavals ARoman history. of the “new politics” at the time of the Gracchi in the late 2nd cen- In 63BC, the orator and statesman Cicero exposed what he tury down to the slave revolt led by Spartacus in 73BC. We do not claimed was a revolutionary conspiracy. rejoin Cicero until nearly halfway through It was led by the disaffected aristocrat SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome Beard’s narrative, in chapter seven, where Catiline, whom Cicero accused of plot- by Mary Beard (Profile, £25) he is now taking on Verres, the governor of ting to assassinate all the elected mag- Sicily accused of corruption. But that con- istrates of Rome, set fire to the city’s buildings and cancel all frontation preceded Cicero’s denunciations of Catiline, with which debts indiscriminately. Beard writes with her customary energy, “we” had begun “our” history. As a Classics graduate I know some charm and intensity, resurrecting the titanic personalities who Roman history, but must admit to intermittent bewilderment. I struggled to control Rome while its republican constitution was would recommend any new Roman history enthusiasts to begin hurled into its final death throes. She uses contemporary terms on page 78 with Beard’s enthralling account of the archaeological like “homeland security” to make the unfamiliar accessible. Her evidence for early habitations in the Roman area. These include ambivalence towards Cicero—brilliant, prolific, brave, eloquent, the remains of a two-year-old girl found in a coffin beneath the but vain and obnoxiously self-pitying—is palpable. By the end of forum in a dress decorated with beads; in the 1980s archaeologists the chapter we are primed to take the story forward to the next unearthed the sort of house she might have lived in north of the phase: the assassination of Julius Caesar and the climactic con- city, a small timber edifice with a primitive portico. It contained flict between Mark Antony and Octavian, soon to become Augus- the remains of the earliest known domestic cat in Italy. tus. But Beard chooses instead to disorient us completely. Beard is always at her dazzling best breathing life into the In chapter two she abruptly transfers us back many centuries material remnants left by the ancient inhabitants of the Roman to the very beginnings of Rome, or rather its mythical origins in world, as she did in her prizewinning 2008 book Pompeii: The Life the stories of Romulus and Remus and of the rape of the Sabine of a Roman Town. One of her hallmarks is an exceptional ability to women. All except the final two chapters then take a broad histori- remain up-to-date with the most recent archaeological discover- cal sweep, structured in conventional chronological order stretch- ies, and communicate their contents and significance in a lively ing from archaeological finds dating to as early as 1000BC all the and user-friendly manner. The public has been waiting eagerly for way to 212AD. The sense of chronological disorientation is, I think, SPQR since her engaging 2012 BBC series Meet the Romans. The deliberate. The version of the early history of Rome which has greatest virtue of SPQR is her ability to choose individual objects come down to us was mostly filtered by later Roman writers, both or texts and tease out from them insights into Roman life and Cicero and authors working under Augustus—Livy, Propertius, experience. These range from the enigmatic “black stone” found Virgil and Ovid. Beard is laudably keen that we see the early his- in the forum inscribed with words including “KING,” to a relief tory as not only gappy and inconsistent but artfully manipulated sculpture depicting a poultry shop, complete with suspended to suit the political agenda of later writers. But the effect is con- chicken and caged rabbits. The book contains 21 colour plates and fusing, right from her opening sentence: “Our history of ancient more than a hundred others embedded in the text, every one add- Rome begins in the middle of the 1st century BC.” By “Our history ing an exciting dimension to her colourful chronicle. of Rome” she means “My history of Rome,” but any Roman his- The leading dramatis personae are evoked in stunning pen- tory novice will assume her meaning is that “The history of Rome” portraits. Some ask us to reassess figures we thought we already commences at that date. understood well. She is impressed by Pompey, who “has a good claim to be called the first Roman emperor.” She is sceptical about Brutus’s commitment to Republican ideals. She sensibly refrains from trying to penetrate the assiduously crafted public image of

Edith Hall is a Professor in the Department of Classics Augustus to the “real” man behind the propaganda, although she and at King’s College London. Her latest book is admires some of his achievements. There are finely-tuned cameos “Introducing the Ancient Greeks” (Vintage) in the whistle-stop tour of the 14 emperors who ruled between 8 PROSPECT

antness of life in ancient urban centres was suffered by rich and poor alike: traffic jams, uncollected refuse, disease, gangrene- infected water. She has a pitch-perfect ear for class snobbery and the insults poured on the allegedly vulgar newly rich by the educated or aristocratic. She writes mov- ingly about the gravestones of ordinary Romans, artisans and semi-skilled labour- ers, informing posterity about their exper- tise and achievements as bakers, butchers, midwives and fabric dyers. She evokes well the squalid cafes and taverns where the poorer urban classes caroused. Yet she makes us face the reality that the major- ity of the empire’s 50 million inhabitants would have lived on small peasant farms, struggling to extract more than a subsist- ence livelihood. There were few changes in agricultural technology or fundamen- tal lifestyle from the Iron Age to medieval times. The letters of Pliny the Younger are a rich source of evidence for the relation- ship between Roman governors and such “ordinary” people of the provinces, in his

© WARTBURG.EDU/WIKIMEDIA COMMONS © WARTBURG.EDU/WIKIMEDIA case in Bithynia and Pontus; Beard leads Jacques-Louis David’s The Oath of the Horatii (1784) portrays the Roman ideal of loyalty us from these into a revealing discussion and self-sacrifice of the problems Roman governors faced in policing the boundaries of empire (includ- the death of Augustus in 14AD and the assassination in 192AD ing Hadrian’s Wall) and how they largely tolerated local religious of Commodus (the son of Marcus Aurelius who plays the villain practices and cultural diversity, although Christianity became an in Ridley Scott’s movie Gladiator). Although there are mercifully exception. few signs of the controversialism which used to be her sole irri- The turbulent showdown between the Illyrian Emperor Dio- tating characteristic, Beard rightly challenges the tradition of cletian and the martyrdom-hungry Christians in the early fourth dividing the rulers of the Imperium Romanum into heroes and century is one of many fascinating episodes in the history of the felons. The tradition, extending back to Tacitus and Suetonius, Romans which Beard excludes from her account by ending it in was inherited by Edward Gibbon. Beard pleads, instead, for a less 212AD. Her logic for ending here is impeccable: this was when judgemental and more nuanced appraisal of the way that the sen- the Emperor Caracalla made every free inhabitant of the Roman sational ancient accounts of the emperors reveal the anxieties and Empire a Roman citizen, thus causing 30m individuals to “become socio-political values of the imperial era. She also emphasises that legally Roman overnight.” Beard stresses the significance of the for many inhabitants of the empire, especially those living in the erasure of the millennium-long boundary between the rulers and more far-flung territories, the personality of the emperor made lit- the ruled—the completion of what she calls the Romans’ “citizen- tle difference. This is a wonderful, lucid and thoughtful section of ship project,” from which we can still learn, even though it subse- the book and should be required reading for anyone setting out to quently failed and had always been fundamentally blemished by study Roman emperors. slavery. There is an attempt at a thematic rather than linear approach Besides the history of Rome as it continued in the third and in one central chapter, “The Home Front,” where the discussion fourth centuries CE, the element I most miss is an attempt to of family life and women is compromised by being focused, yet get inside the minds of the remarkable ancient Italians in terms again, on Cicero—or rather Cicero’s relationships with his wives of their philosophy and ethics. Beard writes well on priesthoods and daughter. But the two other thematic chapters—the last in and public religion, but is not much interested in philosophy. the book—are outstanding. Here she abandons the chronologi- Despite her fixation on Cicero, who wrote philosophical trea- cal structure and looks at the rich-poor divide and the experience tises, she offers less on the complex thought-world and extraordi- of people living under the Romans outside Rome. The luxurious nary psychological strengths—self-control, resilience, acceptance lifestyle of the wealthy across the empire was astounding: some of uncompromising discipline, fearlessness in the face of death, owned dozens of sumptuous villas with central heating and lav- moral fortitude, high ideals and principles—which many mem- ish murals, swimming pools and shady grottoes, all serviced by bers of this tough and soldierly people drew from their Stoic, Neo- armies of slaves. Some rich people paraded their wealth by indulg- platonic and Epicurean convictions. She is good on Virgil’s Aeneid ing in ostentatious feasting and pastimes; others subsidised public as a political poem, but has little to say about the earliest surviv- amenities—libraries, theatres, gladiator shows—in order to ward ing Roman epic, Lucretius’s inspirational work On the Nature of off the dangers posed by the inevitable envy of the poor. Things. I finished SPQR hoping that we will one day be treated to a Beard points out, however, that much of the physical unpleas- Beard book on the inward contours of the Roman psyche. PROSPECT 9 Hitler’s shadow The first study of Joseph Goebbels based on his recently-published diaries yields important insights into his sense of inferiority, his affairs, the Holocaust and the downfall of the Reich richard j evans

n April 1983, the Sunday Times, together with the Ger- archive was opened up after the fall of communism. man magazine Stern, revealed to an astonished world the Since then, a team from the Institute of Contemporary His- diaries of the Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler. Running to a tory in Munich, led by Elke Fröhlich, has been transcribing the total of 60 volumes, the diaries had been authenticated often difficult handwriting and publishing it in 29 volumes, the by two leading historians of the period, Gerhard Wein- last of which appeared in 2008. A few extracts have appeared in Iberg and Hugh Trevor-Roper. “I am now satisfied,” declared English, but the vast majority of the diaries are only accessible Trevor-Roper after examining the documents in a Swiss bank in this German edition. The historian Peter Longerich, author vault, “that the documents are authen- of a major study of the Holocaust and a tic; that the history of their wanderings Goebbels: A Biography biography of Schutz-Staffel (SS) leader since 1945 is true; and that the standard by Peter Longerich (The Bodley Head, £30) Heinrich Himmler, has now delivered the accounts of Hitler’s writing habits, of his first study of Goebbels to be based on an personality and, even, perhaps, of some public events, may in exhaustive and critical evaluation of the whole run of the diaries, consequence have to be revised.” augmented where appropriate by the use of other sources ranging This was certainly true, or would have been had the diaries from official documents to Goebbels’s own propaganda produc- been genuine. Hitler was well known for his irregular lifestyle, tions. It is an impressive achievement. staying up into the small hours watching movies, getting up late, And it’s an achievement that has immediately got Longerich and preferring to make decisions on the hoof rather than plough- into legal difficulties. Extracts from the diaries appear on almost ing through the mountains of documents that usually confront every page. But the diaries were still legally in copyright at the heads of state. Was he, then, confounding everyone’s view of his time Longerich’s book was published, since European law states character by writing down an account of his thoughts and deeds that copyright expires 70 years after an author’s death, which in day after day for years on end? After the German Federal Archives Goebbels’s case means 1st May 2015. Who exactly are the copy- had finally obtained samples of the diaries, they discovered that right owners? Longerich and his publishers, Random House, had the ink and paper had been manufactured long after Hitler’s assumed that Nazi documents were free for anyone to quote, as death, and that most of the diaries’ content was copied from his indeed should be the case. But there were people who disagreed. speeches. As the forger Konrad Kujau was sent to prison, it seemed Last year, a successful lawsuit was brought in a Munich court the standard account of Hitler’s writing habits and personality against Random House for breach of copyright. The lawyer bring- would not have to be revised after all. ing the case was Cordula Schacht, daughter of Goebbels’s col- Even before the decisive intervention of the archivists, however, league in the Hitler Cabinet, Reich Economics Minister Hjalmar there was good reason to doubt that the Hitler diaries were authen- Schacht; it seemed as if the old Nazi regime was rearing its head tic. There had been no mention of them before. Nobody, neither again from beyond the grave to lay claim to ownership of these his friends and acquaintances nor his secretaries and assistants, crucial documents. had betrayed even the slightest suspicion that they existed. By con- Cordula Schacht has form in this area, as legal advisor of the trast, the fact that his chief of propaganda, Joseph Goebbels, was late François Genoud, a Swiss banker who had met Hitler in the writing a diary had been well known for many years. Goebbels 1930s and become financial advisor to the Grand Mufti of Jeru- published edited extracts in a chronicle of the rise and triumph salem, a fanatical anti-Semite who wanted to exterminate Jew- of Nazism and the party’s coming to power in 1933. Then at the ish emigrants to Palestine. Genoud was close to the international end of the war, some of the pages were found amid the ruins of the terrorist Carlos the Jackal, and advised the Popular Front for Reich Chancellery, and subsequently published by an American the Liberation of Palestine in an airplane hijacking in 1972. An journalist. Towards the end of the war, as he became concerned active Holocaust denier and admirer of Hitler, Genoud once told about the fate of the (by now voluminous) diaries, Goebbels had the journalist Gitta Sereny: “The truth is, I loved Hitler.” He gave them filmed on to glass microfiche plates, taken to Potsdam, just financial support to old Nazis trying to evade capture, and con- outside the German capital, and buried. Here, however, the Red tributed money to the defence of Adolf Eichmann in his trial in Army discovered them and shipped them off to the KGB Spe- Jerusalem in 1961. Genoud bought some of the papers of Hitler’s cial Archive in Moscow, where they remained, unread, until the factotum Martin Bormann, although some of the documents he published from them are widely thought to be forgeries. In 1955, he purchased the rights to the diaries from the Goeb- bels family. Goebbels, he said, was a “great man.” Shortly before

Richard J Evans is President of Wolfson College his suicide in 1996, Genoud made over his share to Cordula Cambridge and the author of “The Third Reich in Schacht, who since then has claimed to be the copyright holder. History and Memory” (Little, Brown) The case was complicated by the fact that the Bavarian State 10 PROSPECT © ULLSTEIN BILD VIA GETTY IMAGES BILD VIA GETTY © ULLSTEIN Joseph Goebbels (centre) watches the filming of Patriots in 1937 with the French ambassador, André François-Poncet (left)

also claimed to own the copyright, since it had taken ownership of Dostoevsky, as his early diaries show, was a particular passion. But the Nazi publishing house which Goebbels had intended should he did not embark on an academic career or find success as an publish the diaries after his death. True, no written contract has author. His two verse plays were never performed, and he could ever been found. But a 1936 entry in the diary suggests there was not find a publisher for his semi-autobiographical novel Michael an oral agreement. On this basis, Random House has refused to for several years. Plagued by feelings of inferiority, generated not pay Schacht for the right to quote from the diary. It is the first least by the club foot that left him with a heavy limp, he earned a publisher to take this stand; previously, for decades, publishers meagre living as a journalist and for a while as a bank clerk, and had to crawl to Genoud for permissions, on occasion being forced found a sense of self-worth in numerous affairs with women, a kind to allow him to write a preface or introduction expressing his of self-validation that continued throughout his life. own obnoxious views. On 23rd April this year, a higher Munich Whether or not Goebbels was, as Longerich claims, a narcis- court accepted Random House’s appeal against last year’s ruling. sist, he certainly sought to compensate for his low self-esteem Schacht has appealed against this, demanding payment of just by passionately attaching himself to Hitler. Already by 1923, he over €6,500 (the publisher offered to pay if the money went to a had formed his deeply anti-Semitic and anti-democratic political Holocaust-related charity, but Schacht refused). On 9th July the views, which he found expressed by the early Nazi party. Lack- case will come before the courts for a final decision. ing any real power base, Goebbels profiled himself as a radical Random House is taking its admirable stand on the principle when he became politically active in the Nazi party in April 1924, that the writings of a Nazi criminal should not be made the sub- using violent and inflammatory language to make a name for ject of commercial exploitation. As the diaries show, there can be himself. Although he found Hitler’s views on some issues “reac- no doubt about Goebbels’s responsibility for murders, expropria- tionary,” he was won over by the Nazi leader on a visit to Munich, tions and much more besides. He began his career as a poet and and his ascent up the Nazi hierarchy began. Soon Hitler put him novelist. His PhD in German literature earned him the title “Dr in charge of the Nazi party in Berlin, difficult territory in view of Goebbels,” by which he was invariably known in the Nazi years— the fact that the communists and socialists were extremely strong few leading Nazis were as well educated or as well read: Fyodor in the capital. Goebbels’s diaries, however, lay bare the feuding PROSPECT 11 between Hitler’s acolytes, during which Goebbels conceived a bit- For all his notoriety, Goebbels was never really a member of the ter hatred for his rival Hermann Goering. Partly because of this, central decision-making group within the Nazi leadership. Time his position remained insecure for a long time. Hitler, he wrote on and again, the diaries show how he only learned of major events at one occasion, was his only friend in the party. second hand. The “Night of the Long Knives,” for instance, when The diaries provide graphic details of Goebbels’s rabble-rous- at the end of June 1934 Hitler ordered the murder of the leader ing tactics in Berlin, where he was unscrupulous in his use of vio- of the radical Nazi stormtroopers, Ernst Röhm, and scores of his lence, physical as well as verbal, to win attention for the Nazis. leading henchmen, came as a complete surprise to Goebbels, who Incidents where communists were attacked and Jews beaten up was expecting Hitler only to strike against the conservative clique on the streets landed Goebbels in court on numerous occasions. around Vice-Chancellor Franz von Papen. And Goebbels was kept The published version of the diaries for the early 1930s were heav- well away from crucial foreign policy decisions. ily doctored, as a comparison with the originals shows; Goebbels, The diaries are a source of the first importance for many key to take just one example, altered the entries before publication to events of the Third Reich. Writing first thing every morning about make it look as if his rival Gregor Strasser had opposed Hitler’s the previous day’s events, Goebbels had little time or opportunity political tactics for much longer than he had in reality. Strasser’s to doctor or manipulate his account either at the time or later on. These were not considered, elaborate justifications but rapid-fire, staccato, often abbreviated diary entries written down in haste. “For all his notoriety, Goebbels Longerich uses the diaries intelligently as evidence for many epi- was never really a member of sodes in the history of Nazism, taking account of their biases, but recognising that they were generally truthful in their recounting the decision-making group of events. There is not a hint in them, for example, that the lead- ing Nazis knew anything in advance about the fire that destroyed within the Nazi leadership” the Reichstag building on the night of 27th February 1933 and was used by Hitler as a pretext to suspend civil liberties, permanently eventual resignation gave Goebbels control of the Nazi propa- as it turned out, using the excuse, vigorously propagandised by ganda apparatus and, following Hitler’s appointment as Reich Goebbels, that it was the signal for a communist uprising. Chancellor, he was soon put in charge of an entirely new depart- It is clear from the diaries’ account of the nationwide pogrom ment of government as Reich Minister of Popular Enlightenment of the “Reich Night of Glass Shards” (Reichskristallnacht), Longer- and Propaganda. Well before this, he had developed sophisticated ich notes, that Hitler personally ordered the trashing of thousands techniques of appealing to the masses, with spectacular torchlit of synagogues and Jewish-owned shops across Germany. Goeb- parades, mass meetings, sloganising, radio broadcasts and sensa- bels’s record of the flight of Nazi deputy leader Rudolf Hess to tional stories in the press. As a member of the government, he now Scotland on a harebrained “peace mission” in April 1941 is another brought the full resources of the state to bear on winning over the episode on which the diaries are clear: “The Führer is completely half or more of the German electorate who had never voted for the shattered… One wants to laugh and weep simultaneously.” Hess’s Nazis or their coalition partners in a free election. letters, left behind in justification of his actions, were “a chaotic By this time, Goebbels had married Magda Quandt, a mid- confusion of primary school dilettantism.” The flight came as a dle-class woman with whom he had an enduring marriage surprise and left the Nazi leadership hopelessly embarrassed. despite the fact that both of them had affairs—Goebbels, noto- Once he began dictating the diaries to a secretary, in June 1941, riously, with the Czech actress Lída Baarová. The scandal in Goebbels became more circumspect, and references to his pri- the end became so damaging that Hitler ordered Goebbels to vate life grow more discreet. But the diaries leave no doubt about put a stop to it. The couple had six children and made sure all Hitler’s central role in the extermination of European Jews. On their names began with an H. They provided a substitute fam- 14th February 1942, for example, Goebbels recorded Hitler saying ily for Hitler, who depended on them emotionally, and did not that “the Jews have deserved the catastrophe they are experienc- want to see the couple break up. The diaries reveal a continuing ing today. As our enemies are annihilated so they will experience string of extramarital affairs and lingering feelings for earlier their own annihilation too.” A few weeks later, on 27th March girlfriends. Goebbels’s restless energy found an outlet above all, 1942, the process of extermination clearly came through Goeb- however, in his ceaseless political activism. He created for the bels’s cautious and circumspect diary entry, where he refers to the propaganda ministry an elaborate structure of cultural man- Jews being deported to the east in “a pretty barbaric procedure… agement headed by the Reich Chamber of Culture with sub- not to be described in any more detail, and not much is left of the divisions such as the Reich Chamber of Music and so on. And Jews themselves. In general one may conclude that 60 per cent yet, as the diaries reveal, he was unable to eliminate his rivals in of them must be liquidated, while only 40 per cent can be put to the party in this area of operations, notoriously the ideologue work… Here too the Führer is the persistent pioneer and spokes- Alfred Rosenberg, whose radical Fighting League for German man of a radical solution.” Culture frequently cut across the lines of the ministry’s policy, Goebbels managed to secure appointment as Plenipotentiary but also the Reich press chief, Otto Dietrich. Leni Riefenstahl’s for Total War following his demagogic “Do you want total war?” notorious propaganda film Triumph of the Will was made behind speech in the wake of the catastrophic defeat of the German army Goebbels’s back, to a direct commission from Hitler. Longer- at Stalingrad in February 1943 (“Yes!” the hand-picked crowd in ich is particularly illuminating here on the continued infighting the Berlin Sports Palace roared back). But this was as much a that characterised the Nazi regime from start to finish. There propaganda exercise as anything else, and the real command over was no perfectly disciplined, efficiently coordinated machinery the economy was falling increasingly into the hands of Hitler’s of government in Nazi Germany: as Hugh Trevor-Roper pointed Armaments Minister Albert Speer. Goebbels, true to the last, con- out long ago, it was riven with feuding and backstabbing. tinued to support Hitler while Goering and Himmler deserted 12 PROSPECT

him. In the final days of the war, Goebbels urged resistance to the Yet perhaps because of this, we learn less about Joesph Goebbels last drop of blood. But even he had to concede that defeat was now from this very long biography than we might. Part of the reason overwhelmingly probable. On 28th February 1945, he announced is that Longerich’s book is less a biography than an extended crit- over the radio that if Nazi Germany was defeated, life would no ical commentary on the diaries. Too often, he fails to round out longer be worth living, neither for himself nor for his children. The his account of a diary entry into a full depiction of the events it family moved into the bunker underneath the Reich Chancellery, records and thus an assessment of Goebbels’s place in them. Time where Magda Goebbels had her children sedated with morphine, and again, he assumes too much background knowledge in the then killed them by placing cyanide capsules in their mouths. reader, and fails to set the diaries in their broader context. His With her husband she then committed suicide on 1st May 1945. book, regrettably, is unlikely to appeal to anyone coming to the Goebbels’s life, as Longerich shows convincingly, was one of history of Nazi Germany for the first time. But it will be indispen- restless self-aggrandisement, a constant search for self-valida- sable to historians and students who want rapid access to one of tion. In the end, there was nothing behind the propaganda min- the major sources on the history of Nazi Germany without having ister’s fanatical exterior but emptiness, a soul devoid of content. to plough through all the millions of words of the original. Anatomy of a genocide Historian Nikolaus Waschmann speaks to Prospect’s Sameer Rahim about his original and comprehensive new account of the concentration camps

traces the history of the camps from their inception in 1933 as places outside the law where the political enemies of Hitler could be incarcerated to the end of the Second World War, where Auschwitz was the site of mass genocide. But rather than seeing their development as the smooth imple- mentation of a masterplan, Wachsmann argues that their progress was surprisingly haphazard. I began by asking Wachsmann what the development of Dachau, the first concentration camp, might tell us about the nature of Nazi atrocities.

NW: There is this idea that the Nazis must have had a masterplan and that all roads led to Auschwitz. But what is nota- ble is how the camp system changed—how much improvisation and variation there

© USHMM/US NATIONAL ARCHIVE © USHMM/US NATIONAL was. I start the book with three snap- Inmates of Ebensee concentration camp after their liberation by American troops on May shots of Dachau, which started in March 6th 1945 1933 as a ramshackle camp for barely 100 prisoners whose lives were not actually Peter Longerich’s biography of Joseph Goebbels, reviewed by threatened, and then became a brutally ordered system of terror, Richard Evans above, was made possible by the opening up of the with rows of purpose-built barracks, and scores of prisoners in Soviet archives after the fall of the USSR. Other historians have identical uniforms and cropped hair, and finally descended into also been exploiting these archives—and others recently made the mass death and disease the Allied forces found in April 1945. available such as the Red Cross archives—to draw fresh conclu- This camp system went through a huge number of changes sions about the Third Reich. during the Third Reich. There was even an extraordinary One of these historians is Nikolaus Wachsmann, a profes- moment early on when they nearly disappeared. When Hit- sor of European history at Birkbeck College, University of Lon- ler came to power in 1933 the regime set up hundreds of camps don, whose new book KL is the first comprehensive history of the like Dachau to destroy the political opposition. Once that had Konzentrationslager or concentration camps. It has won praise been achieved almost all of these early camps disappeared and from leading historians of the Nazi era including Evans, Ian Ker- almost all of their prisoners were released. There was now a shaw and Saul Friedländer. debate among the Nazi leadership about what kind of regime The originality of Waschmann’s book is its focus on the con- they were going to run. Some leaders argued that they should centration camps where prisoners were mainly worked to death have an authoritarian dictatorship based on Nazi law, without rather than the death camps, where they were exterminated. He camps, but Schutz-Staffel (SS) leader Heinrich Himmler con- PROSPECT 13 vinced Hitler that they needed this extra-legal system of out- of terror completely overlooks the fact that most of those sent right SS terror. This paved the way for the SS camp system of the to Auschwitz didn’t know what would await them there. They future. The story of the camps, the closer you look, is more com- were also starved and bewildered. Reading the testimonies from plicated and counter-intuitive than it seems. Jewish prisoners, I also found many instances of solidarity and resistance. Prisoners tried to cling to religious or political beliefs, SR: You argue in the book that Nazi Germany did not follow and there were a great number of survival networks of those who a preordained path to extreme terror. You quote the historian tried to share information or food. I think it’s important not to Hans Mommsen’s description of the process as “cumulative portray prisoners as an anonymous mass with no agency. Obvi- radicalisation.” ously agency was extremely curtailed by the SS but nonetheless NW: Without any doubt one key moment is the Second World prisoners tried to shape their own lives. War. When war breaks out in 1939 there are some 20,000 pris- oners in six camps inside Germany; these are brutal places, but SR: There’s also the question of economics and extermination. prisoners are still more likely to survive than to die. Within a Why did so much effort and resource go into annihilating Jews few years, there were hundreds of thousands of prisoners in hun- and other “asocial” groups, when they could have been kept alive dreds of camps across Europe—from the Baltic states to Alder- for war work. Was this purely ideological? ney on the Channel Islands. (The Nazis built four concentration NW: For Himmler, economics and extermination went hand camps on the island.) By now death is a constant, prisoners are in hand. By the middle of the war the Nazis were determined starving to death or worked to death, and the SS has become to exterminate Jews as “deadly enemies”: it was a core mission well-versed in mass-killing. Also, this is an increasingly visible of the regime. At the same time Himmler also believed that it form of terror. Ordinary Germans had a fairly good idea of what was economically advantageous for Germany to work to death went on inside: they saw the prisoners at work in factories or on those Jewish prisoners who could still work. This was the Nazi the streets, and smelt the smoke from the camps’ crematoria. policy of “extermination through labour” in the camps. Early By late 1944, most concentration camp prisoners were no longer on, labour had been a way of tormenting prisoners, often with held in large main camps like Dachau, which were at least par- completely senseless work, but gradually the inmates were seen tially shielded from prying eyes, but in hundreds of satellites, as an economic resource that could be used to aid a German often near factories and building sites, and often inside towns victory, and to improve the position of the SS within the regime. and cities. This was one reason why SS terror became ever more By the last couple of years of the war there was a huge system visible. But almost all of these satellite camps have been forgot- of slave labour, where the SS rented out its prisoners to private ten about. In recent years, concentration camp memorials have enterprise. tried to include the satellites in commemoration, as a way of highlighting the links between Nazi camps and their local sur- SR: You write that the camp system was a great “transformer of roundings. But much remains to be done. values” that changed the way the guards treated prisoners. Are you surprised at how fast it became so brutal? SR: What role did the camps play in the Holocaust? NW: It’s easy to write off SS perpetrators as monsters. Some of NW: Nowadays most people think that the Holocaust, the con- them were sadists, but the majority were not, which then raises centration camps and Auschwitz are identical—but the story is the question of why they committed the crimes. Many of them more complicated. There is more to the Holocaust than Aus- seemed to get accustomed, often quite quickly, to extreme bru- chwitz. Although it was the Holocaust’s most deadly single site, tality. There were some SS men who initially struggled with the the majority of Jews were murdered elsewhere, in the fields violence that was expected of them, like the Auschwitz doc- of eastern Europe and in special death camps like Treblinka, tor who broke down after his first selection of Jewish prison- which were not concentration camps: they served only a sin- ers for the gas chambers; but he soon became used to his job gle purpose, to kill as many Jews as possible. At the same time and performed it to the satisfaction of his superiors. One thing there is more to Auschwitz than the Holocaust. The camp was that struck me is how often perpetrators tried to impress their set up in 1940 to destroy the Polish political opposition, not the comrades, wanted to be seen as strong and manly, as real SS Jews. In the following year, the focus shifted to the exploitation men. There’s any number of instances where perpetrators com- and extermination of Soviet prisoners of war, and in that con- mit heinous crimes to impress others. Ideology obviously plays text Auschwitz officials began experimenting with Zyklon B gas a significant role, but social and psychological factors also come to exterminate prisoners. The path of Auschwitz to the Holo- into play, probably more than many people think. caust was a quite circuitous and long one, and it wasn’t inevita- ble. And even after Auschwitz became an extermination camp, SR: At the moment 93-year-old Oskar Groening, an SS officer it still had other functions as well. Jews were divided on arrival who was an office worker at Auschwitz, is on trial for being an into those who would be killed straight away—that’s the great accessory to murder. Is it useful to prosecute people at such an majority, women with children, the elderly, the sick—and those advanced age? who were forced into murderous slave labour. NW: If he’s fit to stand trial then he should be tried. But the trial highlights the ultimate failure of postwar justice. It’s taken SR: You also question what you regard as the myth of the pas- more than 70 years after Auschwitz was liberated for this man sive Holocaust victim. to finally face a judge. And even if he’s convicted, he’s going to NW: Much of what has been written—not least in the work of be one of no more than perhaps 15 per cent of former Auschwitz Hannah Arendt, the famous chronicler of the Adolf Eichmann personnel to be tried. trial—about “passive victims” has been revised by recent schol- “KL: A History of the Nazi Concentration Camps” is published by arship. The idea that the prisoners were apathetic in the face Little, Brown 14 PROSPECT An eye for a story Few writers can bring a painting to life as dazzlingly as Simon Schama andrew marr

his is a terrific, fat book, classic Simon Schama, metic,” which allows Schama to rehearse, with fine gusto, the story which doesn’t at all do what it says on the cover. The from the same period of Prince George’s borderline insane pursuit title, The Face of Britain: The Nation through its Por- of Maria Fitzherbert—before veering off to the tale of Maria Had- traits, suggests to this reviewer two things: a reliably field, Cosway’s wife, and her fine Parisian romance (probably, but sequential narrative, passing in stately fashion from not certainly, unconsummated) with Thomas Jefferson. Both of Tage to age; and a stern attempt at social and geographical inclu- these are in the end stories about our desperate fear of being left sivity. Instead, what this virtuoso historian and TV performer has by the person we love and they give a sense of the rich, oily pickings produced is an eclectic, often personal Schama has rooted up along what would and brilliantly written collection of essays The Face of Britain: The Nation have been, in most historians’ hands, a about what interests him. And thank all Through Its Portraits predictable journey. the prancing muses for that. by Simon Schama (Viking, £30) The structure of the book, I assume, Schama’s greatest gift is a sure eye follows the structure of the television pro- for an extraordinary story. Some of the narratives here are well grammes it accompanies, so it is thematic rather than sequen- known: he begins the book with the great face-off between Win- tial—“The Face of Fame,” “The Face of Power”—with the shorter ston Churchill and Graham Sutherland in 1954, which lead to the essays gathered into themed sections. This means that it can feel, destruction of Sutherland’s portrait of the wartime prime minis- in the hand, mildly disorientating. We never know after one essay ter, a masterpiece by a modernist painter who has unfairly fallen quite where we are going next, or why. Some readers may find out of favour; and we get Dante Gabriel Rossetti and Jane Morris; the zigzagging in time irritating or distracting. But its strength and towards the end of the book, Henry Tonks, the ferocious Slade is that it allows Schama the freedom not to be bored, and thus teacher, turning his pencils and pastels to the problem of facial not to bore the reader. Wherever he chooses to, he leaves con- reconstruction in 1916-17. The first is a story about patronage and ventional art writing far behind, to gallop off on another crack- its dangers; the last, a meditation on the uses of drawing. In a con- ing tale—of how Francis Drake was seen by the Spanish; or where ventional art history, neither would probably have been included. Emma Hamilton came from before she bumped into Horatio Schama reconstructs art history with impish glee. Augustin Nelson; or little David Garrick, the rain and the Shakespeare cult. Edouart. Isaac Fuller. Jonathan Richardson. George Richmond. But we know, from his earlier books on Rembrandt, Rubens Samuel Cooper. Richard Cosway. Christina Broome. Each of these and modern art, that Schama has an avid, restlessly shrewd eye produced, on the evidence of this book, some remarkable work, if for painting. The best art writing in the book is truly exhilarat- not of the very first quality. Most art lovers will have heard of one ing and happens when Schama’s dander is up and he is almost or two of them. Almost nobody outside the staff of the National panting with excitement about something he’s just seen. His Portrait Gallery, I daresay, knows them all. account of Laura Knight’s self-portrait while painting Ella Lou- This eclecticism allows the historian to scramble around for ise Naper in the rosy-bottomed nude (a radical piece of picture- stories we ought to know, but mostly don’t: there’s a sizzling essay, making, even if bringing in Barnett Newman, Henri Matisse for instance, on the bizarre, sadly comic story of the lumpish and Marcel Duchamp might be stretching it a tad) is not some- equestrian statue of Charles I by Hubert Le Sueur, which cur- thing I will forget. Nor his lovely and sensitive account of an rently stands on the traffic island known as Trafalgar Square, early sketch by Thomas Gainsborough of his daughters chasing and which very nearly didn’t survive at all. Anyone familiar with a butterfly—and the sad story of what followed. Nor again, his the National Portrait Gallery will have paused by the portrait by description of the 1826 self-portrait by that tormented vision- Anthony van Dyck of Sir Kenelm Digby, a fat-faced, balding cava- ary Samuel Palmer, which Schama rightly compares to Rubens lier who looks remarkably like a 20th-century stockbroker got up and Rembrandt: “The roughly cut hair, perhaps self-sheared, in fancy dress. The real story of Sir Kenelm’s dogged, tragic love is more lovingly handled in black chalk than any barber could for Venetia Stanley, and his remarkable career as a proto-scientist, have managed and with a lot more attentiveness, too, for Palmer privateer and magus, would have provided for some authors a long has found a way to draw dirt-stiffened, sweat-stuck individual biography taking many years of blameless study; it’s recounted hairs so that they cling greasily together, exposing glistening here in a couple of dozen fascinating pages. areas of his forehead.” Sir Kenelm is followed immediately by the story of the under- The quotation introduces the unavoidable issue of the Schama sized Regency artist Richard Cosway, also known as “Tiny Cos- style. He is, to filch one of the 18th-century words he clearly much enjoys, a bit of macaroni writer—flamboyant, exuberant, a word- importer and a performer. It’s the opposite of the George Orwell and newspaper style-guide approach—make it simple, cut it down,

prune away everything you don’t absolutely need. Again, I suspect Andrew Marr is a writer and broadcaster, and host of some people may find this irritating, though for me the exuber- BBC One’s “The Andrew Marr Show” ance almost always works. PROSPECT 15

The most immediately affecting writing is autobiographical, when he heads back to the Notting Hill of his youth to meet the black photographer Charlie Phillips, or when he recounts the loss of his much-val- ued collection of cigarette card portraits in a boys’ gambling game. This made me think that the next Schama book, or per- haps the next-but-one, really has to be an autobiography. It would, I gently suggest, really be something. Away from the metropolis, and his own world, he has the humane curios- ity of a good historian. There is an essay about Octavius Hill and Robert Adam- son, who took famously stunning early photographs of Newhaven fishwives and their husbands, which might be the best thing in the book. He just looks harder. He empathises. I’m beginning to rave. This book isn’t perfect. I would really love to have read Schama on Allan Ramsay and Henry Raeburn—those biting Georgian wives, those great, livid, farmers and traders— and am genuinely puzzled why they don’t appear. Plus, I never want to read about Alice Liddell ever again. I think he’s too fond of Francis Bacon, excessively cen- sorious about Lucian Freud and bor- derline brutal about Tracey Emin. He

© REPRODUCED WITH PERMISSION OF THE ESTATE OF DAME LAURA KNIGHT DBE RA 2015. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED DBE RA 2015. ALL KNIGHT LAURA OF DAME OF THE ESTATE WITH PERMISSION © REPRODUCED tells us that the first self-portrait in Eng- Self Portrait (1913) by Laura Knight, featuring model Ella Louise Naper “in the rosy- lish art was made around 1240 by William bottomed nude,” was “a radical piece of picture-making,” says Andrew Marr de Brailes in a psalter. But James Hall, in his recent The Self-Portrait: A Cultural His- Here he is, opening his chapter about Francis Bacon and his tory, has tracked down a much earlier self-portrait by St Dun- self-destructive lover George Dyer: “1963. Man, 30-odd, walks stan of Glastonbury, from around 950, in which he crouches at into a pub. He’s wearing a cocky expression and a dab too much the feet of Christ. Other misses include John Singer Sargent, brilliantine; bit of a pompadour and his eyebrows look like two whose reputation was recently rebuilt at the National Portrait caterpillars are having a conversation on his forehead. But the Gallery, and who did for the Edwardians what Joshua Reynolds Stepney spiv style is alright. London has barely begun to swing, did for the Georgians, but with more wit; and David Hockney. Carnaby Street still has traffic running through it, and Soho If you want to know what the super-rich look like now, with their means looking sharp the old way: bigger lapels, broad shoulders, insecurities and strange clothing, Hockney is where you have clean-shaven with a bit of a curl to the lip; tight knot to the tie. to go. George Dyer has all this. He’s done a little time in the nick so he Yet it’s the pathetic default mode of the modern book review knows what’s what, and he knows that a man who also likes a lit- to attack a book for all the things it isn’t, rather than look closely tle grease on his mop is giving him the once-over.” at what it is. And this is both excellent and highly unusual. You’d read on, wouldn’t you? And here, again in London, he Schama has written books which will still be bought and talked is ventriloquising Godfrey Kneller as he ushers in up to 14 sitters about a century from now—I’m thinking of The Embarrassment in a day in his 1690s workshop: “A very good morning; please of Riches, Citizens, Rembrandt’s Eyes. He’s been at the top of his be seated, there in the light, just so; excellent; thank you thank game for most of his career and he hasn’t lost an ounce of zest you, now if you would be so good as to hold quite still for a time, I or intelligence. Damn him. Television tie-in books rarely garner would be most obliged... Mr such and such will be sure to let you enthusiastic reviews. They are designed, almost handcrafted, to know when the likeness is done. Truly most obliged. Good day to sandpaper the pursed insecurities of the academy. All I will say you. Next, I believe? Are yes, Lady so and so. Pray, do come in…” is that every reader of this magazine should have a copy of Simon This isn’t what you get from conventional historians or con- Schama’s The Face of Britain—no, not in a bookcase, but right ventional art writers, more’s the pity. Even if sometimes you won- there on the desk, broken-backed. der whether there isn’t a bit too much brilliantine, and at other He can look at something we think we know and make it times he pushes slangy informality pretty far, you read on. As seem fresh and new to us, and this is a great gift. He very nearly that extract implies, Schama is very much a metropolitan writer, persuaded me to find George Romney and Johann Zoffany a creature of London, New York and, occasionally, Edinburgh. interesting. 16 PROSPECT The fading myths of Easter 1916 The Irish public’s considered commemoration of the Easter Rising reveals a country that wants to live for the future ruth dudley edwards

reland being Ireland, the centenary of the Easter Rising is fied, I went to two exhibitions, the first sponsored by Sinn Féin and enveloped in romance, mythology and intellectual argu- the second by the Irish government. Some of the dramatis perso- ment, much of which is conducted through poetry, prose, nae featured were the same, but the differences in approach were song, theatre and striking imagery. The forces behind the a vivid illustration of the widening gulf between the way republi- rising were complex. They included the 17th-century plan- cans and mainstream Irish nationalists view the past. Itation of Ulster, which brought large numbers of English and The Sinn Féin exhibition, held in a rundown cinema, was a trip Scottish Protestants to live uneasily with dispossessed native Irish down memory lane to my childhood in the Republic, when no Catholics; the fomenting of revolution from 3,000 miles away by deviation was permitted from the narrative imposed on us post- an Irish-American diaspora; and, from 1914, idealism and war humously by the seven leaders of 1916. We were indoctrinated fever induced by what was taking place on the Continent. about their vision and their heroism in bravely facing the firing One hundred years ago, 1,600 people, mainly from the national- squads of the brutal British army. Pictures of these venerated ist Irish Volunteers, occupied some buildings in Dublin and began icons appeared in most public buildings. The Proclamation of the shooting police and soldiers. Almost 500 would die in the next few Irish Republic, which they had signed, was treated as holy writ. days—mostly civilians—and the executed rebels would achieve It hung in classrooms and was read out on state occasions and in heroic status. But in Irish history, little is straightforward. Take graveyard ceremonies for those regarded as Irish patriots. the seven leaders of 1916, lazily considered to have been a homo- The author of the Proclamation, Pearse, we were told, was genous group. The two Fenians (Tom Clarke and his young pro- the greatest and noblest man in Irish history. He was certainly, tégé Seán MacDiarmada) were violently Anglophobic and because of his extraordinary gifts as a propagandist, one of its despised democracy; the Irish Irelander Eamonn Ceannt wanted most influential, for it was he who created a historical narrative an island with no outside influences other than the Vatican; the we were all enjoined to accept—and most of us did. He had laid three mystical poets Thomas MacDonagh, Patrick Pearse and it all out in a series of pamphlets explaining “the body of teach- Joseph Plunkett valued European influences and toyed with hav- ing” passed on by nationalist “evangelists”: “Like a divine religion, ing a German Catholic king. And Scots-born James Connolly, national freedom bears the marks of unity, of sanctity, of catholic- once a British soldier, wanted to light the spark that would ignite a ity, of apostolic succession.” It was no wonder that confused peo- worldwide Marxist revolution. ple thought Pearse a martyred saint. There are plenty of disputed issues about the violence in Dub- “In every generation,” the Proclamation said, “the Irish lin in Easter 1916, including whether it should be celebrated or people have asserted their right to national freedom and sover- commemorated at all—and, if so, when? The “when” is perplex- eignty; six times during the past 300 years they have asserted it ing for outsiders: the insurrection, revolution, uprising—whatever in arms.” “The rosary beads of rebellion,” was the name given you choose to call it—began on 24th April, yet while that date will by the historian Liam Kennedy to this decidedly dodgy selective be marked, the main centenary ceremony was held on Easter Sun- approach. The pre-1916 dates to which Pearse was alluding were day, 27th March. This is because in the mind of Irish Catholics, the 1641 (a Catholic rising in support of absolutist Stuart monarchy événements quickly became entangled with Easter and concepts of that led to the slaughter of thousands of Protestant settlers in sacrifice and resurrection. To confuse the issue further, the Rising Ulster); 1798 (a French Revolution-inspired rebellion led by Prot- actually began on Easter Monday—but the current Irish govern- estants that ended in a sectarian bloodbath); 1803 (an inept Prot- ment held the formal events on Sunday so Monday could be given estant-led coda to 1798 involving fewer than 100 people); 1848 (a over to a day of culture. European-inspired rebellion so badly run and supported it was a In Dublin the week before Easter this year, prior to engaging in fiasco); and 1867 (a total flop led incompetently by largely Catho- a television punch-up about whether the Rising was morally justi- lic Fenians). In no case, as Kennedy put it, “can it be truly said that the ‘Irish people’ were asserting national rights,” since the vast majority of them were uninvolved. The Irish people had no say in 1916 either since the rebels, who

had sought arms from Germany—described in the Proclamation Ruth Dudley Edwards is the author of “The Seven: The Lives and Legacies of the Founding Fathers of the Irish as “our gallant allies in Europe”—had the support of fewer than Republic” (Oneworld) 2,000 at a time when 250,000 Irishmen were in the British army. PROSPECT 17

British Regulars sniping from behind a barricade of empty beer casks near the quays in Dublin during the 1916 Easter Rising

Yet “the dead generations from which she receives her old tradi- tion of nationhood” were cited as the justification by these seven conspirators—who had no electoral mandate whatsoever—to set themselves up as the provisional government and demand the alle- giance of every Irishman and Irishwoman. These, in their view, included the half a million Protestants who had signed a covenant

© HULTON ARCHIVE/GETTY IMAGES ARCHIVE/GETTY © HULTON to resist home rule. Yet the Rising was a brilliant piece of theatre. Pearse’s rheto- ric was seductive and his essentially blasphemous use of the lan- guage of Christian sacrifice to condone killing (“Ireland will not find Christ’s peace until she has taken Christ’s sword”) helped to encourage the Catholic hierarchy to give it retrospective bless- ing. Catholicism and 1916 became intertwined: 50 years after the Rising, the image of the risen Christ in Galway Cathedral was flanked by mosaic representations of Pearse and John F Kennedy at prayer. Schools taught the received orthodoxy; pubs resounded with patriotic ballads extolling the deeds of one “patriot” or another, adding stars of 1916, the War of Independence, the civil war and various bursts of Irish Republican Army (IRA) violence deplored by the Irish Free State (from 1937 the Irish Republic), 18 PROSPECT such as the bombings in England in 1939 and attacks on border a flag-waving Maureen O’Hara look-alike. She turned out to be police stations between 1956 and 1962. Molly O’Reilly, a teenager in the Irish Citizen Army, a messenger Then came the anniversary celebrations of 1966 and a great during Easter 1916 and subsequently an uncompromising Repub- outpouring of emotion that would scare unionists and embolden lican, whose claim to fame was that she had been asked by Con- republicans. Seán Lemass, then Taoiseach, was anxious that there nolly to raise a green and gold flag on his headquarters. She ticked should be no dangerous glorification of violence, but the messages the boxes of being female, working class and a lifelong supporter were too nuanced and the damage was done. The outbreak of the of the IRA. Elsewhere in the exhibition there were portraits of Troubles in 1969 would lead some to question discreetly why we women associated with 1916, as well as unknowns apparently sup- had embraced the Easter Rising lock, stock and barrel, and why posed to represent today’s immigrants. we sang songs praising people who killed in its name. A Christ-like Bobby Sands had been added to the mural as Sinn Féin’s “Revolution 1916: The Original and Authentic Exhi- well, and the figure of a young man in jeans bound to a rock like bition” is designed to reinforce the Pearsean vision of Irish his- Prometheus turned out to be Francis Hughes, the bravest, most tory, the heroes-and-villains take on 1916 with politically-correct effective and most vicious of the IRA terrorists who starved them- revisions, and to give a fillip to the continuous campaign of the selves to death in 1981. So it was no surprise to find an entire room Provisional movement to win retrospective justification for their devoted to portraits of dead hunger strikers, whom Sinn Féin role in putting Northern Ireland through almost 30 years of hell. make explicit should join the official pantheon of 20th-century It’s not easy riding all their political and historical horses. Sinn Irish heroes along with the seven of 1916. Féin, which disapproved of violence and wanted a dual monarchy, I wasn’t surprised the exhibition was geared to suit the Sinn had nothing to do with 1916, but was the name used by separatist Féin agenda, but I was initially baffled as to why it was so poor in nationalists in the 1918 election. After various political upheavals, design and execution. There were huge slabs of text on the walls, it would become the exclusive property of the political wing of the the video was short and dull and recreated holy spots such as the Provisional IRA, but now that the IRA is largely out of business execution yard at Kilmainham Jail didn’t hold one’s attention (though senior members dominate the republican movement both long: the only time the bored children seemed enthused was by openly and covertly and freelancers are engaged in criminality), in the noisy simulation of machine guns and artillery. Sinn Féin is the Northern Ireland Sinn Féin shares power with the right of centre richest Irish political party: it gets large sums from Irish-Ameri- Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). In parliamentary opposition cans, seems to require its political representatives to hand over in the Republic, its policies are poised precariously between the part of their salaries to the party and has supporters in the wider centre-left Labour Party and the far-left Trotskyites. republican movement. That wider movement includes elements Above the exhibition entrance are portraits of the seven signa- tories, and on the left a quote from Pearse: “If you strike us down now, we shall rise again and renew the fight. You cannot conquer “The Irish are curious about Ireland; you cannot extinguish the Irish passion for freedom. If our deed has not been sufficient to win freedom then our children what happened in 1916 and will win it by a better deed.” are now aware that good This is dangerous territory, since the supporters of the New IRA, who rejoiced over the recent murder of prison officer Adrian Irishmen were killed in Ismay, use messages like that as a thumbs-up to carrying on with British uniforms” the war. They haven’t forgotten that the Provisionals claimed to be fighting for a United Ireland until they could fight no more, when they changed tack and made the preposterous claim that their aim who have raised tens of millions from less orthodox enterprises had been equality with the Northern Irish majority (in jobs, hous- (not condoned by Sinn Féin), which include smuggling, fraud and ing and so on), something achieved by 1972. the Northern Bank robbery of 2004. But because Sinn Féin is try- Obsessed with the trappings of political correctness, Sinn Féin’s ing hard to represent itself as the party of the disadvantaged, it has 1916 is exaggerating the role of women in the Rising. It requires to present an image of poverty. creativity, for although women were accepted in the tiny Irish Cit- izen Army, the paramilitary wing of James Connolly’s Irish Trans- went then to the opening of “Witness History,” a brilliantly- port and General Workers’ Union, very few wielded a gun. They designed permanent interpretive centre located in the Gen- were banned from the nationalist Irish Volunteers, who made up eral Post Office, which has cost the state several million the majority of the insurgents and had nothing to do with the Irish euros. There is an agenda here as well, with the government Republican Brotherhood, and although their separate organ- Ireflecting the present mood of a mature society sick of violence. isation, Cumann na mBan (an Irish Republican women’s para- Sinn Féin finds it hard to understand how much people in the military organisation), was tolerated, its members were largely Republic are repelled by the intensity of Northern Irish Repub- confined to nursing, catering and carrying messages. You would licans—whom they refer to disparagingly as Nordies. Every time not have known that from the atrocious mural in the exhibition’s Gerry Adams or one of his colleagues bang the drum about a entrance hall: based on The Last Stand (later renamed The Birth United Ireland they lose more votes. When it was announced in of the Irish Republic), a watercolour produced by the indifferent 2011 that the Queen would make a state visit to Ireland, Sinn Féin London illustrator Walter Paget with the help of photographs, it misread the mood of the southern Irish and announced the visit showed Pearse and four of the other signatories in the General was premature. They were left like children with their noses to a Post Office—rebel headquarters. sweet shop window when she charmed the Irish public. Martial-looking women had been superimposed on it, in addi- Political violence is a turn off, not least because there’s a lethal tion to a large image (reminiscent of the French Marianne) of gang war going on in Dublin among people with connections to PROSPECT 19 © DMC PHOTOGRAPHY / ALAMY© DMC PHOTOGRAPHY PHOTO STOCK A mural in West Belfast depicting the seven signatories of the 1916 Easter Proclamation. L-R: Joseph Plunkett, Seán Mac Diarmada, Tom Clarke, James Connolly, Patrick Pearse, Eamonn Ceannt and Thomas MacDonagh

various IRA splinter groups, including Continuity, Real and New, Celtic Tiger, and has seen its economic sovereignty eroded by whose brutality and easy access to arms rattle the public. So while the European Central Bank. There is still a great deal of anger the General Post Office exhibition was greenish, it was a commem- about the seeming invulnerability of bankers. But things are oration, not a celebration, and with ingenious and imaginative use getting better and the Irish are fundamentally cheerful and of film and interactive graphics it told the story from the point of tend to respond to misfortune with mordant wit and stoicism. view of police, soldiers, civilians as well as the rebels; it conveyed They’re no longer inclined towards blind loyalty to the dead of superbly the sense of a city at war. There were lurking screens with 1916, not least because they see from the evidence of Islamic talking heads of historians (including me) exploring the events as State, that merely being prepared to give your life for your ide- objectively as we could manage. Commemorative stamps include als doesn’t make you right. an unarmed Irish Catholic policeman, the first man to die, and the At their most optimistic Sinn Féin had hoped that by 2016 rebel who shot him, the second. Republicans have been furious at they would be in government north and south, with Mar- the even-handedness. tin McGuinness as President and Adams as Taoiseach on the Sinn Féin is a cult in which there is no dissent and everyone stand reviewing the troops. It hasn’t happened, and the 1916 speaks with one voice. Their parading of old grievances is remi- commemoration will not increase Sinn Féin’s popularity. The niscent of Samuel Beckett’s brutal description of his country as Irish are too sophisticated these days to accept inherited myths one in which “history’s ancient faeces... are ardently sought after, uncritically. They’re curious about what happened in 1916 and stuffed and carried in procession.” are now aware that good Irishmen were killed in British uni- Unlike cults, the Irish these days are no longer insular. The forms: one bestselling book has been about the 40 children young travel widely, work abroad for substantial periods and killed during the Rising. despise sectarianism almost as much as racism. Sure, the coun- Dying for Ireland is out of fashion. The young want to live try has gone through a bad patch, as hubris and greed killed the for it. 20 PROSPECT

The old St Paul’s ablaze—Pepys often referred to its collapsing structure as if writing of his own disintegrating personality © YALE CENTER FOR BRITISH ART, PAUL MELLON COLLECTION, USA / BRIDGEMAN IMAGES COLLECTION, MELLON PAUL BRITISH ART, CENTER FOR © YALE Pepys on the couch Every diarist turns a page at new year, which is when the Restoration’s chronicler started. He’s remembered for what he saw, but he unwittingly preserved the disturbing things he felt anna blundy

itting on the porch of a New England hotel in 1979, I a deliciously blank book and begin chatting to our old—perhaps told my dad I was bored. He took a big slurp of his third our only—friend: the page. We’ll be communing with our future gin martini that evening and said: “Write a diary.” So selves, who will one day look back fondly on these words. Those of I did. I still do. us with grandiose fantasies might feel we are addressing some awe- On 1st January, we diarists all over the world will open stricken future audience, admiring of our wit, perspicacity and wis- S dom. Not me—my younger sister has instructions to incinerate my diaries immediately on my death (Grace, they’re in the attic). Some of you will be sane enough not to need a papery friend/

shrink/accountant, but you might nonetheless be the kind of Anna Blundy is a writer, former foreign correspondent voyeur who will start 2017 absorbed in someone else’s diary— and in training to be a psychotherapist magazine editor Alexandra Shulman’s Inside Vogue: A Diary PROSPECT 21 of My 100th Year is out in time for Christmas… For readers, dia- epys’s decade of keeping a diary began at New Year in ries have obvious appeal as the thinking person’s reality televi- 1660 when he was 27 and ended in spring 1669. The sion—a glimpse into the minute details of someone else’s life. diary is an amazing insight into someone desperately Just as the ash of Pompeii preserved the details of daily life in trying to keep his head above water. Despite his rav- the late Roman Empire, so diaries preserve the intimacy and the Penous enthusiasm for life’s diversions, which has made him a mundanity of the writer’s moment—and none better than those celebrated icon of the pleasure-loving Restoration era, Pepys is of my diary idol Samuel Pepys. consumed with guilt and anxiety. Pepys is famous for his epic descriptions of the Plague and the His enthusiasm borders on mania and his activity for a whole Great Fire of London and for what the editor Robert Latham decade is so frenetic that it is hard to believe he is not on the describes as his “talent for living.” The diaries are full of food run from some inner turmoil, a disquiet detectable under a thin and drink (including a surprising new drink from China, called veneer of bravado. (Although famously he ended many entries tea), scientific discovery, dancing, singing, travel and sex. Pepys with the phrase “And so to bed,” he only ever gets a few hours’ often depicts himself as an absurd character—whose wig catches sleep a night.) Chronically anxious and neurotic at every stage, fire at an event, who is desperate for the loo at the coronation, he seems towards the end of the diaries to be suffering from what who wakes terrified in the night thinking his pillow is a ghost, might now be called post-traumatic stress disorder as his mind and who buries a whole Parmesan to save it from the fire. fragments to a debilitating degree. Here he is on New Year’s Eve 1662: “…and thence into the Claire Tomalin’s rather disparaging biography claims Pepys room where the ball was to be, crammed with fine ladies, the wrote out of hubris, seeing himself as a “valuable and glorious greatest of the Court. By and by comes the King and Queen… subject for exploration.” But to me the diaries don’t suggest a and they danced the Bransle. After that, the King led a lady a self-aggrandising man at all, more someone manically order- single Coranto and then the rest of the lords, one after another, ing his life’s balance sheet and describing the chaos around him other ladies very noble it was, and great pleasure to see… Having to make it manageable. His various addictions and enthusiasms staid here as long as I thought fit, to my infinite content, it being provide him with a hell of a lot to manage. the greatest pleasure I could wish now to see at Court, I went In an effort to scotch his raging hunger and greed, Pepys is a out… Thus ends this year with great mirth to me and my wife.” workaholic (all addictions to some degree are a defence against Any reader would be gripped by that kind of immediacy. But thinking), and he frequently worries that he is an alcoholic, too, what about the writers? What are they up to? For Shulman, and and often resolves to give up drink, “I being now so out of order political diarists like Alan Clark and Tony Benn, it is straightfor- that I durst not read prayers for fear of being perceived by my ward enough: they know they’re writing to be read, for posterity. servants in what case I was.” (29th September 1661). On top of But for the rest of us writers, including Pepys, the whole appeal of confiding in a diary is that this is a place where our secrets are safe. Pepys took great pains to ensure that his diaries were never “Elizabeth emerges as an read (and published diaries weren’t a thing). So his motivations for writing deserve real examination. What, really, might have all-seeing castrator, been driving him? In psychoanalytic terms, this personal diary might be seen as terrifying her husband a maternal container, a manic defence against envy, existential with murderous threats” angst and mortality, and—most significantly—a kind of doppel- gänger, who carries his most shameful traits, so that his public persona doesn’t have to put up with them. Of course, not every- that he is plainly a sex addict, groping almost every woman he one writes for the same immediate reason—whereas Pepys was a can lay his hands on and relating the episodes with huge delight busy man with a demanding job in the civil service, Anne Frank in a jumble of languages: “je l’ay foutee sous de la chaise deux wrote partly out of boredom. times, and the last to my great pleasure; mais j’ai grand peur But did she write partly in order to preserve a sense of her- que je l’ay fait faire aussi elle meme,” (16th January 1664), which self in an increasingly senseless world? Many diarists do, I sug- translates roughly as: “I fucked her twice under the chair… but I gest, share this underlying motivation. Each entry is a point of greatly fear that I made her come as well.” authentic contact with our real selves, a confirmation of inner When Pepys fears that his life is directly threatened, during existence when our outward personality feels, at best, nebulous: the plague and then again in the months after the fire in 1666, he we write as a way of clinging to reality. So a diary gives us the raw defends himself with sexual activity. For example, on 16th Sep- material to reconstruct not only how things in the outside world tember 1668 he reports touching the breasts of his maid Jane looked, but also the diarist’s inner world. while he is getting dressed. Pepys is often remembered for his sharp observations about But his anxiety cannot be groped away. Pepys leaves the other people (his view, for example, that as Major-General Har- house: “…and do see a hideous sight, of the walls of the church rison prepared to be hanged, drawn and quartered for signing ready to fall, that I was in fear as long as I was in it. And here I Charles I’s death warrant, he appeared “as cheerful as any man saw the great vaults and underneath the body of the church. No could do in that condition”). But also preserved is evidence of what hurt, I hear, is done yet, since their going to pull down the church was happening on the inside, in his own unconscious mind. Exam- and steeple; but one man, on Monday this week, fell from the top ining what we can glean of Pepys’s unconscious reveals a fragile to a piece of the roof of the east end that stands next the steeple, man struggling for substance in a world whose transience filled it and there broke himself all to pieces.” with terror. Although the thought would surely have appalled him, He is talking about the burnt-out ruins of St Paul’s, under his diaries give me everything I need to put him on the couch. which he sees the remnants of the early medieval churches on 22 PROSPECT which it had been built. He feels a deep horror at the destruction guages) and—at the same time—of distancing himself from that of a building he felt was permanent, and also of the stripping real self, by writing it down. away of outer finery to reveal the inner “body.” Coupled with the story of a workman’s demise, he feels the building’s loss as he harbinger of death for the diary is detectable as a death, as if the whole edifice of his personality is falling down. far back as April 1662. This is when Pepys first men- For Pepys, the site of St Paul’s is the Ground Zero on which he tions problems with his eyes: “I was much troubled in concentrates all his horror at life’s appalling transience and ran- my eyes, by reason of the healths I have this day been dom brutality. Only two days before, he tells a story about a man forcedT to drink.” He brings it up over the next few years, blam- who sank into the ground in Cannon Street in the same ruins: ing alcohol, candlelight, too little light and too much light. But in “strange how the very sight of the stones falling from the top of 1667, still suffering from terrifying dreams of the fire, Pepys begins the steeple doth make me sea-sick” (14th September 1668). This to unravel. The disintegration centres on his fear of going blind. sense of imminent destruction lurks on the page, supporting the This fear is sporadic throughout the diaries but finally all- idea that the diary itself is an effort at self-preservation. consuming. Between 1667 and the end of the diaries in May 1669, And Pepys seemed to feel an urgent need to preserve some he refers to his eye trouble some 110 times, trying various cures version of himself not seen by the world at large. Through- from being bled to taking eyedrops, administered by an old out the diaries, he is concerned to show himself pub- woman in a shop. When he finally gives up writing licly in the best possible light, and works hard on the diary, he blames his eye trouble, a problem I his own appearance, that of his household, and believe was at least in part psychosomatic. his public image in general. He clearly uses Though he may well have had an eye con- this outer self to deal with, or rather, to hide dition of some sort (from 1668 his handwrit- from internal trauma. ing becomes visibly bigger, though not for On hearing of his mother’s death in long, for in the documents that postdate March 1667 he weeps, but then writes: the diaries, his writing is normal in size) “recollecting myself, and indeed having but in the more than 30 years of Pepys’s some thoughts how much better, both post-diary life he never did go blind and for her and us, it is then it might have he was writing and reading until a few been had she outlived my father and me days before his death in 1703. There or my happy present condition in the is no question that Pepys equated world, she being helpless,” (27th March fears for his sight with fears of death 1667). He puts his household in mourn- itself, an identification very familiar in ing, the under-maids in “hoods and psychoanalysis. scarfs and gloves,” and he goes straight In 1919 Freud discussed “the ter- to his tailor (always a source of solace rifying idea of being robbed of one’s for Pepys, whose father was in that eyes,” in his essay “The Uncanny,” trade). Two days later he buys two peri- equating fear of blindness with fear of wigs, “mighty fine.” Finally, he writes: annihilation and of castration anxiety “I to church, and with my mourn- (for Freud a fear common to all dur- ing, very handsome, and new periwig ing childhood). “A study of dreams, make a great show,” (31st March 1667). phantasies and myths has taught He then seeks out one of his regular us that anxiety about one’s eyes, the

women, Betty Martin, for sex. fear of going blind, is often enough a COMMONS © WIKIMEDIA It seems clear here that Pepys, una- Grief à la Pepys: “I to church, and with my mourning substitute for the dread of being cas- ble to mourn for his mother, slaps on very handsome, and new periwig make a great show” trated. The self-blinding of the myth- the appropriate appearance, both argu- ical criminal, Oedipus, was simply a ing himself into believing her death to be a good thing and hiding mitigated form of the punishment of castration,” Freud writes. the unsavoury aspects of grief with finery and sexual activity. Pepys had a close encounter with castration—literally. Just In many ways we can treat this Pepys in his bewigged gran- before starting the diaries, he survived a horrific operation to deur as a Freudian double, defined by Sigmund himself as remove kidney stones via the perineum. It could have killed him, “an insurance against the destruction of the ego, and the ener- and may have caused his infertility—a major theme in the diaries. getic denial of the power of death.” Religion’s imagined immor- At their beginning, the Pepys house on Axe Yard near Downing tal soul is merely one of many manifestations of a defence which, Street had a room that he and his wife, Elizabeth, referred to as Freud says, is “sprung from the soil of unbounded self-love, from “the nursery.” It was never to be occupied by children. the primary narcissism which dominates the mind of the child.” If seeing is one great Pepysian preoccupation, then being seen Freud points out that the danger with this defensive system is another—a fear that grows more acute after he is caught by his is that if your double, or false self, is too convincing and over- wife with his hands up his 17-year-old servant Deb Willet’s skirts whelming, then the hidden real self, or original self, becomes in October 1668: “the greatest sorrow to me that ever I knew in endangered. “From having been an assurance of immortality, it this world.” His sorrow is not so much guilt as at the exposure of becomes the uncanny harbinger of death.” his private self, which until now had only been revealed in the For Pepys the diary really does represent a kind of psychic diaries. It is this intrusion that begins to tear the Pepyses apart, double, a way both of representing his true self (including and that eventually causes him to stop writing. shameful incidents that require his titillating cocktail of lan- Interestingly, there are workmen in the house during this PROSPECT 23 period and he states “we are all in dirt,” (29th October 1668). late difference mighty watchful of sleep and dreams, and will not And for another five weeks Elizabeth, to Samuel’s horror, does be persuaded but I do dream of Deb, and doth tell me that I speak not wash herself. Pepys describes this condition also as being “in in my dream and that this night I did cry ‘Huzzy!’ and it must be dirt.” But it is not hard to see who is really in the shit. she… I do not know that I dream of her more than usual, though On 30th October, he decides he will not speak to Deb, “but I cannot deny that my thoughts waking do run now and then resolve to be mighty strange in appearance to her.” By this he against my will and judgment, upon her” (5th December 1668). means that he will be reserved, but the turn of phrase draws us This fascinating passage attests to the fact that dreams were into the all-pervading theme of how and if things are seen. By 3rd known to be the keepers of the unconscious a long time before November no reconciliation has been effected, and the Pepyses Freud. And Elizabeth does not stop at observing her husband for have been awake rowing night after night: “So home, and there to signs of betrayal, she also comes closer to the source of the prob- supper; and I observed my wife to eye my eyes whether I did ever lem. “I do often find that in my dreams she doth lay her hand look upon Deb; which I could not, but do now and then (and to upon my cockerel to observe what she can” (7th February 1669). my grief did see the poor wretch look on me and see me look on Not only are both Elizabeth and Samuel aware that our uncon- her, and then let drop a tear or two; which doth make my heart scious can give us away, they are also aware that our bodies will relent at this minute that I am writing this, with great trouble reveal what we might strive to conceal. of mind, for she is endeed my sacrifice, poor girl); and my wife From December 1667 he mentions his eye problems almost did tell me in bed, by the by, of my looking on other people, and daily and is markedly depressed, denigrating everything he that the only way is to put things out of sight; and this I know she sees at the theatre and finding almost everything lacklus- means by Deb.” Elizabeth is telling her husband that he must tre. Although he dismisses performances from a critical point stop seeing, a very direct endorsement of the Freudian equation of view, he adds: “it is with great trouble that I now see a play, between eyes and penis, since what she is really saying is that he because of my eyes, the light of the candles making it very trou- must stop having sex with other women. blesome to me” (14th April 1669). This is hardly surprising since He manages to keep himself in check for only three days before it is at the theatre that Elizabeth keeps closest watch on him. he loses control and goes in search of Deb. “So I could not be com- manded by my reason, but I must go this very night; and so by inally, on 6th May 1669 he blames his ill-fated diary: coach, it being now dark, I to her, close by my tailor’s and there “My eyes being bad with writing my journal.” The she came into the coach to me, and yo did besar her and tocar her diary, which started as a way of protecting himself thing, but ella was against it and laboured with much earnest- from existential angst, has metamorphosed into a ness, such as I believed to be real; and yet at last yo did maker her Fphysical threat. In exposing his true self on paper, Pepys has tener mi cosa in her mano, while mi mano was sobra her pectus begun to fear that his chaotic, fearful, manic and envious diary- and so di hazer with grand delight” (18th November 1668). self is consuming the outward persona he presents to the world. This metaphorical blindness—both to the nature of his own He knows that if his preferred self—the faithful husband, the sexual obsession, and also to the effect he is having on his wife— handsome periwigged clothes horse, the successful civil serv- surely demonstrates that his eye problems were substantially psy- ant, the gourmet—is to live, the other must go. “And so I betake chosomatic. Having sworn to his wife that the Deb affair is over (on myself to that course which is almost as much as to see myself the same day of the mutual masturbation with Deb in his coach) go into my grave—for which, and all the discomforts that will he writes, in an astonishing feat of self-deception: “my heart full accompany my being blind, the good God prepare me” (31st of joy to think in what a safe condition all my matters now stand May 1669). between my wife and Deb and me.” Pepys is turning a blind eye to This passage was written as though death were just round the truth of his situation, a condition psychoanalyst John Steiner the corner, which, for one part of him, it was. It displays Pepys’s describes as the ability to access reality at the same time as choos- decision to get rid of the aspects of his life that are not suitable ing “to ignore it because it proves convenient to do so.” for public view, to destroy the pleasure-seeking diarist and hand Elizabeth did not turn a blind eye. From a put-upon house- himself over to the presentable self he has created to face the wife with a philandering husband, Elizabeth emerges as a (justi- world. That year he became MP for Harwich. fied) all-seeing castrator, terrifying her husband with murderous It is agonising for us, the voyeurs he never imagined might threats. When her husband then confesses he’s continued to see intrude on him, not to know his reaction to his wife’s death a year Deb, Elizabeth threatens to slit Deb’s nose (another castration-like after the diary ends. There is something infinitely sad too that threat). Not only does Elizabeth keep watch over her husband’s the man “all the world” today knows so well is the shameful, cha- eyes, she also watches his dreams, a terrifying intrusion for Pepys, otic, lecherous, frantic man Pepys was so terrified of revealing who, at the best of times, does not want his unconscious self seen and fought so hard to conceal. The diabolical diary double, his by anyone other than the diary page. “She being ever since our true self, won out in the end.