ARMENIAN, IRANIAN AND TURKISH MERCHANTS IN 1550-1800

THESIS

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD Of THE DEGREE OF

IBottov of ^lifloKopft? IN History

BY

ftUQUtA KAZIM HUSSAiN

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OP PROF. SHIREBN MOOSVI

CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OP HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH immAi 2005 T6361 ABSTRACT fHBSlS

The first chapter deals with the overland and overseas routes and the

commodities carried on these routes. Both the overland and overseas routes

were quite vibrant during the period of our study, and the commerce inviting

enough to attack capital and enterprise from West Asian Mercantile groups.

The commodities that entered this were mainly high-value low-bulk goods, but low-value goods were also involved. Textiles were the most dominant item of export from India. The balance of trade being in India's favour, bullion streamed into the country, and there might well have been a real import of merchant-capital into the country.

At all three of the groups under discussion operated, but at

Masulipatnam on , the Turkish presence was not very visible. Apart from pedlars there were rich merchants who stood at par with the other merchant groups of their times, for example Khwaja Minas, Mohammad Taqi,

Mohammad and Ahmad Chalebi at Surat, Mir Jumla and Kamaluddin in

Coramandel and ShaistaKhan and Khwaja Wazed in Bengal.

The , the group on which our information is so considerable, are described in the second chapter of the thesis. Their worldwide commercial network has been analysed in detail. Though was no longer a political unit after 1375, Armenians by their well-recognised skill in commerce, were able to cars'c out an enviable niche in the trading world of the late Middle Ages. The enterprising qualities of the Armenians, coupled with other characteristic features such as perseverance, thrift, solidarity and hard work, made them merchants par excellence. In the seventeenth century,

Armenian trade was at its zenith. Its vast commercial network was spread not

only over the Levant but over Europe, hidia and the Far East. The

headquarters of this woridwide group were not in Armenia, but at at

Isfahan in Iran. Armenian settlements were to be found in all important trading and production centers, and on the transit points on all important routes. A substantial Armenian community was present in all ports of consequence. We can ' have an idea of the extent of their commercial operations from contemporary Armenian trade manuals or accounts books, like that of Lucas

Vanandeci and Hovhannes Joughayetsi. There were a number of rich merchants in New Julfa who conducted their trade through factors. At times these merchants or masters had 80-100 factors working for them. These factors carried out trade in distant parts of the worid on the principal given to them by their masters, in return for a quarter of the profit earned.

The ability of the Armenians to work successfully with small capital and low margins, by securing a large turn-over through better exploitation of markets was in sharp contrast to the rather sluggish and routine-bound activities of the European Companies. This thesis particulariy highlights this factor which has often been ignored in. works like those of stensgaard. Persian merchants are dealt with in the third chapter. They operated as

individuals as they did not possess a community trading network like the

Armenians. In the sixteenth and early seventeenth century the Persians easily

mingled with the nobility intermarried, and got assimilated in high families in

Safavid Iran. Their advantage lay in the fact that, on the one hand, they had

deep roots in the Safavid administration and on the other they held important

position in the Mughal administration. In part, their capital originated out of

bureaucratic incomes, which was an aspect not present at all among the

Armenians. Their success was therefore naturally bound up to prosperity of

the Mughal and the Safavid empires.

The Turkish merchants belonged to the extensive territories of the

Ottoman Empire. They could belong to Egypt, Syria or Iraq or Kurd Areas as

well as Turkey and so could be speakers of Arabic, Persian, Kurdish or

Turkish. Thus they were not linguistically or ethnically homogenous. In India they were not particularly connected with the Mughal administration, unlike

the Persians. At the turn of the seventeenth century we find a number of

Turkish merchants operating in India especially Gujarat. From the eariy

seventeenth century we have references to Turkish merchants but they remain generally nameless figure until by the end of the century we come across names of several important individuals. Mohammad Chalebi and Ahmad

Chalebi were leaders of these merchants in the latter half of seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Persian sources like Miral-i Ahinadi and Mirat-ul

Haqaiq have provided important information about the Chalebis and their

operations and rivalries at Surat.

These merchant groups were able quite freely to trade it Indian ports

and inland marts. Trade in India was largely open and free. There was no

obstruction to foreign merchants on either ethnic or religious grounds.

One must remember too that the West Asian merchants operated with

low overhead costs and were often satisfied with lower profit margins than the

over-staffed European Companies. In any 'Free Trade' situation the European

Companies could hardly compete with them; and this was particularly the reason why force had to become the major economic weapon of the

Companies. The fortunes of commerce shifted in the eighteenth century, not because of any organizational weaknesses of these Asian merchants and their

Indian counterparts, but because of the use of force by the European

Companies. Mainly for political reasons, the great days of the West Asian merchants in Indian seas were practically over by the time the nineteenth century began. CONTENTS

PREFACE

I ROUTES AND COMMODITIES

(i) Overland Trade (ii) Overseas Trade in West Asia (lii) Overseas Trade in South Asia (iv) Major Commodities

II ARMENIAN MERCHANTS

(i) Origins (ii) Armenians and the Enghsh (iii) Commercial Practices (iv) Communication and Commerce (v) Mirza Zulqamain (vi) Khwaja Minas

(vii) Khwaja Sarhad

III PERSIAN MERCHANTS

IV TURKISH MERCHANTS

V CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY PREFACE

I received constant encouragement and attention from my supervisor Professor Shireen Moosvi in completing my thesis. My indebtedness to her is beyond expression. I am greatly indebted to Professor Irfan Habib for allowing me to encroach upon his precious time and trouble him with my frequent queries to seek his vast knowledge on the subject. A special thanks, however, belongs to Imtiaz Hasnain, Ishrat Alam, Faiz Habib, Jaya Menon, Nonica Dutta and Ali Nadeem Rezavi, for showing interest in my work. I wish my late senior colleague and dear friend I.G. Khan could have been around to see the completion of the work. I acknowledge my gratitude to Messers Mumtaz AJam, Saleem Ahmad, Habib Manzar and Younis Iqbal Bhat for their promptness in rendering sundry kinds of help. I received help from the entire library staff of Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh and Maulana Azad Library, A.M.U. I take this opportunity to thank Messers Shujauddin, Farhat Iqbal, and Sajid Islam for typing my thesis. Last but not the least I am greatly beholden to my immediate family, mother, sister, husband and children Zohair and Farwah for bearing my neglect with great aplomb.

(Ruquia Kazim Hussain) I CHAPTER -I OVERLAND TRADE TO WEST ASIA

Overland trade between India and Iran was fairly brisk throughout the

seventeenth centuiy (apart from bnei' interruptions at the times of the Indo-

Persian wars over Qandahar around 1622, 1638 and 1649). The trade seems to

have remained largely unaffected even after the opening of free traffic on the

Gulf sea-route after the Ponuguese v/ere driven away from Hormuz in 1622.

There were always merchants who preferred the overland route "for although it is ver}' easy to take a at Gombroon, there are always merchants who take the land route, and it is by this route come the finest textiles made in

India." It is partly explained by the fact that once trade has settled in a particular direction, it is difficult to dislocate it, or at least it takes a ver}' long time to be rerouted, unless odds against it are exceptionally high. Moreover, till mid-I630's, the European Company's mutual conflict and their efforts to reduce the share of the Asian merchants, seem to have worked in favour of overland routes. If the influx of bullion can be taken as the index of the magnitude of trade, it appears that tlie bullion received by the north-western mints displayed a steady increase till 1635, whereas the Gujarat mint outputs showed a dramatic fall. An idea of the volume of trade on the overland route can be gauged from the number of caniels passing through it. Various travellers down the seventeenth centuiy have given different estimates about the size of caravans arriving at or departing from Qandahar, The number of camels range from eight thousand to thirty thousand camels per year. The number in individual caravans varied from one thousand camels to four thousand camels. According to Robert Coiyat in 1610 six to eight thousand camels left Qandahar, ' Steel arrives at a figLire of twelve to fourteen thousand for 1615. In the same year, Thomas CoPy'at travelled from Persia to India in a caravan which consisted of 2000 camels, 1500 horses, 1000 mules, 800 asses and 6000 people." Two years later in 1617 Sir Thomas Roe gives us a figure of

2000 camels annually plying on the route,'' It should be kept in mind that a camel carried approximately goods of four hundred pounds to five hundred pounds.

Most of the merchants travelling in these caravans were Armenians and

Persians. When Steel was coming to India from Persia, he found himself in the company of a dozen Persian and three Armenian merchants."^ Chardin has given an account of a robbery of caravan near Qandahar which was coming from Persia. It was a sizeable caravan and most of the merchants were

Armenians.'

The traffic on this route was so great that it affected the markets in Persia, especially in textiles and indigo. There were frequent complaints by the

European companies, that tlie markets were restocked because of the over supply of these commodities by Armenians and Persians by the overland route. Armenians were especially active m the overland transportation of

indigo. They transported it through their network not only to Persia but to

other centres in the Levant, Caucasus and Russia.^

In 1635 when Shah Jahan abolished the indigo monopoly, the Armenians were taking part in this field much ahead of the English and the Dutch then were transporting this indigo overland to Persia and making huge profit on it.**

Other words they were setting up a very competitive overland trade. In 1639 they were conveying to "spahun {IsfahanJ and other parts taken about by the way of Candahan" large quantities of cloth and sugar grown between and

Lahore. While coming back they brought broadcloth in such great quantities and sold at such low rates that the Agra and markets were aiined for their European competitors.' In 1663 Bernier noted that the Armenian competition at Jalapur and . inland marts for cotton cloth,m had forced the Dutch to withdraw from there, because presumably the Armanians took their purchases cheaper than the Dutch could because of the great distance betv/een Agra and Surat.

As it is often stated, goods streamed from all over India into Agra, Lahore and Multan, to be transported onwards to Persia via and Qandahar. '

Agra was the business mart for commodities from all over the" country, owing to its strategic location. It normally took a month to travel from Agra to

Lahore. The important intermediary' steps were , Sirhind, Panipat and Samana. Each of these places offered to, its own specialities as marketable products, and those of neighbouring areas also could be brought to the main highway. ' In this manner, Lahore received the chintz of Delhi, the chintz, pepper and of Masulipatam, textiles of Bengal,"'' sugar, plain as well as candied, calicoes from Samana and indigo from Bayana,, to cite a few from amongst a fairly long list of commodities. '"

Lahore has been described by Coryat as one of "the largest cities of the whole universe."'^' Merchants were offered ver}' good facilities here and had a choice of a wide range of commodities.'' Apart from the goods coming lo it by the Agra route, it also received merchandise from Kashmir, especially shawls. Moreover, it had its own commodities to offer. Punjab and Sind were commercially as close to Qandahar as to Delhi and Agra.

Caravans assembled at Lahore to journey to Qandahar as many as 12-

15000 camels are reported to have normally passed through it at the beginning of the seventeenth century." Lahore was also connected to Kabul, and so it was also the terminal posint for caravans from Central Asia.

Eventually all goods meant to be transported overland to Persia found their way to Qandahar, from where a number of routes left for Persia."'

Qandahar owed its importance to its strategic location on the main road from Persia to India. It was according bone of contention between the Mughal and the Safavid Empires and during the first half of the seventeenth centur}' a number of wars were fought over it/' Owing to the wars trade was dislocated

for a short time, but it resumed its vigour soon afterwards. This can be

conclusively proved by the outputs of Mughal North Western mints during the

periods concerned. ^^

Regardless of the fact whether Qandahar 'was in Persian or Indian hands,

as the entire of the place was based on trade, flill co-operation was extended by its authorities to the merchants. According to Thevenot, the

Moghuls had earned from it annual revenues amounting to 14-1.^ million rupees.

Not only did Qandahar benefit from the tolls taken from the caravans coming to it, but also from the amount of provisions these caravans consumed during their stay. Tavernier relates at length how the authorities of Qandahar tried to detain the caravan in this place for as long as they possibly could, so that the longer they stayed, the more provisions were sold. He gives an interesting description of how they were detained at each step in a vei7 courteous manner, for example, when the caravan would be about to depart, the chief would send an invitation to its head be his guest, and then the feast would be held after a couple of days. Aftenvards he made it known that he expected a return celebration, etc. In this manner, caravans at Qandahar usually stayed for two to three weeks and sometimes even a month. An added advantage of Qandahar usually was that it was the meeting place

for caravans from Persia, India and Central Asia. Steel and Crowther

travelling on this route in the beginning of the seventeenth century' reported

that some merchants instead of going further into India for a profit of 20%

traded their commodities at Qandahar itself ^'^

There were a number of routes which left Qandahar for Persia. The most

favoured route to ran through Mer\', Farrah and Yezd. The other well

frequented route went through northern Persia, through Qazwin, Tabrez and

right upto Turkey."'

The commodities that entered this trade were not only high value low bulk

goods or in other words, luxury items, but also low value goods, for example

cotton from Bengal were specially made for Persia and exported overland and

so were the calicoes of Samana. Sugar in considerable quantity from around

Sirhind was also exported. Iron, Copper and steel were also reported to have

been transported overland to Persia, especially when their carriage by sea was

prohibited by the Portuguese.'^** Entire convoys consisting of tobacco reached

Qazvin through Qandahar. Indian indigo was abundant in caravanserai's in

Qandahar Ghazni, Kabul, Qunduz, Balkh, Bhukhara, Khiva, etc. The best quality of indigo was produced at Bayana near Agra and this was a major commodity on the overland route from Lahore so much so that it came to be

known as Lahori/ indigo. Armenian merchants were very active in this trade. Indigo and textiles carried from India arrived in sucli considerable quantities in Isfahan, through Qandahar, around the middle of the seventeenth, centur}-. that it rediced the prices over there by 1 5%/"'

The major exports to West Asia overland consisted to textiles, especially cottons. According to Dutch reports of 1634 annually 25,000 camels mostly laden with cotton arrived at Isfahan from India. One single caravan is reported to have brought 4000 camel loads of cotton.

As well known, balance of trade appears to have been greatly in favour of

India, it hardly ever received much in goods from Persia. The commodities which it did receive were generally luxury goods. Steensgard strongly feels that it was the cheap silver of the West rather than cheap commodities of the

East which was a major attraction on this route. This was because of the high price differential of silver,'

Broadcloth, imported into Persia from England constituted an important item carried from Persia to India, especially from the third to the sixth decade of the seventeenth centur^'. The markets of Agra, Delhi and Lahore were

'cloyed' because of the great quantity of broadcloth brought overland from

Persia by Armenian and Persian merchants to these centres.

Most of the merchants taking part in this trade were Armenians and

Persians." Interestiny information is forthcoming from contemporary sources on Armenian merchants. Tavernier has elaborated on their thrift when engaged in overland trade.

The Armenians had a very well-knit network of trade, Armenian settlements were found on all the important transit points on the overland routes between India and Persia, for example, Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Kabul and

Multan had well established by the seventeenth century. The

Armenian had colonies on the entire route from Iran to India, The Persians did not need colonies on the way, as it was their own homeland upto Qandahar, in fact, Qandahar also swung from Persian to Indian control and back. Keeping all this in mind especially the low overhead costs of the Armenians and

Persians, it is not surprising that they were reported to have been making profits on the overland route to Persia from 200% to 400%.'

Merchants between Persia and India travelled either in companies often or twelve with an armed guard, or more often in caravans, which were great convoys of merchants which left at fixed intervals from particular places.'

Apart from the point of view of defence, the merchants preferred to travel in caravans because the caravan leader and the caravan-bashi took care of the tools and duties on the road, tackled the minor officials, handled petty disturbances, etc. From experience they knew that presents to make and how to get things done most prudently with the least unpleasantness from

Tavernier's account it is clear that the chief of the caravan and the caravan-

8 hashi were two different persons - merchants chose among themselves a

caravcai-hashi, who determined them how they should march, assigned the

places of lodging at night, and who with the chief of the caravan was a kind of

judge for setting the differences and disputes between merchants that occur on

the way. There is no honest man who covetted the job of the caravon-hashi

who was obliged to discharge several small duties up on the route and

however honest he may be his fidelity was still viewed with suspicion.'^''

We also come to know from Tavernier's account that the caravan master levied a certain duty on every horse and camel in the caravan. He kept one third for himself one third he gave to those who were guarding the caravans, and the remaining third he kept for expenses to be defrayed on the route.

There were caravans which consisted only of horses, but this was not often, the case. Usually both horses and camels were used in a caravan.

Merchants preferred camels as each camel was able to carry burdens four or five times heavier than a horse, ff the merchant did not possess a horse and required one, then provision was miade for him to hire one. The servants generally rode on horses that were the least laden. The halts of the caravan were dictated generally by the topography of the area, and water available. So at times the caravan travelled for only 4-6 hours, at times for much more.

Merchants like the y^j-menians and the banias usually carried most of their provisions, otherwise; the village people usually brought them for sale. The caravans avoided entering the that could not acconMiiodate the

number of people and animals in the caravans. At times the caravan doubled in

size by the time it reached its destination, owing to large numbers joining it on

the way.

Interestingly, caravans often travelled by night "in summer to avoid the

heat, at other times, that you may be sure to have enough day to set up tents.

For if the caravan should come to pitch in the night it would be impossible for

them to find where to set up their tents, to dress and look after their beasts,

make ready their kitchens and provide things so necessary for so large a

company". Moreover they had to leave the caravan serai before sunset.

It is worth noting that ambassadors, or important personages or guests were exempted from all charges on the road. It was the duty of the Subedar of the particular territor)' through which the important person was passing to see to it that he was well protected on the way, not troubled by the officials and well provided at the caravanserais free of cost.''' A mehmandar was appointed by the governor to see to these things, and who accompanied the guest till the boundary of the province; from where the duty shifted to the governor of the next province. Interestingly, merchants attached themselves to these mehmaiuiars in large numbers. One usually comes across large caravans accompanying important persons.''" Chardin clearly states that the wehmandars used to take into their protection such merchants as were

10 desirous to travel along wilh 'them' and, besides, that they saved them from

being sobbed and paying several tolls and duties. In return they are well paid

and get handsome presents/"

Provisions on the caravan route, right from Agra and throughout Persia

were in plenty and also cheaply available. Coiyat spent but 50 shillings for

travel from Aleppo to Ajmer over a period of ten months."*" The Armenians

and Banians were ver>' frugal by nature, and must have spent considerably less

in their travels. If the merchants travelled from May to July, then, for the most

part of the way, the grass was so high that it sufficed as fodder for the beasts

of burden.'' Only at very few places, straw had to be stored for two to three

days and also barley for horses.

The caravans usually had an armed guard with it, but it is doubtful whether

it was very effective in the face of organized armed attacks. ' Chardin gives a

detailed account of a robbei7 in 1673 on a caravan going from India to

Isfahan, at a place three days distant from Qandahar. Though there were

reported to have been about 2000 people in the caravan, they made no

resistance when attacked by a band of about 500 armed robbers. It consisted

mostly of Armenians and Indians who the author felt would "for the most part will be scared with a stick." According to the inventory given to the King, the loss amounted to three hundred thousand tomans, but it was estimated to be in reality, double the amount. The merchants gave a lower estimate of their loss because they were afraid of losing their credit,, and moreover it was what ihe\' had declared at the custom house, so as to evade ,'"*'

The rulers of both India and Persia were careflil to ensure that the routes were safe. To cite a few examples. The Shah of Persia suspected the governor of Qandahar to have had a hand in the above mentioned robbery and ordered him to be brought to the court in chains. Finch states that the Mughals appointed twenty-three nobles between Lahore and Multan to see to it that the

Pathans do not sack cities and rob caravans. Around Lahore the robberies were usually committed by tribes who, having strong places to retreat into the mountains, could not be forced to accept the suzeranity of the Mughals, At one point near Tabrez, called Nuchar, caravans used to be made to pay heavily or else robbed at some convenient place. To remedy this evil the Governor of

Tabrez made the chief of Nuchar leave two hostages at Tabrez and two at Van who would be responsible for any harm done to the caravans.

Accordingly to contemporary accounts, bales were not opened or caravans delayed throughout Persia. The merchant did not have to pay any duty except rah- dari or wad tolls'''^ Overland trade depended upon the safety and security of the routes. As Scott Levi has aptly concluded, the indigenous Asian trade remained lively and much larger in totality, and there was a steady movement of people and commodities across the caravan routes and it was fostered by

12 the Mughal, Safavid and Uzbek lulers. These rulers effectively and

deliberately promoted the trans - regional trade of these regions.^"

It was the duty of the governor of the provinces to inform the King of the

arrival of the caravans'' Shah Abbas II himself took personal interest in the

caravans, at times he bought directly from the caravan merchants. Godinho

states that the Shah cornered the goods brought into his kingdoms by the

innumerable caravans hailing from India and Tartar/ and after paying the merchants promptly, he had them sold on his behalf throughout his territories, without inviting any complaints either from the merchants who sell him the goods or from his subjects who buy them from him, as the former are happy to sell them in bulk on arrival, and the latter provided with whatever they need at reasonable prices."

Throughout India and Persia, all along the caravan routes, there were caravanserais for the comfort of the travellers. The size and quality of these serais varied according to various factors like the importance of the place, how frequented it was and the size of the caravans that usually came to it. It was quite usual to come across caravanserais built at the expense of nobles or their wives.

The serais in the countr/ generally did not charge anything, but those in the towns charged a nominal sum. Tavernier tells us regarding the Armenian caravanserai at Isfahan, how the rents for all the rooms were fixed at one

13 Iprice by the Shah, but the caretaker of the serai hiked the rent for the better

rooms for his own profit. He fbrther advises travellers to take the rooms on the

upper floor if their merchandise is not very heavy as those rooms were three

times cheaper than the rooms below."

Another feature of the serais, at least those of the royal serai,in Iran was

that everything traded there was taxed. The caretaker entered the deal in the

register, and levied a of 2% on it. Once the deal was registered, then it was

the duty of the caretakei' to see that the payment was duly made. If the

caretaker did not know the buyer, he look the trouble of making enquiries

about him regarding his credibility. If the merchant made a deal on the sly to

evade payings the tax, and was then duped, his money was lost.^"*

These caravanserais were generally built in the shape of a cloister one or

two storeys high either rectangular or square, with a fountain or a cistern in the

middle. Rooms ran along the sides of the building, opening onto the courtyard.

The animals were tethered to iron rings in the courtyard, beneath the portico; if

separate stables were not provided. Generally stables were constructed on the

rear side of the lodgings of the men. At times there were deep niches above the

head of the horse, through which a person could keep an eye on his animal.

These niches were deep enough for four or five people lie in and were usually used by the servants to sleep in or to prepare their meals. The stables were well roofed and commodious and at times merchants had no qualms about staying there, as they were warm in winter, and perhaps also to save

expenses.'^

Steensgard argues that after the fall of Hormuz till the late seventeenth

century, the caravan route remained a tnie alternative to the shipping route(s)

and the cost of transport was not prohibitive enough for the high quality

products from Central India were concerned.^^ According to Steel the

protection costs on customs from "Isfahan to India was Rs.56/- per camel payable at nine different places, which was definitely not a very high amount. 57

It is generally assumed that in the overland trade one could not predict the expenses and the protection costs or that information on the overland route was scanty because merchants kept is as their trade secret.^** But as for the

Armenians, we fmd that they, on the contrary were very well informed. The

Armenian merchants had trade manuals meant for their community which gave them a thorough knowledge, amongst a number of other things, about the different overland routes, the various tolls and charges on the routes, etc.

Moreover, each caravan had set expenditures, so it was easy to calculate beforehand the transport costs and the protection costs.^' Though Persians did not have written manuals, being frequent travellers on this route, they also must have had a good knowledge of this route especially up to Qandahar and at times Qandahar too was in thar territory. Scott Levi who has worked on the

15 Indo-Turanian trade has also come to the conclusion that in spite of a sizeable

import of horses into India, the balance of trade was still in India's favour, and

gold and silver apart from textiles and slaves poured into India,^"

Shireen Moosvi on the basis of Steel and Crowther's figures, has

calculated the overland trade in 1615 to be between Rs.l4, 40,000 to 18,

20,000. The same volume has been deduced from Thomas Roe's figures.

Combining both the overland and overseas figures, she arrives at a figure of

Rs.25 lakhs to 30 lakhs and year for the total Indian exports to Iran.^'

TRADE WITH NEPAL AND TIBET

The trading operations of the Armenians merchant in India stretched to

the kingdoms of Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet, as well as to China'. The route

favoured from India to China by the .Armenian merchants was the one through

Nepal and Tibet. As Manucci has obser/ed this route was very long and 'most

hazardous due to the great mountains and many rivers'^ Hovhannes speaks of

the road from Lhasa to the frontier of Xinning in China being 1,400 km.

Long and the time taken to go and come back spanning almost a year .

While starting from India, merchants usually a base at Patna, to make

preparations for this distance trade." The ledger of the Armenian merchant,

Hovhannes, gives the most vivid account of this trade .

The commodities that were brought by Hovhannes to Tibet mainly consisted of textiles'"', and precious stones especially amber and perals v.'hich he brought to Agra, Patna and in centers along the route to Tibet^. Tavernier also mentions the Armenians' supply of iconographic images of yellow amber representing all kinds of animals and mosters, which were used to embellish the pagodas of Bhutan.''

From other Armenian sources, it appears that Hovhannes was preceded by other Armenian merchants in trade with Tibet"^. Therefore, Tibet was well- known to the Armenian commercial community, and their ledgers and manuals give extensive details of the weights and measures used in Tibet," It is perhaps this aspect of the which distinguished it from

] 9 other mercantile groups.

In Lhasa, Hovhannes found a number of Armenian merchants settled there, together with their families, and he himself stayed with one of them. He stayed in Tibet for almost half a decade, conducting business with various

Armenian merchants stationed at Tibet, as well as the Tibetan factors of his

Armenian master. From Hovhannes' journal itself we learn as the Tibetan factors of his Armenian master. From Hovhannes' journal itself we learn that the Armenians brought great amounts of gold, tea, musk and shawls from a town called Slink (Sining) on the Chinese frontier, trecking over hundreds of kilometers of uninhabited terrain.

In Tibbet, Hovhannes sold the goods he had brought from India and

Nepal, to the local tradesmen as well as to his fellow Armenians. In almost all 17 cases the commodities sold such as amber beads, or gold, was exchanged tor

silver, ' the amount was paid after a year either in the form of remittance from

Sining or directly to Hovhannes, after the Armenian merchants had returned

from there. It is apparent that certain commodities which Hovhannes brought

with him, especially silver, were taken to Sining to be sold, and gold was

brought from there along with other commodities,''' From the local Tibetan

merchants, Hovhannes obtained musk, tea and gold in lieu of precious stones

and amber, besides brassware, chinaware, high-priced woven fabrics, spices

and tobacco.

Hovhannes returned from Tibet to Nepal taking the same difficult route mostly 'obliterated by flood waters'. At Kathmandu, he sold some of the goods he brought from Tibet and obtained candles, cardamom and various textiles in exchange. The entire stuff was brought to Patna from Kathmandu. A part of the goods which Hovhannes had brought from Lhasa, mainly gold, was sold at Patna, along with those brought from Nepal. The rest of the Tibetan and Chinese goods were shipped to Hugh, either to be sold there or to be sent to Europe in a manner not very clear to us. Indications, however, to other transactions of similar nature between Armenian and English merchants do exist.'"^ The profit Hovhannes made on his trade with Nepal ranged from 77% to 168% on single transactions. OVERSEAS TRADE TO WEST ASIA

Side by side with the overland trade the Armenian and Persian

merchants were engaged in the overseas trade to West Asia, both to the

Persian Gulf and the Red Sea.

These merchants traded from India to various points in the Persian

Gulf At the opening of the seventeenth century, Hormuz was the predominant

port in the Persian Gulf After, Shah Abbas I took it from the Portuguese in

1622, it declined while Gombroon (unnamed Bandar Abbas) flourished as it

was developed by the Persians as their major port. Mokha and Aden were the

favoured ports of call on the Red Sea.' Basra was another important port in

the Persian Gulf for Persian and Armenian merchants who came here directly

or from Hormuz, Kung or Gombroon. Kung was also frequented by these

merchants. These began to be more frequented, bypassing Bandar Abbas,

when Persian authorities became strict regarding the export of species outside

their country.'^ A large number of Persian and Armenian merchants resided in

these ports, basically on account of their trade with India.

The sailing season in India was totally dependent on the monsoons, the

north-east and the south-v/est. For example sailed from Sural to the

Persian Gulf and Red Sea and towards the South, with the north-east monsoon, during November to Febmary. They returned with the south-west monsoon, during June to September. Ships sailed from Sural to the ports of West Asia around February and

returned from there around November. On reaching the ports on the other end

of the spectrum, the merchants would either dispose off the goods at the port

itself or carry' them overland in caravans, destined for inland centres in Iran

and Turkey. Merchandise would also be transhipped to the Mediterranean.

From Hormuz Indian goods reached Basra in large quantities right from the

second half of the sixteenth century. From Turkish and European accounts it is

apparent that Basra presented a busy picture at the time that caravans arived

from Hormuz and departed for Aleppo mounting with Indian goods. Five to

six thousand merchants gathered at Basra to unload these goods. In one

caravan there were at least 4000 camels bound for Aleppo, and they consisted mostly of Persian merchants.^

On the Indian side, in the sixteenth century, Cambay was the principal port from where these merchants trade. The Armenians and the Persians also traded from , Diu and Dabhol.'' In the seventeenth century we find that

Surat and Masulipatnam were the most important ports for commerce with

Iran and West Asia. At the dawn of the seventeenth century, the route to West

Asia from Masulipatnam was not direct, but used the overland route to Surat, and to some extent, to Dabhol from which vessels sailed across the Arabian sea. After repeated attempts to establish direct trade, success was achieved in the second quarter of the seventeenth century (end of 1620's). Throughout

20 the seventeenth century Surat enjoyed a pre-eminent position whereas

MasuHpatnam lost its lustre towards the end of the century; as a result the

Persians and Armenians became more active at San Thome.** Trade from

Madras developed in the latter part of the seventeenth century, Bengal trade

also developed later, especially with the growth of silk production. Armenian

trade with Bombay also developed in the latter part of the seventeenth

century.^

The Trade of Armenian and Persian merchants at Surat and

MasuHpatnam is being dealt with more extensively than the other ports

because as is well known. Surat served as the major entrepot of the Indian

ocean in the seventeenth century whereas Masulipatnam held sway over the

south for a considerable part of the seventeenth century, which was the heyday

of the overseas trade of both these merchant groups with West Asia.

The integration of Gujarat into the the unification of

trade routes between the Western coasts and inland regions and the

contributed immensely to the rise of Surat as the predominant port of the East.

The other ports of Gujarat were relegated to the back-ground and acted as the satellites of Surat.

Surat could not exist on its own; it was not important because of the commodities that it produced but because of the commodities available in its markets. Goods poured into Surat from its hinterland, and from production

21 centres all over the country. The Persian and Armenian merchants bought these commodities, not only at Suiat but also directly at the production centers, be it the indigo from Agra, of chintz from Sironj, amritis and kimcobs from Banaras, etc. and had them to Surat for overseas transportation to West

Asia.'"

Goods from Bengal and Masulipatnam came to Surat to be carried to

West Asia, U should be remembered that this trade was generally in the hands of Persian and Armenian merchants.

Contemporar)' sources are replete with information regarding the active participation of the Persian and Armenian merchants in the trade of

Surat during the period of our study. Armenian trade manuals of the seventeenth centuiy like those of Hovhannes Joughagestsi and Lucas

Vanandeci, have detailed information on Surat, its weights, currencies, taxes routes, etc " Hovhannes himself came to Surat from Bandar Abbas in 1682.

He frequently returned to Surat from different parts of India or sent commodities there for transhipment to Isfahan and Basra. He found a number of his fellow merchants settled in Surat.'^ Khwaja Minas, the great Armenian merchant, settled at Surat. He operated a very wide network of trading operation from here, with the help of a number of Armenian factors. He had at least four large ships which were engaged to the trade of West Asia and in some years south-east Asia.'"' Persians occupied important posts in, the Mughal administration, in Gujarat, especially Surat and Cambay, and most of

them had substantial trading interests in the overseas trade of Surat to West

Asia. Safi Khan Mir Musa, AJi Isfahani and Iradat Khan, were some of

the prominent personalities who took part in the trade of Surat in the

seventeenth century. They were all Governors or Mutasaddis of Surat. All of

them had ships of their own. The Mughal rulers themselves owned ships,

which plied from Gujarat to West Asia."' They were meant for the Haj pilgrimage, but trade and religious fervour went hand in hand. Nur Jahan, Asaf

Khan, Dara Shukoh all had vessels employed in Surat overseas trade. "^' Even at the fag end of the seventeenth century, when the trade of Surat was declining Armenians and Persians still had a substantial trade from there to

West Asia. It is reported that as a result of Basra coming under the Ottomans and pursuing a friendly policy towards merchants, the Armenian trade from

Surat to Basra increased by hundred per cent." Aghassian and Kevonian have transcribed a set of accounts, preserved at the All Saviour's Monaster}', pertaining to a partnership at Surat in 1727, between two Armenians Petros and Phanos.

Their trading operations were located at Surat, Aurangabad and Basra, and the trade was carried out in as many as two hundred items. Merchandise of West Asian origin, like sal ammoniac, black antimony, Mecca senna,

Mokha coffee, and tin was brought to Surat by these merchants, to be sold at

23 Aurangabad and other inland towns. The Armenians again brought

commodities from Surat. but this time tbr the Basra market - textiles, indigo,

aloe, etc. They were earned by Petros to Basra, and all these items including

packaging, was sold there. At Basra the business was conducted through an

Armenian factor called Awet Petros on his return journey to Surat bought

textiles, including European textiles, coral, molasses, pearls, etc. and abbasis

and precious metals worth Rs.5,700.''''

The Persian trade at the end of the seventeenth centuiy was still being

substantially carried out, though definitely on the decline. Hasan Hamdani, a

Persian merchant, owned the ship, which at the tiine of its loss, is described as a fine ship having a considerable cargo of Rs. 14 lakhs on it.'^" Muhammad

Taqi who is styled as the leader of the Persian merchants at Surat, had silver worth 486,778 Mahmudis on board, the Dutch ship Eem returning from

Persia.'' His major interest was in the Surat-Persian Gulf trade. In 1705 he returned to Persia and along with him went 47 members of his family, which gives us an idea of the extensive network he must have operated, if they had assisted him in his trading operations. [In the Dutch blocade of 1703 at Surat, the Armenians and Persian remained inactive. It was only when Muhammad

Taqi's ship 'Silver' was confiscated and the Red Sea blockade began to affect the Persian Gulf trade did Muhammad Taqi intervene and try to bring about a settlement.^^] As stated earlier, Masulipatnam was another important port from

24 where the Armenians and Persians carried out trade. There were a number of

ports of the Coromandel Coast in the seventeenth century, but Masulipatnam

was the most pre-eminent especially because of its direct land connection with

Golconda. It was the only port receiving substantial imports for the kingdom

of Golconda. Textiles from the hinterland and coastal areas reached

Masulipatnam, steel and precious stones from the Deccan, sugar and muslin

from Bengal and South-east Asian commodities notably tin and gold, were

traded in large quantities at Masulipatnam. Masulipatnam was well -placed to

be able to simultaneously to be on to trade circuits, one towards the east, the

other towards the west. In other words, to Surat and West Asia, on one side,

and Bengal South-east Asia and China, on the other. The trade from

Masulipatnam to Bandar Abbas was very brisk, and it was not unusual to find as many as one hundred Persian and Armenian merchants on board a single ship plying on this route,'''' According to reports of the English factors eariy in the seventeenth century the Persians in spite of paying 15% more in freight and custom "thrive and throng yeariy betwixt Gombroon and Masulipatnam," where their trade was languishing,'^^ Similarly, the Dutch trade was affected owing to the trade of the Persian merchants especially that of Mirza

Kamaluddin, who sent large cargoes of cloth, Bengal sugar and also sappan wood from Masulipatnam to Persia.^^' The Persian merchants, according to a number of contemporai7 sources, were the most affluent and influential

25 sections of society at Masulipatnam. They are reported to have migrated on a

large scale to Masulipatnam early in the seventeenth century, after the fall of

Hormuz. Tavernier comments on the migration of Persian merchants to India

and discussess how they were able to establish themselves here and

successfully carry out trade to their homeland." As Moracin has stated the

Persians had at all times a definite inclination to pursue trade of their countr)'.

According to Arasaratnam^ Persians, Armenians and other West Asians brought their expertise on western trade to the port of Masulipatnam. He is of the opinion that Persians were a dominant feature of this port's oceanic trade."'^ The state system also played a major role towards the development of

Masulipatnam's trade in the seventeenth century, and the emergence of the

Persian merchants as the dominant element of this port. The Golconda ruler

Muhammad Qutub Shah (1612-24) maintained a close relationship with the

Safavid Shah, which resulted in increased traffic on this route. Moreover, the

Golconda rulers themselves dabbled in mercantile activities and had trading ships of their own.'^ Another very important factor was that the posts of havalcJar, or governor of the port of Masulipatnam, oi Shahhandar, as well as of Sar Samtu or governor of the Mustufanagar region under which

Masulipatnam, were largely occupied by Persians in the first half of the seventeenth century. According to Sanjay Subrahmanyam, these officials as well as other residents of Masulipatnam, Bagnagar, Kondapalli and other

26 towns, figure in the records as the principal ship-owners of the port of

MasuHpatnam at the turn of the seventeenth centur\v''"

An idea of the prosperity of the Persian merchants can also be gauged

by the extravagant buildings they constmcted at Masulipatnam. From

European records it appears that most of the Persian merchants constructed

large spacious buildings not only for pleasure or for their own personal use but

also for investment, as there was great demand for such housing by the

European companies as well as by the trade agents of south-east Asian states"

Mir Abdullah Baqir and Mir Kamaluddin had palatial residences at

Masulipatnam;^^ For about four decades Mir Jumla was literally in charge of

Masulipatnam. He was actively participating in the trade since 1637 and after

his appointment as Mir Jumla, he was mutlally in control of Masulipatnam

adjacent areas through his appointees and agents. He monopolized the entire trade. Most of the havaldars or Governors of MasuHpatnam were dependents

and acted as his commercial agents. They engrossed the trade of the European companies also. He had as many as ten ships busily plying in the Red Sea,

Persian Gulf and South-East .Asia. Other ships could not get freight till Mir

Jumla's ships were flill. The English factors repeatedly complained that they could not get freight due to the priority given to Mir Jumla's ship. At Bandar

Abbas also efforts used to be made to sell off goods belonging to the English before the ships of Mir Jumla arrived." Till the last years of the Sultanate,

27 trade to Mokha and Bandar Abbas among other ports was dominated by

Persians. In 1680, according to the report of a Dutch factor, Masulipatnam was moderate!}' populated, and specificalh' mentioned the presence of 'Moors' and

Armenians."''* San Thome and Madras gained by the decline of Masulipatnam.

Quite a few Armenian and Persian merchants migrated to these ports. They traded with Masulipatnam, from there mainly to pick up the coloured and painted cloth for West Asia. ' In 1710 the English factories were apprehensive of the Armenian influence at San Thome, They reported that the Armenians had purchased several houses there and feared that the Armenians intended to establish a mercantile centre and use San Thome as their port. After a couple of years, the English again voice their fears that the Armenians might rent San

Thome.

28 South-East Asian Trade

The other important area of Armenian and Persian overseas trade was

South-East Asia. Malacca', Kedah^, Achin'', Bantam"*, Siam, Tenasserim\

Pegu and the PhilHpines'' were the important places to which Armenian and

Persians carried their Indian trade.

In the early sixteenth century, we fine the Armenians trading with

Malacca on a triangular pattern. From the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, they used to come to Gujarat where they exchanged their goods with the textiles of

Gujarat. About thirty different kinds of textiles from Gujarat are mentioned.

Other commodities which were taken by them to Malacca were foodgrains, pachak, rosewater, tapestry and incense. The principal item brought back was spices. Gold, tin, sandalwood, and Chinese items such as damask silks, musk

o and porcelain were other substantial im,ports.

With the conquest of Malacca by the Portuguese in 1511, the Gujarat

Malacca trade in the sixteenth century suffered a setback. The Dutch drove away the Portuguese from Malacca in 1641, but themselves imposed such heavy tariffs that Kedah, Johar and Perak arose as alternative centers on the

Malay Peninsula. In 1672, in spite of disturbed conditions on the maritime front due to the third Anglo Dutch War, Khwaja Minas sent his ship to Kedah, most probably primarily for tin, as it was a notable tin-producing area.^ Other important imports from this place were elephants, pepper and gold. 29 In spite of the monopoly that the Dutch imposed on trade in South-east

Asia, the Armenians were able to carry on their trade to Indonesian ports, but after 1677 as the Dutch passes became increasingly difficult to obtain, Manila became the focus of their attention, whether trading from Gujarat or

Coromandel. Khwaja Minas had already realized the potential of this new centre and had for three consecutive years 1670, 1671 and 1972 sent his ship

Hopewell to the Philippines."^ Textiles, especially calicoes, were the major commodity sent on these ships. ' The Armenian interest became so deeply connected with Manila, that the profitability of trade in this area was gauged by the statement that if the Armenian 'interests could not fit a ship to Manila, then it meant that trade is little worth". Around 1724 trade to Manila was still entirely in Armenian hands.''^ A very interesting development in the

Armenian commerce to Manila was the entry of private trade by the English merchants under 'cover' of the Armenians, since the Spanish government in the Philippines did not allow any European to trade there.

Armenian ships likewise busily plied between Madras and Pegu: ' the

"trade to Pegu was entirely in the hands of Moors, Gentiles and Armenians" and the English who were previously flourished in the trade were relegated to building and repairing of ships. An idea of their shipping activity can be had from the shipping list of Madras in 1700. Out of seven vessels entering the port, three of them were Armenian ships."" Bantam also figured prominently on the list of Armenian trade. It also

appears to have ser\'ed as transit point for ships going to Manila.'^ It was

furthermore the main base of the opium trade of the English Company as well

as the Asian traders till 1682, when Bantam came strictly under Dutch control,

which made the Armenians together with the other Asian merchants shift their

interest to other centers like Manila and Achin.'*^

Acheh was an important point in South-east Asia with which trade from both Surat and Masulipatnam was carried on. It developed as a competitor to

Malacca, which as mentioned earlier had fallen into Dutch hands. Between

1640 and 1670 there was brisk commerce between Masulipatnam and Acheh, and the main shippers were Persian merchants, though Armenian merchants were also fairly active, on the route. The ships going to Acheh from

Masulipatnam also called at Kedah and Perak.'

The great Persian merchant, Kamal al din's ship, which in 1629 was confiscated by the Dutch was bound for Acheh. Even in the twilight of the

Persian trade of Masulipatnam i.e. in 1680, we find the Persian merchant, Mir

Fakhruddin carrying on trade with Acheh and Pegu.

According to Arasatnam Golconda officials and nobles began to invest in shipping and South-east Asian trade from the end of the sixteenth century. The close alliance of Sultan Mohammad Qutub Shah (1612-24) with the Safavid monarchs gave an impetus to the influ?'^ of Persian merchants in the early seventeenth century. They soon came to dominate Masulipatnam oceanic

trade. Moreover, the fall of Hormuz and the rise of Bandar Abbas further

helped in this influx. Powerful Persian shippers took up residence at

Masulipatnam.^'

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Persian merchants migrated on

a large scale, not only to places within Mughal India, Bijapur and Golconda,

but also to South East Asian port cities, notably to Arakan and Aguthya, As

most of the .Masulipatnam merchants were Persian and Persian merchants

were settled in fairly good numbers in the south-east Asian port cities and as

they were at both the ends well entrenched in commerce as well as in

bureaucracies of the several states involved, trade between Masulipatnam and

the South-east Asian port cities flourished rapidly.^^

In 1628 (Sept.), 10 ships left Masulipatnam for South-east Asia and most

of these belonged to Persian merchants. Mir Jumla's ships were continuously

plying from Masulipatnam to Pegu, Tenasserim, Acheh, Arakan, Maldives and

Macassar.^^

In 1653 the Dutch seized one of his vessels bound for Macassar, but

later released it, as they were apprehensive of a rupture with Mir Jumla,

Moreover they promised passes to Achin and other ports, where they were

striving to establish a monopoly, in spite of the fact that earlier they had been adamantly refusing passes to all India ships. Mir Jumla had been successflilly

32 sending ships to Pegu, not only with his own goods, but also those of others carried as freight."" In 1651, the English factors are bitter in their complaints that, they were not able to get any freight for Pegu because of Mir Jumla's ship which was also destined for the same place.^^' Earlier the English factors were perturbed that one of their pilots had joined the service of Mir Jumla so

97 as to trade with Pegu, on the latter's behalf

Mir Jumla also traded with Ceylon, right from the 1620's in spite of the fact that it was in Portuguese hands, lie was exporting rice, in exchange for elephants and cinnamon. In 1647 when Mir Jumla's ship was looted in the

Arabian Sea by the Portuguese, and later on when a decision was taken to compensate Mir Jumla, the compensation was fixed by the Portuguese in the form of elephants and cinnamon.

Persians, together with the Indian Muslims dominated yet another area of

South-east Asia i.e. the transpeninsular route to the Gulf of Siam and Aguthya, through Mergui and Tenasserim. Much of the commerce on this route was in the hands of the Persian merchants.^' Textiles was one of the major commodity exchanged. In 1627 it was reckoned that the trade to Burma was worth around 300,000 pagodas, which shows that it was pretty strong.

Asian merchants, predominantly Persian and also including Armenians, offered stiff" competition to the European Companies, in the trade of

Masulipatnam, with South-east Asian ports. We can say that they were able to successfully challenge trade of the European Companies till the first quarter of the eighteenth centup>',

Acheh was a good source of pepper, tin, ginger, spices, elephants and

Chinese goods. All this could be easily obtained by exporting cotton cloth

from the Coromandel (or "Coast Cloth"). It not only absorbed textiles for its

own market but also re-exported them to other ports of South-east Asia.'"

Other items exported by Masulipatnam merchants were iron and steel,

indigo, rice and salt. It imported commodities on a large scale for its hinterland as it was the only outlet to the sea for the Golconda kingdom. It imported pepper, spices, tin, elephants, dyes, aromatic woods [Sappan wood and bullion for its hinterland]. Pepper, spices, ivory porcelain, and aromatic woods were further transhipped to Western Asia.

Similarly West Asian goods in demand in South-east Asia found its way to Masulipatnam for re-export to South-east Asia.

Another interesting feature was that the state itself or the Sultan of Acheh himself was involved in the trade to Coromandel namely Masulipatnam. The

Sultan preferred to deal with fellow rulers. According to Arasaratnam, Sultan

Iskandar Musa (1602-36) made efforts to establish contact with various rulers of the archipelago and the Coromandel. He developed ties with the Sultan of

Golconda who also had ships of his own. Persian nobles and Persian merchants at Golconda had extensive trade relations with Acheh in the

34 seventeenth centuiy. They were definitely strenghthen by the political ties which both the rulers of Golconda and Acheh had with each other. At times the Masulipatnam merchants were favoured by the King of Acheh over the

Dutch merchants.''

Political ties came in useful for other regions of South-east Asia as well for example the Malay Peninsula and other coastal Sultanates. There were a number of state trading agents (trading on behalf of their masters) and factors of regions in the archipelago who were sedlcd in, or frequently came lo the port of Masulipatnam, for example those of Arakar, Pegu, Ayathya, Kedah

Acheh Maccassar, and Bantam. It is to be expected that naturally Golconda merchants would find similar favours in the corresponding countries.

From the last quarter of the sixteenth century, Persian and Armenian merchants were well entrenched in the trade of Pegu, Tokyo, Mergui,

Mertaban and other ports.

A quick glimpse at Dutch trade in South-east Asia especially at

Masulipatnam, in relation to the trade of Asian merchants in this region further

Strengthens our argument. ' It should be kept in mind that Masulipatnam merchants in the seventeenth century were predominantly Persian. As is well known the South-east Asian trade heavily depended upon cloth from the

Coromandel indeed, each cloth was the chief medium of exchange in the archipelago. The Dutch (always short of bullion) tried to get these cloths as

35 cheaply as possibly and sold it at exorbitant rates in the islands in order to

procure spices. In other words, the success of this trade depended to a large

extent on how cheaply one could get the cloth that was in demand in these

islands, and at what rate they could sell it.

In the beginning of the seventeenth centun,', the Dutch did not worry

about the Asian merchants in the trade of Coromandel. The Dutch in fact

carried the goods of important merchants and also traded on behalf of them.

They lent gunners and sailors to the merchants and nobles like Mir Jumla." In

the 1630's they were apprehensive of the trade of these merchants and there

were from now onwards, frequent orders prohibiting any assistance to the

Indians.'' In theory passes were not to be issued to Indian merchants, but it

was never fully enforced. It was difficult to refuse passes to merchants of

Masulipatnam and Bengal who were regularly participating in the trade to

South-east Asia for years together. As Tapan Raychoudhuri has aptly pointed

out that the Dutch considered the Asian merchants as a 'habitual plague' and

came to accept their participation in the trade to South-east Asia.^^

The Persian and Armenian merchants traded through Achin to Sumatra also. They bought cloth from the Coromandel and sold it in these places at such low rates that the Dutch could not cope with their competition, and in the middle of the third decade had to for some time abandon their trade to

Achin."^'^' Similarly, these merchants traded with Siam via Tenasserim and the

36 same story was repealed here. Though the Dutch could buy tin cheaply overseas from Malay than the Persians could do so overland yet they could not have an edge over the latter merchants who outdid them in this trade, by their commercial techniques.

Khan-i-Khanan freely sent ships to areas forbidden by the Dutch. Traders at Achin also followed suit.' In Negapatam the Persian and Armenian merchants evaded the Dutch lean by collaborating with the Portuguese. Dutch prestige sufferred' a heavy below.'

The Dutch lament frequently that the Asians were getting cloth cheaper and selling cheaper, at a profit of 20% because they had no establishment charges. The markets were flooded with goods from South-east Asia, so prices went down.""^ The demand for tin and copper went down because of influx of tin from Malaya and copper from Siam, being brought by Coromandel merchants. The Dutch Company's trade suffered badly in more than one region i.e. in Siam, Achin, Malacca, Bantam, Jana, Macassar. Thus the

Persians and Armenians at Masulipatnai7i were able successfially to undercut the Dutch trade, spoil markets for them, and at times manage to drive them away from certain areas in South-east Asia.

37 MAJOR COMMODH IES

TEXTILES

Regardless of the fact whether the Armenians traded to West Asia,

south-east Asia or towards Nepal and Tibet, textiles were the dominant export

commodity from India. They dealt in an almost infinite variety of textiles, ranging from rough calicoes to expensive silks and brocades.

While dealing with Armenian merchants and the trade of Persia,

Roques has given a list of commodities which are generally taken from India to Persia, in this list, textiles dominate over everything else. Food grains and indigo are the other important exports mentioned. Their purchases in the

Mughal Kingdom for taking back to Persia consisted of "cloth from

Ahmadabad, caps, belts, allegias, cottons, Dariabadi and Khairabadi cloth, mamoodis of Agra, fine baftas, betilles, bibipites, Algaris, amamies, hollow patacas which are in great demand amongst these people, fine rice, which the governor permits to be embarked, gives a good profit, chittes of Siranj, qalmis, pancherungies and francanis [Jafar Khan's] in great numbers, indigo of Agra and Sorkhej and dnjgs (medicines), which come from China with the pepper and sugar from Bassein. They also buy the red sheets, fine as well as coarse, for transporting in the Mughal territory, and also for sending to Persia

All sorts of cloth from the Coromandel coast and Bengal and especially the sugar and the fine rice". Cloth from all over Punjab reached Lahore from

where it was transported overland to West Asia and Central Asia.'

In Hovhannes journal also, we find a great diversity in the range of

textiles, and in their prices. The textiles were of cotton, silk, wool, jute and

velvet; plain, printed and checked, white as well as coloured; of lace, of brocade, and of silver and gold embroidery on them, catering to all stratas of society. The prices ranged from 0.2.^ and 0.64 per length to Rs, 4 and Rs.5.5, and in one case to Rs. 15/-.'

The Armenian merchants bought these commodities from all over

India. For example chintzes from Delhi, Sirhind and Masulipatnam silks from

Bengal, Golconda and Banaras and Calicoes from Samana.'

It is held that there was not a single weaving village of production centre of which the Armenians were not aware of

Apart from getting the commodities cheaper, the Armenians were drawn to these primary centers, because like indigo, certain varieties of textiles were not available in the open market. Most often the designs, weave, measurements and colours had to be adopted to the requirements of Turkey and Persia, and hence they had to be ordered or contracted for at the production centers.

Armenian merchants, together with "NioguH" merchants in the 16'" century are reported to have bought amrilis and kincobs worth ten hundred thousand in Banaras every year/^ Khwaja ship in 1672 had cargo worth 1500

larins in calicoes. Even individual Armenian merchants invested fairly large

amounts in textiles. An Agra merchant at Patna bought Rs. 30,000 worth of cloth and sent it to Surat.^ Hovhannes bough ] 1,000 lengths of Khairabad at

Lahurpur.^

Betilles is also constantly mentioned as one of the textiles in demand in

Persia and Europe in which the Armenian and Persian merchants take an active interest. Betilles was fine quality muslin, which was traded under the generic term of betilles^ taken from the Portuguese term heliiha which meant

'veil'. According to Roques, it was the king of all cottons. It was woven mainly in Golconda, for Asia and Europe. Other places where betilles were also woven and for which they were famous, wore Bengal, Sironj and

Chanderi and Burhanpur. Roques states that the Chanderi betilles were far superior to those of Bengal'' "They are more uniformly made than those of Bengal, which are folded lengthwise in four, so as to hide the deceit which is in the centre of the cloth, which is different from the borders of the material which is a very great defect." The price at Sironj and Chanderi varied from

Rs.4/-toRs.50/-.'

Again, while giving a description of the trade of Sironj, Roques has specifically mentioned that the Armenians are the principal merchants "who

40 purchase 2000 corges [of cloth] in a yeai\ and make a great profit'" bv taking ihejafarkhaiii chittes to Persia, Bantam a.nd Manilla.''

Sironj was noted for its chintz which had ven>' bright and fast colours.

The chintz was interestingly, not only of the printed types, but also of the painted type.'" The Armenians bought both the varieties, because apart from ihe. jafarkhcmis and panchningis, they also bought the qalmis i.e. chintz made with a pen as brush, and not block printed.

The jafarkhanis accordingly to Irwin, was a particular print named hfiQvJafarkhan^^

The rate of the cloth given by Roques ranged from Rs. 15-20 a corge.'*

The price for the qalmis is not given, but obviously they must have been much more expensive, as they were painted by hand. The panchrungis were also more expensive than the prdinary chittes, even if they were of the printed type because they needed a larger number of blocks - at least ten blocks were needed. This was pachrangis as the name suggests needed five colours. The price of pachrungi chittes in fine mamoodis is given as Rs.25-30 per corge.'"

Roques advises the purchases to make three lots of the corges of textiles, based on the different categories as prices. The very fine as best variety, he states, should be reserved for the calamis chittes, and panchrungis of fine colours; the middling (or mediocre) variety for iht jafarkhanis in two as three colours, and the last variety for the plain ones used for lining etc. In 1630, the English factors at Surat reported that "The (cotton goods)

are chiefest commodities wherein the Persians and Armenians who takes

yearly passage on your ships invest great summes of money here in India;

some of them making instant sale thereof at Gumbroon, from when they are

dispersed and sold again to second merchants in Spahan, Balzar, Bagdat, etc.

who transport them yet fijrther for a third market at constantynpole and other

places, at extra-ordinary charges of camellhier, customs and other exaction on

the way; and yet every of these, at the first, second, and third hand, doe

became great gainers."'^

In the trade of south-east Asia, cotton textiles again played a

predominant role. In the sixteenth century, the Armenians and Persians were

taking a large variety of textiles to Malacca from Surat.'^ For South East Asia,

the requirements were primarily for calicoes, against which the commodities

of the islands were usually exchanged. From very early in the 16" century we

find Armenians coming from West Asia, breakiner their journey at Surat from

where textiles were picked up for trade in Malacca. About thirty varieties textiles were taken to Malacca from Surat. Throughout the seventeenth

century the Persian and Armenian merchants at Masulipatnam traded extensively to south-east Asia where Coromandel textiles were chiefly in demand. It should be kept in mind that cloth from Gujarat also reached here via the overland route. Spices and other commodities like tin, etc. could only

42 be obtained through cash or cloth People bought cloth "no matter what it

cost" Calico and muslin both were in demand here. Piece goods and also readymade clothing were sold in these areas.''"* Piece goods were sold by pieces or corges and were plain, brown bleached or dyed red and blue.

Readymade clothing was of patterned cloth. The printed one were generally called chintz and the painted - pintadoes by the Europeans. The prints were made by wooden block or chap technique.

Broadly, Ave can say that on the Coromande! Coast the major textiles exported were plain and dyed piece goods. They were generally of three types.

1) plain white cloth 2) dyed cloth 3) cloth patterned on the loam.''

The English factors noted in 1618 that Golconda paintings were very much in demand in Persia as "floor coverings, bedspreads and the lyninge of coats."

It should be kept in mind that Masulipatnam merchants or Golconda merchants were predominantly Persians, Armenians, also were operating substantially from here.

From contemporaiy accounts, an estimate of the trade in cotton textiles can be gauged. In 1639, it had been reported that 20,000 to 25,000 camels annually brought Indian goods especially textiles from Qandahar to Isfahan.

The Dutch arrived at a higher figure, a few years later. They estimated the camel loads to be 25,000 to 30,000. On this basis, Levi has calculated that Iran

43 received well over 5000 tons of Indian cotton textiles i.e. 72 million yards of

cloth for both domestic use and onward transportation to Turan, Russia and the .""

INDIGO

The Armenian and Persian merchants were closely involved in the

indigo trade, as this commodity was greatly in demand in West Asia and

Europe/' Indigo was produced at Bayana, Saikhej, Sehwan and the Doab: The

Bayana indigo was exported to the Middle East and Europe and that of

Sehwan was mostly exported to Iran and the Persian Gulf ^•' The Armenians were especially active at the production centres. They were the merchants who generally broke (opened) the price for indigo.""

Lahore was the clearing house for the Bayana indigo. It becomes so synonymous with this indigo that Bayana indigo came to be called the

'Lahori' indigo. Armenian, Lahore and Kabul merchants were the major participants in the indigo trade in this place.'^'^ Indigo also came from

Masulipatam in the South via the land route to Gujarat for onward transportation to Gujarat. This we see that the indigo was not only going by the sea route but in fact this commodity were pretty much in demand on the overland route to Iran, from where it was further transported to other places in the Levant, Caucasus and Russia. The caravanserais of Qandahar, Ghazni,

44 Kabul, Balkha, Bukhara and Khina to name a few were abundantly supplied

with Indian indigo.

In the 17" century,^^ after the advent of the Europeans, indigo

generally came to be sold directly at the production centres. The Armenians,

amongst other merchants swarmed to these areas.^^ Even big merchants, at

times personally went to make indigo purchases.^^ Manrique informs us that

when he went to Agra to meet a certain influential Armenian merchant, he

found that he had gone to Bayana to make indigo purchases. He decides to go to Bayana himself, inspite of knowing that the journey would take a week,

which meant that the merchant had gone for a longer period for the

negotiations.'

The Armenians had such heavy interests in this commodity that its price level was affected by their demand. The English factors in 1628 felt that the price of indigo could not depreciate unless the Armenian and Moor merchants put an end to their purchases.^' Apart from the supply demand factor, the Armenian commercial techniques also manipulated the prices, the

Dutch complaint regarding them is quite amusing. They feel that the

Armenians pretend to buy up the whole stock, raising prices, losing a little themselves, and causing great injurv' to us and to other buyers who have to purchase large quantities."

45 They not only manipulated the prices but also contributed in fixing the time when indigo was to be purchased. The peak months were October and

November though the Europeans would have preferred to buy a couple of months later."

Indigo, being a great demand in West Asia and Europe, and yielding high profits, the .Armenians bought it despite exceedingly high rates in certain years, for example in 1630, due to drought. In 1635 also, the rates were so high, that the Europeans forebore from buying it. The Armenians nevertheless bought it and consequently made a profit of 150% on it.'' In normal years, this commodity yielded a profit of 50%.^''

An idea of the quantity dealt with by the Armenians can be had from

Hovhannes transactions of indigo at Khurja. He bought 50 charms of indigo, equal to 368 Kg., a fairly large amount, a part of it was shipped to the Red

Sea, and the other to Gombroon.

The Armenian were so entrenched in this trade that there were frequent complaints by the Dutch factors that the Armenians were inflating prices or

TV had engrossed the entire stock as there was increased demand in West Asia.

In the early decades of the seventeenth century the English factors were also of the opinion that the price of indigo could not depreciate unless the on

"Armenian and Moor merchants put an end to their purchases". The

Armenians had an edge over the European companies because of their solid 46 trading network which gave them access to rapid information because a lot depended upon the knowledge of the market conditions in West Asia/*^

We have scattered information about the participation of ordman,-

Persian merchants come across in this trade. It is generally Persian nobles that we are taking part in this trade; especially those nobles in important positions at the port city of Surat, Perhaps this is because our information is largely based on European factor}' records or travellers' accounts, who would naturally have been more interested in the trade of these personages, as they had to either deal with them or they were buying in such large quantities that the European were affected by it. Some of the Prominent nobles dealing in this trade were Asaf Khan, Shafi Khan, Mir Musa Iradat Khan and Mir Jumla.'"

In 1623, Safi Khan, Governor of Gujarat, concluded a deal with the

English President Rastell for a consignment of 3000 fardles of indigo, to be given partly at Ahmadabad and partly at Cambay, at the rate of Rs. 50/- per fardle, which was a substantive transaction,''^ In 1624, we find the officials of the English Company regretting that they could not purchase the entire stock of Asaf Khan's indigo, which consisted of 900 bales. It should be remembered that Asaf Khan also traded on behalf of his sister Nur Jahan who had an extensive trade to West Asia in which indigo played a major part.

It was in Mir Musa's time that the short lived indigo monopoly was put into effect by Shah Jahan. "

47 The English officials petitioned against the indigo monopoly to Asaf

Khan and Afzal Khan but were informed that "Mir Jumbola [Mohammad Mir

Saman Amin, Mir Jumla], High steward to the King was principally engaged

in the project he had sent for his own account, 1,200 faidles of indigo

overhead to Persia."'''' [F.N. Mir Jumla incidentally was an Irani and Mir

Saman under Jahangii' and Shahjahan (1629-1635) and Mir Bakshi from 1635

till his death in 1638).

The indigo at the time of the monopoly had to be contracted through

Mir Musa or Muizul Mulk as he was called. The English complain that Mir

Musa v.'as trying to barter indigo with cloth and had shown them the king's permission to do so.''' In 1636 the English factors complain that their indigo which was brought at Rs.61/- per fairdle was rated for Rs.l 10/-, the customs duty was thereby doubled. Perhaps ti'iis was because the nobles themselves were extensively dealing in this item.

In 1638 (or 1640) we come across Iradat Khan the Governor of Gujarat selling very coarse indigo or indigo of an inferior variety to the English com.pany. He literally forced them to buy his indigo.

Regarding the import into India, as is well known, the balance of trade was largely in favour of India. It hardly over received much in goods from

West Asia. The commodities which it did receive were generally Iuxui7 goods, regardless of v/hether they were carried by Armenian, Persian or

48 turkish merchants to India. These merchants dealt in all the traditional terms which came out of persia to India, basically these were the silks and brocades of Persia, dyes (especially runas) rosewater, saffron, dry fruits, wine and jewels. Pearls and diamonds were especially dealt with by the Armenians and

Persians. Horses, undoubtedly was a very important commodity taken to India from Persia, by both these merchant groups. Broadcloth also deserves special mention as it held an important position in the list of imports of the Armenian and Persian merchants especially from the third to the sixth decade of the seventeenth century.

Roques clearly states that "apart from horses which constitute a large part of the cargo, they export a quantity of rosewater, wine, almonds, raisins, nuts, pistachios, and an assortment of liquid jams, dates, cuttlefish and ronas.

One can manage without these things, but this is all you can get from Persia, a the soil does not produce anything else". An almost identical list has been given by Tavernier.

Apart from textiles and indigo, food-grains and steel also figured substantially in the list of exports from India.

Rice and sugar were the chief food-grains which were exported. These were mainly from the ports of Bengal and Gujarat and Masulipatnam. Large quantities of rice were exported from Bengal but we do not know what quality it was of''^ Gujarat exported high quality rice and that from Navapur was

49 considered by Tavernier, to be a most acceptable gift.'*''^ Rice also went lo

Central Asia and Kabul.

Mohammad Said, when he was the Mir Jumla cornered all the rice

produced in the areas under his jurisdiction, both for inland as well as overseas

trade to West Asia and South East Asia."' According to Roques, a good

margin of profit could easily be obtained on rice.^'

From the Ain we glean that sugar even in Akbar's time was exported

from Agra to distant places,'

The English also found it a veiy profitable item to take from Gujarat"''

The two major production centers for sugar were Lahore and Delhi. Lahore

produced sugar of a very high quality and Delhi was famous for its refined

sugar.^'' The Moghuls encouraged its production as there was constant demand for it in foreign markets especially Iran. Bengal also sent substantial quantities to Pegu. It was a center for sugar production and its trade."'

As for steel interesting details are given in Tavernier's account which explicitly shows that the best steel was from India. The damascene steel which was widely believed in Europe to have been from Damascus, was in fact from

Golconda, It was called gaiihardar by the Persians. According to Tavernier, no steel could be better tempered than this. The steel brought from Golconda is the only one that can be so well tempered. Interesting details on its technology are also given "The Persians make perfectly well the damascene

50 with vitriol like Sabres, knives and similar things, but the nature of the steel

they use contributes a lot, in view of the fact that they cannot do much either

with their or with ours." He also gives the rates of the steel bars in both Persia

and in India "One steel bar which would cost 9 or 10 sols in Golconda, values

upto 4 or 5 abbasis in Persia, and the ftiither it goes, the more costlier it

becomes."^^'

Steel was also greatly in demand in South-East Asia. It was a regular item in the exports of Masulipatnam to various ports in the archipelago. It slightly lost its demand in the 1630's in South-East Asia, but around this time it was in demand in Persia, and especially so in 1650's.

Horses were the most important import from Persia and Central Asia for the whole of India. It was the most sought after commodity on both the overland as well as overseas route. Both the Armenians and the Persians were involved in this trade.''

HORSES

Horses of Persian and Central Asian as Turki breeds could not be properly bred in India, and hence had to be imported. The Mughal cavaliy needed an enormous supply of horses. Horses had to be continuously imported

CO so as to replace horses that were old or not considered fit anymore.

From the Am-i-Akhari's figures we find that Akbar had 12,000 horses in his stable.'

51 Hawkins and Pesaert corroborate it. Both these writers have given a breakdown of the different breeds. According to it the Turki horses comprised of half the horses in Akbar's stables, and the Persian horses were 1/3 and 1/4 of the total.'''"

The mansabdars horses were divided into seven categories. The Arabi,

Iraqi and Mujannas came from Iran and surrounding areas.^'

Horses from all over Persia and the Neighbouring islands were brought to Hormuz and Basra to be sent to India.'"

According to George Roques the Persians residing in the islands neighbouring Hormuz specifically bred horses in order to sell them in India.

They did not find it profitable to sell the horses to the Armenians and preferred to take the horses to Surat themselves, "Only the well cared for horses find a market. They should be trim, well built with a fine neck and should be well turned out. Black horses are the most sought after. They do not like any marks on the head or feet." All the horses have to be paraded in front of the

Governor. They do not dare to sell even one without first showing it to the

Governor. The latter always took the best and paid them as he pleased and then only gave permission to sell the rest. A particular horse may not have cost

20 pistols in Persia, but could here [i.e. in Surat] fetch 6000 francs. Beaufiful horses are so badly wanted that the merchants who bought them did not mind paying a thousand ecus, for a horse which they considered suitable. The good

52 horses are called 'Parquis'; they are found near Kabul and resemble those of

Brittany short and stocky, with a big head and sturdy limbs.''"^

In the beginning of the seventeenth century when the Armenians and

Persians were sending freight on European ships, we find horses being regularly sent to India. English factors were repeatedly complaining about horses belonging to the Armenians and Persians being brought from

Gombroon to India under cover of English merchandise so as to evade duties.^'^

The English Company was also continuously faced with requests from nobles for good horses from Persia.''''

Haji Rafiq, who was given the title of Ma/iki/l-tiijjar frequently brought good horses and fine cloth for . "

In 1635-36, Hakim Masih-uz-zaman brought forty horses from Basra and presented them to Shah Jahan. The latter was so pleased with him that he bestowed on N4asih-uz-zaman the governorship of Surat, which the Persian held till 1639.'''' It is interesfing to note that it was the responsibility of the mutassadis of Surat to purchase horses for the imperial court.

Similarly Ali Akbar Isfahan!, a Persian merchant settled at Cambay was on close terms with the Pasha of Basra. He was reckoned to be a good judge of horses. In 1646 on Shah Jahans orders he brought excellent horses for the . He had been specifically ordered to buy horses fit for royal

53 riding. Six horses cost about Rs.25,000/-. One of them worth Rs. 15,000/-,

became the chief horse of the royal stable. The Emperor was moreover so

pleased with him for procuring the horses, that a mansab was awarded to him

and the administration of Surat and Cambay was entrusted to him.*"^

Mir N4usa, Iradat Khan and Safi Khan, Persian nobles who were

involved with the administration of Surat frequently bought horses from the

English company and these were generally from Basra.^'"^

We find that in 1625 Shafi Khan is worried about the fact that the

horses which he has taken from the English should not be considered a bribe.

He requests the English official Bangham to get the matter cleared and the

price which was supposed to have been paid was to be quoted Rs.44,000/-.™

Tavernier has given an interesting incident which throws light on the

keen demand for good horses. He relates how an agent of the Mughal Emperor

brought back a number of horses for the Emperor, ranging from 400 ecus

onwards. He then expressed regret that he did not buy a particularly beauti&l

horse because the price quoted for it was exorbitant. The Emperor had been very pleased with the horses brought for him but on learning that a good horse was left behind on account of its high price, he became furious. He sent word to the English Company to procure that horse for him, which unfortunately died in transit.

54 PEARLS AND DIAMONDS

Pearls were considered to be the best item to be carried to India. All those who had a knowledge or a thorough understanding of pearl dealt in its trade, like the Armenians and the Persians. According to Roques, the

Armenians bought the "most perfect, most round and those which are the most beautiful, which they send to their agents in Europe, and sell the rejected or discarded ones in India at a profit of 35% to 40%. Other buyers usually took what was available.

Tavernier also was of the opinion that Indians were not as particular as the Europeans, All types of pearls sold easily in India, the irregular as well as the round. Each had its own price. ^

They were sold by grains and carats, and the price of good pearls ranged from 16-50 pistols. Smaller pearls were sold by ounces and pounds for

74 five to thirty sols. Pearls were reckoned to be the most difficult to judge,

Roques has given a detailed description on the manner in which the

Persians sold the pearls and what precautions should be taken while making these purchases "They [the Persians] at times, string them and the ends in the shape of a necklace. They are arranged so as to be of advantage to the seller.

The deceitor the flav/es are visible, only if you examine the string veiy carefully, for almost ali pearls are strung. The Persians take two strings of pearls, and when you are considering the strings, they hold it in such a way 55 those that are of an inferior quality are not visible, because the better and the

inferior quahty are mixed together. You should be on guard when you buy

pearls. When you are buying pearls on the string, which you should not do, the

longer the string, the more careful you have to be. You have to buy after

eyeing it careflilly, and after weighing the pearls. There are some maxims that you should follow. Those who deal in it know about it. Out of all the jewels, pearls are the most difficult to understand, whether they are perfect or defective. Never'buy in one go. Go over them many times. See how beautiftil and translucent they are in the sun, and see whether the oyster was dead or alive when the pearl was taken out. That is the great secret. Take those pearls, which the pearl was taken out. That is the great secret. Take those pearls which were taken from dead oysters, because they will maintain their luster best. Though the others appear more lustrous, the luster would decline soon and the pearls will become like lead, because they have received less nourishment, and think the price will go up by 18 pistole to 50. They are sold by grains and carats. 1 am leaving aside the small pearls, which are sold by ounces and pounds, which are sold for 5 to 30 sols. Though there are other among them which have taken a longer time to become round, and through which a needle can go through easily, but this is not test for looking for roundness, because a needle can go through them, even if they are not round.

Others examine the pearls between the fingers to see whether they are

56 defective. Still others, to make the final choice, put them on a table, on a paper

and slowly see the pearl. See whether it is perfectly round, see whether the

center is all right and all desired qualities are there, the value of it is judged

how much profit the merchant wants to make, and then you accordingly come

to a compromise. When you are buying on string, be careful, because they are

not all of uniform quality from one end to the other. If the pearls are spread on

taffetas or some other cloth of red colour, the luster of the pearls is enhanced,

and they appear more brilliant than they are".'

Compared to pearls, diamonds were much easier to judge. The Indians

held in esteem diamonds which were small and elongated, or square; perhaps

because of the Indian style of making jewellery. Individual nobles eagerly

sought big diamonds of good quality.

The Armenian and Persian merchants were in the trade of diamonds as

they were in that of pearls. The. Armenians bought diamonds, only when other items of trade were not readily available. The reason was because they preferred to recover their money at the earliest, and if they did not get a good profit at Surat, they would be obliged to take it to Italy or other places in

Europe which meant that a higher risk would have to be undertaken and the period would be longer, at times two years before the money could be recovered.

57 BULLION

As we have seen t!ie balance of trade was in favour of India as the

country needed few imports. Gold and silver coins and bullion were predominantly entering India from West Asia, Central Asia and Europe throughout the period of our study, in return for the large number of commodities it exported.

Interestingly, as Thevenot has obser\'-ed the major part of American silver "after mnhing through several kingdoms of Europe, goes partly into

Turkey, for several sorts of commodities and partly into Smyrna for silks" from where vast quantities of it go to Mokha, Basra and Gombroon and then eventually to India. ''

Bernier also has expressed a similar opinion "Gold and Silver after circulating in every part of the globe, come at length to be swallowed up, lost

77 in some measure, in Hindustan".

Throughout the seventeenth century', we find that the movement of gold from the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf into India was very brisk. As

Godinho has observed "ships from Mecca entered Surat, loaded with many gold coins and change, which is common place stuff brought from Mecca to •JO

India in exchange for Indian cloth".

Abul Fazal in the Ain-i-Akbari has specifically mentioned the import of silver from Turkey and Iraq owing to the trade of Gujarat. The list of foreign 58 coins that he gives which corne for reminding include such coins as the Ian,

shahi and the reales of Turkey and '''

According to Tavernier the major part of Spanish reales were brought

into India by none other than the Armenian merchants''

Du Mans states that the Armenians 't'raffic into silk in Smyrna and

Aleppo, and also in the Mediterranean, in Venice and Livorno and from there

bring back what he calls 'argent net', which is silver. He says that they bring the silver in piastres, and also bring gold in ecus Venetian sequins. All the

silver went further eastwards to India.

George Roques has elaborated how only the big merchants could

afford to freight ships to go to Persia because in return they could only bring

runas, wine, diy-fruits etc., and that the mpees [coins] of gold and silver,

Venetians and patacas takes care of the surplus.

Iranian silk and Indian goods travelled west-ward and money eastward.

Shah Abbas always sold his silk for silver to the Armenian, Turkish and

European merchants.

Iran hardly had any gold or silver mines and thus relied heavily on the import of silver, through its silk trade and the transit trade of India westwards from Iran. According to Ina McCabe Iran was entirely dependent on the

Armenians for their silver imports for a greater part of the seventeenth century. Iran had a favourable balance of trade with Turkey and other regions

59 in the Levant and the Mediteri-anean and Russia, but where India was

concerned it was not the case.^''

Du Mans has vividly described how "Persian is like a big caravanserai

which has only two doors, the one on the side of Turkey, by which silver

enters from the West [Armenians]. The other door of exit in Bandar Abbas or

Gombroon in the Persian Gulf for going to the Indies, to Surat where all the

silver of the world unloads and from there as [if] fallen in an 'a'byss, it does not re-emerge".' He flirther states that you gain over Persia '5 or 6 per hundred' which shows the profit that could made on the sale of coins in

India.^^

Indians silver imports are inextricably linked with Iran. We cannot delink it from Iran's trade of it has to be properly understood.

Iran followed a bullionist policy which attempted to keep the gold and silver in the country instead of allowing it to circulate outside, it prohibited the export of coins and it became extra strict about it in the last quarters of the seventeenth centur)' when Iran was in the throes of a fiscal crisis. The crisis was so bad that it resulted in a considerable debasement Iranian coins. Thus merchants became wary of bnnging their silver to Persia as it was compulsory to reinint the coins in Iranian currency, which would have resulted in a considerable loss to them. Interestingly, the financial crisis is at times attributed to the reluctance of the Armenian merchants to bring silver to Iran.'

60 Their departure from their country to it the matcing of its economy and

it had strengthened it easier. Ina McCabe is of the opinion that though there

were other reasons also for this crisis, it was aggravated because the

Armenians started trading elsewhere or avoided Iranian mints.**^'

They tried to take the silver directly to India so as to avoid the high mint-age taxes and the loss occurring from the debasement of the currency. As silver acted like a commodity and its price varied from market to market. Even in normal times, a higher profit could be got if coins entered India directly by passing Persia. Du Mans has stated that five or per six hundred could be obtained in India.^'

The merchants increasingly tried to evade the Persian authorities and carr}' their undetected out of the country. Tavernier has shown clearly how it was done. The Armenian were very good at it. According to him the

Armenians concealed money, particularly gold coins, in vests and shirts, and avoided check-point which were very strict. If the merchants were discovered, the money was confiscated and double the amount of customs had to be paid.'

Another means to evade the customs which they resorted to was the evasion of Iranian ports especially that of the tightly controlled Bandar Abbas.

They increasingly frequented the Ottoman held port of Basra. The cargo of one such ship that was confiscated amounted to twenty four metric tons of silver in Spanish reales, which belonged to three Armenian merchants. Francois Martin has clearly mentioned the Basra alternative " the

commerce of India is well diminished now (1699), particularly since a few

years, that the Abbasi, the silver money coined there has been badly altered.

All the merchants go to Bassora" Though it did not replace Bandar Abbas, a

sizeable amount of traffic passed through Basra. It has been estimated that six

million Spanish reales pass through Bandar Abbas and three million through

Basra.

Thevenot'also informs us that there was profit to be made on coins if one goes via Basra. It has been speculated by Ina McCabe that the Armenians were not bringing silver into Iran as it was no longer profitable.

Tavernier says they bring ducats and sequins which are gold coins.

In Persia, the minting dues came to IViVo whereas in India they ranged from 3'/2%to6'/2%,"

Persian merchants and nobles were interested in buying large quantities of gold and silver, gold especially. Ali Akbar Isfahan!, for one, the

Governor of Surat who had started out as a merchant, took interest in the sale of bullion by the English East India Company [1646-7]. After his death, the

English officials point out that they had managed to get a much higher rate for their gold than could ever have been got in the days of Ali Akbar Isfahani.'

Another Persian noble Safi Khan is reported to have bought such large quantities of bullion from the English East India Company that the English

62 lament after his death, that there are no great men hke Safi Khan and Khan

Jahan to buy up their gold. They in fact attribute the cheapness of gold to this factor. Hence one can imagine the amount that there nobles must have been buying.'^^

Indian exports to West Asia have been estimated at 2.5 million to 3 million by Shireen Moosvi. Another estimate is at 1.56 million aipees. If one takes into account the fact that India got mostly gold and silver in return, then one can visualize the enormous amount of gold and silver entering India.

By 1602 the annual export to Hormuz by the Ottoman merchants was as high as 2 million crusadoes i.e. 41.74 metric tons of silver. Much of this silver in the form of lari, Shahi and reale, was brought to India. In 1645, the

Director of the V.O.C. had estimated that two million rupees worth of gold and silver was brought from Hormuz to Surat.'''

It should be kept in mind that Hormuz was not the only port through which silver was coming from West Asia. Moreover the silver entering via the overland trade also has to be taken into account.

The most sought after silver coins in the Indian Ocean trade were the reales of eight and the laris, owing to the fineness and uniformity of these coins. The reales of eight had 92% silver and were minted at Spain, Portugal and Mexico. They were known as dollars or piastres. They were also minted at

Germany, Holland and Turkey and were generally called Rix or Liondollar

63 there As we have noticed eadier, since the gold-silver ratio was much lower

in China, the Armenians brought a considerable amount of gold into India via

the Nepal-Tibet route. Gold also formed an important import from south-east

Asia. In the former areas it shared vvith other equally or more important

commodities like musk and tea, and in the latter area with spices, tin and

elephants. Gold obviously did not have the dominant quality that silver had in the imports from West Asia,

64 ENDNOTES (Over Laud Trade lo West Asia)

1. Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Les Six P'oyage.s De Jean Baplisie Tcivermcr, Paris, Microfilm at the I.C.H.R. Library New Delhi and Xeroxed copy of it is available at the C.A.S, in History, AMU., Aligarh, p.624.

2. Robert Coverte, A True and almost Incredible report of an Eng/ishman. , 1612, p.2.

3. Rjchard Steel, Hakhiiytus Posthiimas or Purchas His Pilgnmes^ ed. Samuel Purchas, vol. IV, Glasgow, 1905. p. 269

4. William Foster, Early Travels in India, 158S-1619, Oxford, 1921, p.260.

5. William Foster, ed., The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, I6I5-I9, London, 1926, p.446.

6. RJchard Steel, Hakhuytus Posthumas or Purchas His Pilgrimes

7. Jean Chardin, Sir John Chardins Travels i/i Persia, London, 1927,

8. Pelsaert, p. 15; EFI, 1654-36, p. 138.

9. EFI, 1634-36, ^^.U^.

W.EFI. 1637-40, ^.r^S.

11. Bermer, p.292.

12. Francisco Pelsaert, Remostranitie tr. W.H, Moreland and G. Geyl, Jahangirs India Cambridge, 1925, p.30; Tavernier p.75; Jean de Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot and Careri ed, Surendranath Sen, New Delhi, 1949, pp.77-78, p.80. Joseph Salbancke, in, Samuel Purchas, Hakhuytus Posthumas or Purchas His Pilgrimes, Glasgow, 1905, v. Ill, p.85.

13. EFI. 1637-41 ^.UA.

14. The Chief commodities of Persian merchants to Satgaon were "mandyles girdles, layches, and doupattas of Malda, also a thin cloth called caymeconyes of Beyhara", EFI, I6I8-2I, p. 195,

65 15. Palsaert, up.cji. p.30, Purchas, op.cit^ •/, p.269 and p.57; EF!, 1637-41 p. 134. Early in the 1?'" Century. Lahore was the chief market for indigo, so much so that the indigo reaching Europe through this route came to be known as Lahori indigo. See Pelsaen. p.30.

16. Purchas, o/).c/i. 4, p 471.

17. A regular trade in the Chitze of Masulipatam and the silks and cottons of Bengal was carried on in Lahore for the Persian market. See Pelsaert, p.30 and £F/7675-27, p 197,

18. Fray Sebastian Manrique, Travels of Fray Sebastian Maiiricpie (1728-41), Luard and H. Hosten, Hakiuyt Society, 1927, V.l, p. 197.

i'j. Purchas, op.cU, V.IV, p.269, Each camel was Reckoned to "stand {the merchant} him in 120 rupees or 130 rupees".

20. Thevenot, up.cil, p.78, Purchas, op.cit, 3, p.85.

21. In the beginning of the 1?"^ century, Qandahar belonged to the Mughal Empire, but in 1622 it passed into Persian hands and the position was maintained till 1638, when Shah Jahan gained control of it through Ali Merdan Khan. Shah Abbas later recovered it in 1649 and it remained so for the rest of the period.

22. This can be conclusively proved by the mint outputs during the period concerned. Shireen Moosvi, "The Silver Influx, Money Supply, Prices and Revenue Extraction in Mughal India, JKSHO VXXX, 1988.

23. Thevenot, op.cii., p.627, p.78

24. Tavernier, op.cit. '-).611. Purchas, op.cii., p.272.

25. Purchas, op.cit, 4, p 272.

26. Tavernier has given a detailed list of the various halts between Qandhar and Isfahan and the distances between each halt. See Tavernier, op.cit., p.724..

27. EFI, 1637-41 p. 134; EFI, 1618-21 p. 195, According to Tavernier "AJl the common people of Persia and Turkey were clad in it." See Tavernier, op.cit, V.II, pp.4-5.

66 28. These metais were brought at great charge overland from India, and thus were expensive in Persia, See Cambridge, Hislorv of Iran, Cambridge 1986, V.6, pp.447-48. 29. Scott Levi, p.61.

30. Cambridge History of Iran, V,6, p.475.

31. Niels Steensgard, 'The route through Quandahar; the significance of the overland trade from India to the west in the 17' Century' in Sushil Chaudhury and Michel Morrieau, eds., Merchants, Companies and Trade, Cambridge, 1999, p.72.

32. EFI, 1651-54, p.30, EFI. 1646-50^ p.7 ; EFI. 1624-29, p.63

33. Thevenot, op.cil, p.77; Purchas op.cil, 4, p.273, EFI 1637-41, p. 134 Chardin, The Travels of Sir .John Chardin into Persia and the East Indies, London 1686, Vol. II, pp.363-364.

34. Letter Received, v.5, p. 177.

35. Tavernier, pp.2., 98, 130.

36. Tavernier, op.cit. p.98. The caravanhachis in the caravans coming on the caravan route to India from the frontier towns of Persia on the Turkish border, were either Turks or Armenians, depending upon the majority of the merchants traveling in it. See Tavernier, op.cit, p.98.

37. Ibid., p. 15.

38. Chardin, op.cit., p.384.

39. Chardin, op.cit, p.238.

40. Purchas op.cil, 4, p.5!.

41. Chardian, op.cit, p.238.

42. Purchas op.cit, p.475, At times he lived comfortably for a penny sterling a day.

43 Tavernier op.cit, p. 13, The servants, when the caravan made a halt, v/ould go to the hills and cut the grass.

44. Purchas, op.cit, 4, p.58; Chardin, op.cit, p.363,

67 45. Chardin, op.al, pp.363-364.

46. Purchas op.cil, 4, p.58.

47. Thevenot, op.cit, p.84

48. Tavernier, op.cit, p. 106.

49. Ibid., p.14, 32.

50. Ibid., p. 14.

51. Purchas, op.elf, p.57.

52. Chardin, p.386. Chardin described the serai at Kaskerou built by Shah Abbas' wife, who settled a revenue of four score pounds to pay four servants to lodge in the inn to keep it clean and wait upon travellers.

53. Tavernier, op.cil, p.97, p.362.

54. Ibid.

55. Tavernier, op.ciL p.45.

56. Steensgard, A-/c'/r/7a///.s, Companies aiiJ Trade, p.72.

57. Steel, J'lirchas, vol. 4, p.269.

58. Niels Steensgai"d, The Asian trade Revohition of the Seventeenth Century: The luisl India company and the T)ec!i)ie of The Caravan trade, Chica^^o, 1973, p.31.

59. See, Morris Rossabi, "Decline of the Central Asian Caravan Trade" in the Rise of Merchant Empires, ed, James Tracy, Cambridge, 1990, pp.351-70.

60. Scott Levi, In Central Asia and its Trade J500-1900, Leiden, 2002, p.48.

61. S. Moosvi, the Economy of the Mughal Empire C. 1595, p.382.

68 END NOTES (Tibet)

01. Due to paucity of material on Armenian trade from India to China, this aspect of trade has not been dealt with.

02. Manucci, op. cit., 2, p. 415.

03. Khachikian, o/i.c/Y.,/;. 161

04. Masters, op. cii., 2, p.310, Khachikum

05. Ihid. 06. 'H?Lme\y palarikpoosh, chapla, ala/a, hihan khassa, while cheera. thick and thick and thin calico atid sokigcizi

07. 323 kg of amber and 32 kg of seed-pearls apart from 72 pearls.

08. Ihid 09. Tavernier, op. ail., II, p, 204

10. Kostand Joughayetsi, Manual for Trade Cited in Khochikian, p. 160; Lucas Vanantesti (see chapter I), ] 1. Ihid

12. Surendra Gopal, Armenian Traders in India in the 17"' Century, ed. A. Guha, 1980, p. 202.

13. Silver according to European standards was overpriced in China. Hovhannes exchanges silver with gold at a ratio 7:1 which was profitable.

14. Gold in Tibet was stratified into three varities, pana, khamsu and .loonscr. The cost price of each of them in rupees was Rs. 12.75, Rs. 12.05 and Rs. 11.55 respectively {Ihid 180).

15. Ihid., According to the treaty of the English East India Company with Khwaja Phanoos Kalanthar in 1688, the Armenians had agreed to supply commodities from Patna and Bengal to the English at Calcutta or Hugli, at a certain profit (see chapter 3 for details).

69 END NOTES (Overseas Trade to West Asia)

01. See India ami the Indian Ocean ed. Ashin Das Gupta and M.N. Realson. p. 108.

02 Abbe Carre, p.95.Thevenot, p.l. EFl, 1670-77, p.64. 03. Tavernier, tr. Ball, V. I, p. 19. 04. E.F.I, V.7, p. 87. 05. LinschotenV,l,pp.47-50. 06. Pyrard, 2, p.36 & p.239; Linschoten, I, p.223. 07. See, S. Subramanyam, MAS, 1988, pp. 510-515. OS. According to K.N Chaudhari, /Vrmenian competition at St. Thome was a probable reason in the reduction of Masulipatnam's importance in the second half of the seventeenth centuiy. p.223.

09. In the chapter on 'Armenian and Ihe English East India Company. 10. Peisaert, pp.16, 18 and 30; EFI, 1637-41, p. 134, Annals of Bengal, II, p.278, 379, Ledger of Hovhannes Joughayetsi,

11. Lvon Khachikian, "The Ledger of the Merchant Hovannes Joughayetsi" in Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 8:153-86 (1966) Kevonian; "Marchands all XVIf Siecle" armenian gives a partial translation including the Table of contents, in "Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique" 16: 199-244 (1975).

12. Ledger of Hovhannes Joughyetsi, p. 13. See the case study of Khwaja Minas given later on. 14. Given in detail in a subsequent chapter. 15. EFI, V.2, p, 202. 16. Ibid. 17. See Ashm Das Gupta, Decline of Sural., p. 136. 18. M. Aghassian and K. Kevonian "The /Armenian Merchant Network" in "Merchants, Companies and Trade' ed, Sushil Chaudhr)' and M, Marineau, pp,77-82,

70 19. Ibid. p.77. 20. See Ashin Das Gupta, Decline ofSiirat, p.99. 21. Ibid. p. 133. 22. Ibid. p. 133. In the Dutch blocade of 1703 at Surat, the Armenians and Persian remained silent. It was only when Mohammad Taqi's 'Silver' was confiscated and the Red Sea blockade was affecting the Persian Gulf trade did Mohammad Taqi inter\'ene and tried to bring about a settlement.

23. See for details, Arasaratnam & A.Ray, Masulipatnam and Cainhay\ and Tapan Ray Chaudhary, Jain & Company in Coromandel.

24. EFI, 1634-36, p. 260. 25. EFI, 1634-36, p. p. 318, Ibid., 1637-41, p. 42, p. 260-1. 26. See, Tapan Raychaudhri, Jan Company, pp. 121-22. 27. Tavernier. Op cit. P. 612. 28. Arasaratnam. A. Kciy Masulipatmim & Company, p.46. 29. Ibid. 30. MAS, 1988. p. 505. 31. Fryer I, p.80; Martin I., p. 160. See for details Arasaratnam and A. Ray. Masulipalnam and Company^ jDp.20-22, p.42.

32. Ibid, p.21. 33. English Factory Records have dealt extensively with Mir Jumla. For Dutch, seeTapan Raychaudhri, Jan Company, pp. 46-51.

34. See, Arasaratnam and A. ^SN, Masulipatnam and Camhay, p. 154. 35. Arasaratnam & A.Ray" pp. 152-53. With the advent of the seventeenth century the Armenian were acting more as intermediaries.

71 END NOTES (Overseas Trade to South East Asia)

1. Fires, op.cit,, 2, 266.

2. E.F.I.

3. Ihid. AimaJs of Bengal op.cil, 345.

4. E.F.I.. 1669-72,225.

5. Records of Fort Si. George, Diary and Consultation Book of 1692, Madras J9J7,p.]'.

6. Hamilton, op.cit., 396 and 429.

7. E.F.I. 1668-69, 195.

8. Pires, op.cil. 2, 268.

9. KFI. 1670-77,233.

\0. E.F.I. 1688-89, 195.

11. Ibid. Armenians sent textiles from Sironj to Bantam and Manila. See

Roques.

12. Annals of Bengal, op.cit., 270.

13. Vestiges, o/).cil. 2, 23.

14. See Furber, op.cit.. 271, for details

15. Hamilton, op.cit., 429 and 396.

16. Vestigues, op.cit, 2, 40. n.E.FI., 1668-69, 195.

\%.Fnrher, op.cit., 271.

19.The main commodities exported to it were Gujarati textiles, wheat and rice, 72 and imports were spices, pepper tin, elephants and gold. See Aarasaratnam's contribution in hidia and the Indian Ocean, ed.. Ashish Das Gupta Pearson, Calcutta, 1987, p,! 12 and

20. Ibid

21. .Arasaratnam and A. Ray. Masi/lipatnam and Camhay ,op. cit P. 72.

22. Fr)'er, op. Cit, P.8 For details about K4asulipatnam trade with South East Asia, see Arasthanam and Ray, h4asiilipalna)n and Camhay. 23. Ibid

24. E.F.I. 1651-54, pp. 145,

25. Ibid

26. E.F.I. 1651-54, pp.72, 145.

27. E.F.I.., 1651-54, pp. 12, 19,260,262

28. Ibid., p. 206

29. Ibid; p. 14

30. Ibid 1618-1621, p. 49

31. A. Forbes: Tenesserim: 'The Thai kingdom of Ayuthya's link with the Indian Ocean' in Indian Ocean Newsleter v.3, No. 1, 1982, pp. 1-3

32. Tapan Raychandhuri: Jan Company op.cit p. 159

33. For Dutch trade at Masulipatnam please see Arasratnam and A. Ray: MasuUpalnam and Company T. Raychaudhri, Jan Company

73 END NOTES (Major Commodities)

' Roques op.cit, pp. 197-98. ^ Khatchikian, J.A.S.B.; 1966 pp.58-9. ^ EFl 1637-41; p.134, Annals of Bengal, 11, pp.278-379. ^£H 1668-69, p. 195. ^ Maniicci, 11, p.77. 'Khatchikian, J.A.S.B., 1966, p.57. Roques p. 198; Tavernier, 1, p.46 Roques states that the "great Moghul, for many years retained the best works of Sironj and Chanderi to make extraordinary bastilles for himself and his nobles, which were so fine that they were almost priceless. Tavernier also has remarked that they were so fine than it appeared as if the skin was uncovered. ^ Roques, pp. 198-9. '•'/A/J, pp. 184-203. '" We have explicit evidence in other contemporary sources also which point to the eminence of Sironj as a Centre for painted chintz. See Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ed. S. Sen, New Delhi, 1949, p.57. " Paul R Schwantz 'Priming on cotton at Ahmadahad, India in 1678, Ahmadabad 1969, p.20. ''Roques, pp. 184-203. 'V/;/6/., pp. 155-57 ^"ibid, pp. 155-57. '-AT/1630-33, pp. 124-5. "^TomPires, o/;.c77., II, p.268. '^ Tapan Raychaudhary. Jan company p.2 '^ Tapi or skirt was worn as it was in demand by both sexes. Irivin, op.cit^ p..)9. ^"//;/J.,p.29. "' See Steensgard 'The Route through Quandahar', mMerchants, Company and Commerce, p.62. "^ See Scott Levi, op.cit, p.78. ^^ Pelsaert, Remoristraiitic tr. pp.15,16,18; EFI1618-21 pp.16,61,323; Manrique, II, 152; EFI, 1642-45, p.303, EFI, 1646-50, p. 253. ^Uhid., EFI, 1642-15, p. 136. See S. Moosvi, Economic History, p.383. " Pelsaert, p. 18, ^^ EFI 1624-29^.63. ^^ Earlier, Lahore and Agra were more important centres, because of these location on the caravan route from the West. ^^ Pelsaert, o/;.c/7,, 18&30. ^'^ Manrique, op.cit., 2, 152 74 ''Ibid. ^' E.F.I., 1624-29, 307. '^ Pelsaert. op.cit., p. 16. '^ E.F.I., 1646-50, p.253, 'Uhid., p.62. 'Uhid., 1634-36, p, 138. '^' Khachikian. J.A.S.B., 1966, p.57. •" Ibid See Scott Levi p.51, •'Velsaert, p. 16. '" E.FJ., 1624-29, p.304. Dealt within the concluding chapter ''^ E.F.I. 1634-1636, pp.346-7, 1 fardle = 7 mans 4 seers. ^^ /^/7, 1630-1633. p. 324, /77, 1634-1636, pp.76-2, A>7, 1634-1636, pp.71-2. '*'' Mir Jumla indentally was an Irani and Mir Saman under Jahangir and under Shahjahan (1629-35). He was the Mir Bakshi from 1635 till his death in 1638. ^^ EFI. 1634-1636, pp.70,72,256,325. ^^ EFI, 1634-1636, p.244. '^EFI, 1630-1633, p.232. ^"^ Tom Pires I., pp.30,43-44. "•^ Barbosa, X, p.l 14, Fitch, Early Travels, p.28. ^'•' See Raychaudhuri, Jan Company, pp.46-52, ^' Roques, p. -'.4//7, I, p,244, "AT/, 1630-33, p.l 24. ^U^FI, 1637-41, p. 135. " Barbosa, !1, pp.55, 112,146-7; Purchas 8, p,103. ^^ TavQrnier.LFS Si.x Voyay^es' p 338. According to Tavernier Abbasi = ISV?. sols Roques, pp. '** See S. Moosvi, Economy of the Mughal Empire, pp.233-35, "AinI, p.l40. "^^ According to Hawkins, Eur/y Travels, p. 130, there were Persian 4000, turkish 6000, Kashmir 2000 and according to Pelsaert, chronicle tr. pp.34-5. Persian 3,200. Turkish 5,970, Cutech 2,540 and Sind 210, Mares 120. For details about the import of horses their prices, the importance in the Mughal Economy etc. See S. Moosvi Economy, pp.376-379, 233-35 ''' Gommans has further demonstrated that the climate of India was not suitable for the breeding of horses and also the lack of proper pasturelands around the year. p.72, p. 17.

75 Roques p The Rise of the lucio Aftghan Empire, p.74-90. According to him a fair number of liorses came from shiraz, Kazarun and Dashtestan. ^"^ Ihid, p According to Comte De Maldave 45000 to 50000 horses were annually exported to India from central Asia and Iran even as late as the 1770's. See Scott Levi, p.58. Scott Levi has dealt in detail with the horse import of India from both Iran and Turan. pp. 54-60, ^^EFI. 7^37-77 pp.301, 308-9. " EFI, J642-15 p.65, EFl, 1637--^J p.253, p.281. ' Tiizuk, op.cil, p.2, ^'^Lahori, 16p.l02. ^"^Mirat, I, p.23\-2. ^'' EFI, 1627-41 p301,pp.308-9, ^^ EFI, 1618-1621,p.353. ^' Tavernier, , p.216. ^^ Roques, pp.250-261. ''•' Tavernier p.85. ^''Roques pp.250-261. ''^ It is difficult to understand what Roques means by the oyster being dead or alive when the pearl was taken out, because pearls were only taken out from dead oyster, that too, when they had sufficiently decayed for a number of days and opened up themselves, (the Manas Oysters opened up five or six days sooner then the Persian Gold ones) See Tavernier, Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, tr. Ball. 1977, V.R,, p,91. ^^ Thevenot, p.240. '''' Bernier, p.202. Manucci (II, p.408) has also observed that the whole of India's trade comes from four plants, that produce cotton, silk, opium and indigo. "For the export of all this merchandise, European and other traders bring much silver to India". ^'Godinho, p.l24. ^'^^//7.,p.l9. ^"Tavernier, I, p. 19, ^' Du Mans, Cf Ina McCabe, p. 158, and 'Precious Metal Flows and Currency circulation in the Mughal P-mpire, JESHO, v.39. No.3, pp.301-319. Roques, pp. ^^ Ina Mc Cabe, The Shahs Silk for Europe 's Silver ^^Du Mans, p. 192, Cf Ina Mecake pp. 157-58. ^^ She has given the French text and the translation ^^'^ Ina McCabe, p. 164. **' DuMans. Dec The Mc Cabe p. 157. ^^ Tanvernier, Les Six Voyages K 7, p.4I8. *''''Sanson pp. 159-61. 76 ^' r- 9(J Francois Martin . VL p^ 21Q yi Ina Mc Cabe p. 167. yi Tavernier, V., 1, p.l9]. yj Chardin, V.3, p. 128 pp .204-5. y4 EFI S. Moosvi, Economy of the Mughal Empire, pp.381-2. Najaf Haidar, 'Global Networks of Exchange, the India Trade and the Mercantile Economy of 'in Irfan Habib, ed. The Growth of Civilizations in India and Iran; A Shared Heritage, Delhi, 2002 p. 198. "Linschoten, V.l, p. 186; Pyrard, 11, p. 175. '^ Laristan offered an incentive by overvaluing the lari against the real so from the end of the sixteenth century, they were very popular especially on the , Khachikian, ./.^.i^i?., pp. 177-178.

77

THP2 ARMENINAN MERCHANTS

ORIGINS:

Armenia, after Ashot I united it in the 9 ' centup>' was a triangular piece of territory' bounded on three sides b}' the Safavid, the Ottoman and the Russian empires, though landlocked, it was verv' strategically placed as it was the junction point for numerous important transit routes of the area. The busy overland trade routes eastwards from the Mediterranean, and the black sea passed near or through Armenia. East of the Caspian, this same route forked into two directions

- one to China, the famous silk Road; the other to India, through Herat and

Qandahar. Armenia, in fact seems to have been a hub of important caravan routes of Asia, radiating not only towards Central Asia, India, Persia, Turkey and Russia, but also towards Europe - namely Istanbul, Venice, Leghorn, Marseilles Poland and Amsterdam.

Merchants from this region excelled themselves m their professional acumen. The Armenian were perhaps one of the most established merchants in the trade of the region by the 17^'' century. In 1697 the court of the Directors of the

English East India company remarked ".... for most certainly they (the

Armenians) are the most ancient merchants of the vv'orld".' In Asia they were well

78 entrenched in a number of commercial centres, much before the European made their entP)' in Asian trade.

Though Armenia was no longer a political unit' after 1375, Armenians by their well recognised skill m commerce, were able to car\'e out an enviable niche in the trading world of the Middle Ages, The enterprising qualities of the

Armenians, coupled with other characteristic features such as perseverance, thrift, probity, solidarity and abo\'e all, their exceptional aptitude for hard work, made them merchants par excellence. When one thinks of Armenians m this period of history, there is a tendency to immediately associate them with the commercial field. Contemporary sources have also mentioned their aptitude for trade m giov/ing terms." Fiyer felt "that the Armenians being skilled in all the intricacies and subtilities of trade at home, and travelling with these into the remotest kingdoms become by their own Industry... the wealthiest men".

By the 16" and early 17'' centuries they were able to spread out their tentacles throughout Asia and Europe.' The long list of places given in thejoumal of Lucas Vanantesti, (a contemporai"y Armenian trade manual) though not all exhaustive, gives an idea about the extent of their tradition operations.' Regarding their geographical dispersal George Williams very aptly describes their area of operation as "they were disppersed over an wvriense extent of the globe, from the

79 Indian Ocean to the Baltic, from the Steppes of the Tartary to the Valley of the

Nile, the crests of the Carpathian Mountains and the Alps".

They were universally acknowledged to be the most suited for trade.

Travellers have made special mention of their thrift. Accordmg to Fiyer,

"' being expert at bargams wherever they come, evading thereby hrokeridge, and studying all the aits of thrift will travel for fifty shillings where we cannot for 50 thomands." Tavemier also has elaborated on thrift, which naturally led to less overhead charges and consequently greater profits when they left their homes on long voyages, they provided themselves with biscuits, smoked meat, flour, butter and wine, bought fresh meat only when very cheap, and moreover carried a fishmg rod with them to fish in the ponds and rivers on tlie way. They further economized on their foodstuffs by taking with them small trifles, like trinkets, small mirrors, pearls, etc. to exchange these with bread and dairy products from the poor village women on the way. When the caravan halted on the way, or they had to break their journey for some time, then a number of

Armenian merchants would pool together and rent a room in tlie sarai, which they furnished themselves by the utensils and bedding which they

80 carried with them, thus further saving on the expenditure. They did not

have to pay any charges for the provisions that they carried, because for

every six camels, a seventh one was given free for the baggage of the

merchants.

They were equally adept at both overland and overseas trade. Ability to

use different modes of transportation was their special forte, be it ocean

transportation, or river shipping, or overland cart or sledge route, or horse route

over mountainous terrain. A single merchant would not hesitate to use a

combination of different types of transport in the course of his trade venture. We

see that an Armenian merchant, Hovhannes Joughayetsi, who came to India in

1682 used the Caravan route from Isfahan to Bandar Abbas, then went by ship to

Surat, by pack animals to Tibet, and eventually down the river by boat from Patna

to Hugli.**

The contracts and the credit system, in short, vital factors for success in trade, which an ordinary merchant would perhaps take a lifetime to acquire, were already tailor-made for the Armenians. Young Armenian entrepreneurs were able to set out on their business tnp with a small capital, and "return to their hives laden with honey". Armenians in Persia:

While the Armenians operated in the entire world of Asia one of their

most important area of trade operation was Persia. Their activities m Persia are of vital importance, because after 1604^ they operated mostly from there. Shah

Abbas following a "scorched-earth" policy, in his war against the invading Turks, had transplanted the whole Armenian community of Julfa on the river Zenda Rud, to Persia. Armenian agriculturalists were sent to Ghilan and other silk-producing area; whereas a considerable proportion, belonging to the Armenians merchantile section was settled in a suburb of Ispahan which the Armenians renamed New

Julfa. ' Owing to the patronage of Shah Abbas, they held a privileged position over here. Their was tolerated they were allowed to buy lands and property and their subrub was exclusively meant for them, no Mohammadan was allowed to enter it.'" They appeared to be the most privileged subjects of Shah

Abbas I and Fryer remarks that Shah Abbas gave them so much protection that he asserted their "right and privileges in a higher manner (abating some little circumstances) than the Moors themselves". Even if this statement is highly exaggerated, it shows that the atmosphere in Persia around this period was extremely favourable for Armenian merchants. The Armenians were able to thrive under the royal protection. "So mightily do they increase under this umbrage m

82 riches and fi'eedom, for whilst they sit lazily at home, their factors abroad in all parts of the earth return to their hives laden with honey".'"^ The affluence of New

Julfa has been marked by several travellers of the medieval period. To be designated a merchant of New Julfa meant that he was a person of considerable importance. In 1673, Agha Piri, the head of the Armeanians was worth 200,000 bures and he was one of twenty such eminent merchants.

New Julfa was a quasi-autonomous republic governed by merchants. A few important trading families ran New Julfa, the administration of the entire community was in the hands of merchants. Roads divided the town into twenty districts, each represented by a khoja. They all formed a council, at the head of whom was the Kalanlar. The latter represented the Armenian community to the

Shah and to foreigners. This council was later on "transformed into a trading company of the Armenians in Julfa".

Above all, they became agents for royal trade. The importance of this aspect can be understood when one realises that the entire balance of external trade of Persia depended upon silk, it was the major export and that silk, during

Shah Abbas' time was a royal monopoly. Shah Abbas realising its vital importance had taken its production and sale under state control. One could not buy any silk from the producers "the could Emperor Shah Abbas by his

83 commands, prohibited all men what nation sever to buy any silk unless from his

hands, and to this end all should be collected and brought into his Magazenes"."^

Shah Abbas fortered the Armenians in silk production as well as

destribution because he wanted to counter-balance the power of the feudal forces

in Iran. When the Armenians were transported from new Julfa, the peasants were

settled in the silk producing regions of Ghilon and Mazendaran Chardin has

estimated the revenues from regions to be 14 million fi"ance. It was one fourth of

the Khassa revenues. The rich merchants were settled at new Julfa. WTien Shah

Abbas decided to make silk a royal monopoly and auctioned the right to the

highest bidder, the Armenians of new Julfa became the royal trade agents, after

outbidding others including the European Companies. Ina Mc Cake is of the

opinion that it was a deliberate royal policy against the feudal powers in Iran "By

monopolizing the silk trade, gaining the cooperation of the Aimenian merchants,

and largely placing the silk production in Armenian hands, the Shah created a

commercial circuit that avoided recourse to local Muslim merchants....". Wealthy

Azeri landowning families also carried out mercantile activities including money

changing Shah Abbas to counterbalance them opted to depend upon the

Armenians whose loyalty would be directly to him and independent of these feudal power.

84 According to Herzig, even before tliey were deported, they were wealthy and well established in Julfa and had a solid trading network. Thsfarman of Shah

Abbas of 1605 mentions that the Armenians had come with their Ilk. In Julfa 2000 tomans were spent by some households but they had come to Isfahan leaving behind loads of silk and gold. Though they left behind their houses and settled at

New Julfa, they carried with them their worldwide credit, their own commercial network.

With the Shah's benevolence, the Armenians were able to engross the major potion of the silk trade. They carried most of it to Turkey (particularly

Smyrna, Brusa and Aleppo), where a considerable part of it went to London and

Marseilles, and also to Venice and Leghorn, some of it carried by the Armenians

1 7 themselves, especially so if a good market was not available in Turkey. Towards the north, Russia was the major outlet and towards the East - India (through

Hormug or overland through Qandahar and Kabul).

The Armenians also deeply penetrated the internal trade of Persia, carried out through bazaars which were the centres of trade. They held a predominant position in the silk sector of the bazaar, with wide contracts throughout the country especially the silk producing areas."* Owing to their control over the

85 internal trade, when the royal monopoly was broken by Shah Safi in 1630.

Armenians still came out as the major beneficiaries.

The English East India Company, out of necessity, had to resort to the

Armenians, for the purchases of silk, for not only did the Armenians have an edge over them owing to their privileged position vis-a-vis the emperor their superior knowledge of the local conditions, markets and routes, but, because of the fact that they always had amply money resources to make large-scale purchases.''^ The

English Company was always short of silver, and relied mainly on their supplies of English broadcloth to barter it for silk - but silk was available only against cash payments.^" Consequently the English had to turn to the chief merchants who dealt in the complimentan,' trade of silk and broadcloth - and these were mostly none other than the Armenians themselves who were firmly entrenched in this sector.

The English Company faced stiff competition from the Armenians and realised that cooperation with this mercantile group was indispensable. In the last decade of the 1 7" century when the English were reactivating their trade, after a bull of about three decades in their trading activities in Persia, they made vigorous attempts to enlist Armenia help. One such major attempt was in 1693 when the

English company tried to reach an agreement with five Armenians merchants, proposing amongst other things, to buy silk at Ispahan itself, which would save

the Armenians the trouble of carr>'ing it to distant places." The Amienians

vehemently opposed this suggestion, realising that this would place them entirely

at the mercy of the English Company: " if we bring it to Ispahan there is only

you to buy it, and if you won't give us a price, then we must let you have it, as

you will, and take cloth of what price you will".'' On the contrary, if they took it

to Aleppo, they would have the choice of selling to various other merchants

groups.

The Armenian merchants trade in Iran was interlinked with their trade

with the Otoman Empire, because the silk was predominantly sold there, the

economy of both these Empires depended considerably on this silk trade. "The

Ottoman silk industry was dependent on Persian silk, moreover the trade brought

about an average of 70,000 alluns a year into the Ottoman treasury. In turn, Iran

was kept supplied by gold and silver earned on the Ottoman markets" The

Armenians settled at Bursa when it was the capital, and when later Istanbul

became the capital, they moved there.

The Armenians had a long tradition of friendship with the Ottoman sultans, even though the safavid Empire and the Ottoman empire were at loggerheads. Armenian caravans from Iran went to Istanbul or Ismir, and

87 generally to Aleppo, which was a major entrepot for all Asian goods entering the

Mediterranean. The Armenians brought mostly Persian silk which continued to be

important till mid eighteenth century. At its height, this trade attracted as many as

10,000 Armenians into Ottoman territory.

It was their privileged position in Persia and their near control on Persian

silk trade that enabled them to spread their trading activities in East and West

Europe as well as in many other regions. The Persian silk had a ready world

market and the Armenians were the near monopolisers of the commodity.

In Turkey also the Armenian merchants were in good stead, for as

previously mentioned, Turkey was the most important outlet for Persian silk' and

this trade was to a very great extent in the hands of Venetians and Armenians. The

English company, in their attempts to divert this trade on a north-south axis in the

early Safavid period, time and again complain about the difficulty to trying to

"break the trade betwixt the Venetians and the whole company of the

Armenians.

Aleppo was the major market to which the Armenians took their silk.

Acording to Jenkinson, one Armenian village "yeerely carrieth 400 and 500 mules lading of silks to Aleppo, and bringeth thence 800 or a 1000 mules laden with

Kersies and Venice cloths.^'' This silk was either sold for cash, partly in cash. cloth, cochneal, amker, coral or false pearl to "Venetians, Dutch, English, French

merchants who flocked to Aleppo". On not getting a good market the Armenians

themselves took it to Europe.

Interestingly, m this country, the Europeans had by force to deal with the

Turkish Muslims through the Armenians or Jews, because their (the European)

movements were restricted. They were, unlike the latter communities confined to a particular part of the town and in Aleppo to a specific building.

They held a privileged position in Russia also,"^ where they were given benefits which other Asian traders were not enjoying. Illustrative of this point is the fact that in 1684, Eastern traders were forbidden to trade outside Astrakhan, but the Armenians were the lone exception."**

As a result of the conquest of Kazan and Astrakhan by Russia in mid sixteenth century, the caspian-volga axis was opened up. The Armenians made full use of this opportunity and established themselves firmly in this trade. It is to be noted that they were already taking part in the Volga trade even before

Astrakhan fell to Russia.

From contemporaiy sources, especially the manual of Lucas Vanandeci, we come to know that the Russian route to Europe also was in operation, side by

89 side with the Turkish route, A detailed account of this route, the taxes levied on it,

etc, are given in the manual.

In 1667, an important treaty was signed between the Tsan and the

Armenians, (the merchants of New Julfa) which gave the Armenians permission

to conduct trade, the northern route to Europe through Russia, The Tsar had been

reluctant to grant this permission to others, because he was afraid that the Russian

merchants trade would suffer.

By the 17" century, they had become the chief carriers of trade between

Persia and Russia, From data in the R.I.O, documents, it is evident that the

Armenians engrossed from 59% to 85% of the total exports from Russia to

Persia.

The route usually favoured was Ghilan to Astrakhan (across the Caspian)

by boat, then up the Volga to Moscow and then overland to Archange) of St

Petersburg, Apart from silk, caviar, fish, hides and fur constituted other important exports fi'om Persia to Russia.

There seems to have been an Armenian Company in operation at

Moscow.^" They at times dealt in partnership with other merchants, either from their own community, or from other countries. The Indians after 1684, increasingly resorted to them in order to circumvent the restrictions placed on

90 them;' In the ledger of Astrakhan Customs relating to goods of Indian merchants

leaving for Persia (1 ?"' September 1778-15* October 1778) we find that 4 out of 6

ships were definitely Armenian."'^

Geographical contiguity and religious affinity must have undoubtedly

helped them in their operations in Russia. Apart from it, absence of a strong

nation to back them and lack of territorial designs must have contributed a lot

towards gaining 'the confidence of not only the Russians, but also others,

specifically the Turks and the Persians.

Citizenship was granted to resident . In 1800 when a

Russian Company was being proposed to be established, to further direct trade

with India, it was felt that "the Armenians who have settled down in Russia,

enjoy the mercy of the Emperor, and they should be permitted to enter into the

Company as they would not be able to do harm since they would be compelled to participate in it on the basis of a common law. On the other hand, their entry might be useful because many of them known Asian languages and they know different places and the conditions in which the trade would be carried on". '

Previously in 1751 also, when the Russian had established a trading company at Orenburg to further trade with central Asia and India, they took the help of the Armenians.'

91 The Armenians v/ere well suited to act in this capacity i.e. cross culture

brokers and intermediaries - in fact they were the natural resort for such purposes,

not only because they had a good under standing of the Asian setting, held a

priviledged position in al the three Empires bordering their homeland, had

extensive commercial dealings in the area; but also to a very considerable extent

because of their extraordinary linguistic ability. Apart from a separate language of

their own,'' the Armenian was equally at home with a host of other languages.

Contemporary scholars have also taken note of this special trait. According to

Fryer, they made "Syriac, Arabic, Turkish and Persian their own; and by lingua

franca became conversant with most of the western foreigners, which language is

a mixture of Portuguese, Italian, French and Spanish, and thereby made

intelligible to European tradders as universally as Latin to the Gentry and

Scholars"."'

It goes to the credit of the Armenians that in spite of the loss of their nation and in spite of staying in foreign lands, they were able to retain their

'Armenianese'. They were able to preserve their language and their religion, which acted as common bonds for this community.

Loss of power in New Julfa and the decline of the silk trade in Iran marked an exodes of a number of Annenians from Iran especially from the 1660's

92 onwards. India was one of the major destinations because a large number of

Armenians were already settled here, the khwajas who were now moving out had

been for long trading with India through their factors. Around this time, they

stopped taking silver to Iran. They tried to bypas Iranian ports and mmts. They

strived to bring silver directly to India from the Levant. Basra became an

alternative port for them through which they could avoid Iranian temtor}' and

bring silver directly to India.

The Armenians were before the 16" century basically "birds of passage"

but after this period we find permanent Anneman settlements i a large number of

trading centres, by being resident Armenians, they were able to diversify their

operations on a wider scale, not only in the commercial field but in various other

capacities.

Similarly, in India also they had been trading from centuries,'' but became

quite noticeable a number of trading centres by the 16" century only,'' it was in the 17* century that they truly blossomed out in all parts of the Empire. These resident Armenians rose to eminent heights not only as merchants but in a number of other capacities as well. Interestingly enough the Armenians make their appearance in our sources as the officials of the Mughal Empire first.

93 Coming as merchanls at least some of them got entry into the Mughal

Imperial service. Mirza Zulqarnian, a grandee of Jahangir's and Shah Jahan's time is a notable example of the illustrious position which an Armenian was able to attain in India (case study given).

94 THE ARMENIANS AND THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY

The Armenians in India's free trading world had to compete with the

Enghsh East India Company as well as with other European merchants besides

the Indian and Asian merchants. Armenians and English both had to make adjustments with each other since they could, of course, not with away the fierce competition.

The conditions obtaining in India's commercial world forced them not only to complete but to cooperate as well. The Armenians utilized English shipping to freight their goods to various trading centers. The English in turn relied on the Armenian, better acquainted with the land and its practices for the purchase of commodities, for the negotiations at the Mughal Imperial court and with the local Mughal administration and for gaining concessions at both the levels.

While I have little access to the resources of Dutch East India Company's records, records of the English East India Company seem to offer enough information on the relations of the Armenians with the English Company to enable us to have fairly detailed picture.

Soon after the advent of the English, in India, we find them being assisted by Armenians in the capacity of couriers qasids and interpreters. The English 95 being new to the set up were unacquainted with the languages and cultural environment, hence the Armenians with their command of languages and their thorough understanding of the local stage, were the natural resort of the English.

The Armenians on the other hand had a flair for languages." According to Fryer

"....first may be considered their propensity to languages, they making Syriac,

Arabic, Turkish and Persian, their own at home, and by lingua franca become conversant with most of the western Foreigners; which language is a mixture of

Portuguese, Italian, French and Spanish and thereby made intelligible to European traders as universally as Latin to the gentry and scholars". It made them get through all regional boundaries. Where it was difficult to conduct trade or where communications posed a problem because of the language barrier, the Armenians easily filled the gap, be it in India, Iran, Turkey, Russia or Europe. They were able to act in the capacity of cross cultural brokers or agents owing to this trait. When the English Company first established itself in India, it made use of the sen'ices of a number of Armenian interpreters, to overcome the language problem.•" They were more on less indispensable to the English factors. Many a times the factors expressed their inability to do any work as their Armenian agent was not available.'' A short perusal of the case of Iskandar, an Armenian interpreter of the

English company will illustrate the point. From English factory records we find

96 that Iskandar acted as the broker and interpreter of the English company m 1622 and 1632. Petro de la Valle testifies to his being an "Armenian Catholic Christian and skilled in the country" and proficient in the Persian tongue.''

Iskandar performed a wide range of duties. He drafted important letters to

Mughal officials like the Governor of Surat, on behalf of the English Company.

He fiequently accompanied the high officials of the English Company, like

President Rastell, to the house of important Mughal nobles and officials.'

Important negotiations were conducted through him like in 1623 when the

English had detained Surat ships.' At this meeting a number of important nobles and chief merchants were present. He, on several occasions, accompanied the

English caravans. In 1622 he was in charge of the caravan fi'om Agra to

Burhanpur and Surat.

When the English factors faced difficulties at the tolls he was sent to help them and clear the goods.'" English officials often express their great need of

Iskandar's services since work could not be done because Iskandar was not there." Hopkinson at Surat wrote to Rastell at Swally that he could not send letters to the latter, as the one sent a day earlier had been torn up and the messenger beaten, and was thus sending Iskandar to give all the information about

97 what passed between him and Safi Khan, regarding the Enghsh who had been made captives.

Armenians were frequentiy employed by the English as their representatives (vakil) at the Mughal Court and the courts of regional governors.'"

Some very important farmans and nishans were obtained by the English through their ser\'ices. Prince Azimu-sh-Shan's nishan granting the zamindari rights of

Suttanati, govind'pur and Dihi-kalkatt

Khwaja Sarhad in 1698.'^

The farman of 1717 often known as the "Magna Carta" of the English trade in India, granting the English customs - free trade in Bihar, Bengal and

Orissa was also obtained chiefly through his helps. In the delegation appointed to call on Farrukh-siyar for the farman, Khwaja Sarhad was "second in council" the others being Surman and Stephenson.' Khwaja Sarhad, in fact was very close to not only the dignitaries at the imperial court ' but also with the influential nobles at the court of the governor of Bengal, which made him of invaluable assistance to the English in getting the officials to intercede on their behalf in disputes with

Indian merchants and officials, and to secure extraordinary concessions from them.

98 A major area of Armenian and English cooperation was in the field of

shipping. The Armenians freighted and took passage on English ships in large

members, right from the beginning of the seventeenth century. Later on when the

Armenians developed their own shipping, this practice became reciprocal.'

The English company it appears, preferred to freight goods rather than to

let the Armenians charter the entire ship as more profit could be obtained by the former practice.

Armenians shippmg had become so substantiated that by the end of the seventeenth century, the English factors observed that the duties from Armenians shipping at Madras exceeded the enfire duties obtained by the English at

Gombroon. ' The freighting of Armenian goods from Bengal to Surat was also very lucrative.

In 1693-94, the English factors at Coromondel were ordered to sell the

Company's coastmg ships and hire small vessels from the Armenians for their coastal trade."

At times, the captains of the English Company were engaged to navigate

Armenian ships, as this was permitted on a temporary basis by the Company.

The English Company was well aware of the extraordinary skill of the

Armenians in conducting trade, the systematic way in which they carried out their

99 commercial operations, as evident from the fact that the Court of Directors of the

English Company in 1673 specifically ordered its writers in Persia to board with the Armenians, learn their language and acquire their method of conducting business. ' Thus it is not surprising that the Armenians were closely linked with the English Company in their commercial ventures in India both in the role of buyers as well as suppliers.

In Persia, the Armenians traded with the English Company partly by barter and partly in cash, whereas in India, there is not evidence of barter of any sort between them. The transactions consisted of both cash and credit, with bills of exchange figuring prominently in them.

Broadcloth was the major item bought in India by the Armenians from the

English Company. Forward contracts with prices determined beforehand to avoid the vagaries of the market and monopolizing the market by buying up the whole stock were frequent practices employed by the Armenians vis-a-vis the English

Company.^^ At times the Armenians also bought on behalf of other Indian merchants.

The Armenians, as previously discussed were well established in the hinterland and according to one calculation were able to buy commodities for export 30% cheaper than the Company.^^ They were to be found in all the

100 important production centers of India. For example, whereas the indigo trade was

concerned, they were procuring indigo not only from Bayana, but Sarkhej and

Koria as well. From very early in the seventeenth century, they were offering stiff

competition to the English and Dutch companies. In the 1620's the English and

the Dutch were trying their best to establish their hold over the Bayana indigo,

grown near Agra which was considered to be the best in the world, but the

Armenians were a source of irritation for them. In 1626, Pelsaert noted how the

Armenians "running and racing around like hungry folk" in the indigo areas

"making as if they would buy up the whole stock, raising prices, losing a little

themselves and causing great injury to us and other buyers, who have to purchase

large quantities."^' They not only competed for the Bayana indigo but also for the

indigo from Sarkhej. They bought the cheaper variety from Korea too. When m

1655, the short lived monopoly of indigo ended, the Armenians were much ahead

of the English and the Dutch, transporting indigo overland to Persia and obtaining a very good price there. '

As for the textiles, which were the leading export, it was reported that

"they knew every town as village with a substantial weaving industry and bought

on at 30% below the price purchased by the Company.'

101 In 1663 Bermies noted that the Armenian competition at Jalalpur and Lucknow,

inland marts for cotton cloth, had forced the Dutch to withdraw from there, since

presumably the Armenians took their purchases overland cheaper than the Dutch

could, given the "great distance between Agra and Sourate".'"

At Sironj also, the Armenians had an established trade in 1678, while the

French and English trade was hardly of any consequence. The Armenians

"purchased 2000 corges in a year and make a great profit in taking Jaffarcom

Chittes to Persia, Bantam and Manilla";^' Moreover the Amienians bought

commodities out of their own capital and at times supplied the Company on

credit.^^ All these features plus the fact that the Board of Directors of the English

Company in London already had diplomatic relations with the Armenians in

Persia led the English Company to seek closer relations with the Armenian

merchants in hidia.

In 1665 the Armenians were specially invited to come and settle in

Bombay'' by Gerald Aungier, the President of the English Company special privileges was offered to them including gift of land for houses, warehouses and church for them. After Bombay was handed over to the English by the

Portuguese, the English Company endeavoured its best to develop it as a substantial port Aungier invited the leading merchants of Surat to settle in

102 Bombay. The Armenians were specially earmarked and approached through

Khwaja Minas.'

In 1688 the English Company entered into an agreement with Khwaja

Phanoos Kalantar (who was acting on behalf of the Annenian nation) at the headquarters of the Company in London. ' The Armenians were given a number of privileges in return for foregoing their conventional trade to Europe via the land route through Persia and Turkey, in favour of sending them on the English

Company's ships to London and then to Europe via the new Cape route. The

Armenians were promised all benefits the English enjoyed, were to be treated on equal terms with the English merchants, even where employment was concerned; to use the Company's ships to any part in India, China and South East Asia, that was included in the Company's charter, live in the Company's settlements, practice their own religion and to purchase and sell lands and houses. The English

Company also promised not to unload the Armenian goods consigned on their ships for Rukey, Venice or Leghorn at any port in Europe except at that directed to by the Armenians, but with the understanding that the English reserved the right to keep back in London any good that they thought fit, for the Company for which the Armenians would be paid at a rate which would guarantee one third profit on the first cost.

103 According to Ferrien, this treat]/ of 1688 had no significance at all. It was

a total failure. The directives issued by the English Company at the end of the

century, (1694-95) offering incentives to the Armenians were nothing but further

attempts by the English to enlist Armenian help and to divert their trade because

the Armenians were in a dominant position in the Levant trade. From a study of

official documents Farrier has concluded that this deal which the English

Company made with Phanoos Kalantar was a treaty with a particular leading

family of Julfa, the Surhad family and not with the entire Armenian nation. It was

signed by one merchant Khwaja Phanoos Kalantar, a Catholic. The Armenians as

a group did not subscribe to the terms of this treaty. They naturally did not want

to give up their Ottoman trade, which was then main source of profit. Ina Mc cabe

is of the opinion that since the Sarhad's were Catholic a "clear pattern of Catholic

Armenians willing to cooperate with Europe emerges".

The Armenians around this time in 1689 signed a treaty with Russia i.e.

Peter the great promising to abandon the Turkish route, which goes to show that the Turkish route was still being used. This treaty represented the new Julfa

Armenians as it was signed by twenty two Armenians who belonged to the governing body of New Julfa.

104 S. Faroqhi has studied the records of customs in the archives of Erzerum

and concludes that the Russian route had hardly any impact on the Arm exports

the Ottoman Empire.

It is interesting that both Khvvaja Minas and Khwaja Israel Sarhad were

both related to Khwaja Phanoos Kalantar, whether it affected the entire Armenian

network or not, it definitely must have had an impact on their trade activities. It

was not Khwaja Mmas alone but the entire network working under him, that must have been affected because Minas was not just an ordinary merchant, but a verj' important one, with a member of factors v/orking under him and number or his ships plying on the high seas.

A copy of the contract was sent to Madras, to the English Company over there and the principal Armenian merchants; and formal invitation extended by the Company in Madras to the Armenians in 1690 to settle m the compounds of the Company. The Armenians were "invited to settle and trade here (Madras) and live as free therein as any English whatever, paying only 5% Custom to the said

Rt. Honourable Comp. and nothing to any other petty custom or duty whatever."

A year later, Elihu Yale who had sent the invitation to the Annenians to settle at

Fort George, expresses dis-appointment at the poor response of the Armenians, which he felt was an indication that the Armenians did not want to help the

105 English in India. This must have been the case with the other English settlements

in India.

Subsequent to the signing of the contract with Phanoos Kalantar, a number

of directives were issued, till the very end of the century to the English settlement

of Bombay, regarding encouragement to be given to Armenian traders. In 1688-

89 it was ordered that "1st Bengal goods had lately been in great demand at the

Company's sales, and as the imports of them, from Hughly were uncertain, the

general and Council of Bombay were to hold out every encouragement to the

Armenian merchants, or, that they should receive not only protection, but a

profitable market." In 1691-2 it was felt that the encouragement given to the

Armenians ought to be continued, and a duty of 1% only, taken from, for goods

imported fi'om Europe into India.^ For supplying these commodities at Bombay,

the Armenians were to be given 30% profit on the prime costs. It was felt that the

Armenians "finding their way in times of trouble into the interior provinces and

bringing fine goods to small quantities, that purchase from them would become a valuable resource for their (English Companies) European investments."

The main emphasis of the directives, as of the treaty of 1688, appears to have been on two counts. Firstly to procure goods from the hinterland, especially

Patna and Bengal commodities, through the Armenians,

106 The Court of Directors in England further expressed the opinion that the

Armenians were trustworthy and qualified to be their Agents,'"'^

Secondly, the English Company was equally interested m re-routmg the

silk trade from its Levant route - through Turkey to Europe, to the overseas one

on English ships through London. To encourage this, broadcloth was to be made

available to the Armenians, cheaper than they would get thought Aleppo,

Apart froni the main treaty between Phanoos Kalantar and the English

Company, two other treaties were simultaneously concluded between them m

] 688. One granted the sole monopoly of the garnet trade to Phanoos Kalantar and

his family, at a rate of 10% on custom duties in London. The other treaty

promised to build a Church, give an allowance of fifty pounds per annum for the

maintenance of a priest till seven years m all the settlements that had a population

of over forty Armenians.

One can thus conclude from the available evidence that in the seventeenth

centui7 the English did not make any major impact on the pattern of Asian trade.

The Europeans and the Armenians shared the ocean with other Asians. The

Armenians could fiercely compete with the English Company, at times destroying

their market in a particular commodity and at times also driving them out from a particular area. Perhaps, in spite of alleged superiority of organization of the

107 English Company ' they were at least in the seventeenth century in no comfortable position and the Armenians could out manoeuvere them in a number of instances but the situation changed in the eighteenth century as discussed later on.

108 ARMENIAN MERCHANTS: COMMERCIAL ORGANISATION AND PRACTICES

The famous French jeweler Tavemier has made an interesting analysis of

the Armenian merchants' success in commerce. He acknowledges the fact that the

Armenians were great merchants, who multiplied their profits easily. He speaks of

their network, which covered almost all centres of the medieval trading world, of

the master-factor relationship and the position of the merchants in New Julfa in

Iran. "It is an acknowledged fact that the Armenians are well-versed travellers,

robust and untiring people who undertake long journeys strong in words and

swords, are great managers; and being Christian they negotiate easily in the

Christian world. Having made the choice of those whom he (master) thinks most

proper, and most intelligent, he gives each of them, bales of silk according to his

capacity. The accounts are settled when the factors return..., they return in a short

time as experts, and there is no trading point today, which their trading activities

do not embrace. Not only in Europe, but all of Asia, India, Tinquin, Java,

Philippines, and all the orient with the exception of China and Japan". Regarding the power and the riches of the New Julfa merchants or barons, he says that there are many who are far advanced in trade and many who are worth two to twenty thousand tomans. The most powerful and greatest of the Armenians was Cotga

109 Petrus, who at his death left forty thousand tomans in silver, not to mention his

many houses in the country, his precious stones, gold and silver vessels, and

expensive furniture.

In the memoirs of George Roques also, we come across a description of

the .Armenian merchants and their organization Roques clearly states that these

merchants do not work alone, but operate as part of a well-knit network. "They

are the descendants of the people from Armenia. Shah Abbas let them live in his

kingdom, and gave them a suburb close to his capital, named Julfa, so that they

could established themselves there. With the help of the generosity of the great

prince and the lands which they cultivate, they have profited a lot and also owing

to the negligence the Persians have shown in commercial affairs, they have finally

got all affairs in their own hands or evep>'thing has fallen in their hands. They have procured five or six very powerful houses from where they disperse agents all over the world. These houses have become wealthy due to the hard work of the agents. These people are as susbtle in the affairs of the foreign nation as the local people themselves." He adds that since the factors are completely dependent upon their masters and as each master has a large number of factors, the Armenians always found fellow factors to help them out whenever needed even in distant lands. There was complete cohesion between them "in the same town, there are so

110 many factors of the same master, that all speak the same language, or in other words, endorse the proposal the master has made because they are completely dependent on the big merchants of Julfa: some have 80 factors, some have 100, some more, some less. They have the members of their own family, or servants or peasants whom they have groomed in trade. They conduct their trade very well and are able to raise a big capital. They can make profits upto 2000-3000 livers, and it is this, that is absolutely marvelous. They go to the far corners of the world and increase the money as much as they can. They come back to Julfa and give a proper account of their profits and these 2000-3000 livers now become at the second time 40,000-50,000 livers owing to their shrewdness. They know they are going to make the most profit by going to the farthest point, and for their masters they take the goods as far as they can. They also settle and get married in these distant trading centers." Income or profits from trade was supplemented by profit from credit operations, there was no avenue of profit making which was left untapped by the Armenians. 'Tt is to their credit, that they become very rich in a few years, by their better evaluation of commerce, either in merchandise. Textiles precious stones, pearls, jewels, insurance, maritime exchanges and all that they come across: because they neglect nothing. Where there is competition with other merchants, no matter how agile the other person is, the Armenian gets the better of him".

Partnerships

Apart from carrying on business as individuals the Armenians also carried on trade under partnerships of various forms, established usually with other

Arminians.

Rich Armenian merchants used to send out their factors to different parts of the globe was a traditional one practiced by the Armenians.' Fryer tells us of the Armenians that "they are a kind of privateers in trade, no purchase, no pay, they enter the theatre of commerce by means of some benefactor whose money they adventure upon, and on return, a quarter part of the gain is their own. From such beginnings do they raise sometimes great fortunes for themselves and factors". Fryer whilst discussing the wealth of substantial Armenian merchants in

New Julfa, again refers to this practice, "far whilst they sit lazily at home, their factors abroad, in all parts of the earth return to their hives laden with honey".

Hamilton also says that "they [the Armenians] send factors all over India to carry on trade".'

According to this form of partnership, the Amienian Khojas or rich merchants used to give cash or merchandise, or a combination of both, to their

112 factors for trading purposes. The factor did not receive a fixed amount of salary but a share in the profits, which was traditionally one-quarter."'

Hovhannes .loughayetsi is a ver>' good illustration of this type of partnership. His case was not an exception, for apart from this practice being mentioned by contemporary historians, it is to be found as 'established and verified cannons of law' in the statutes of the Armenians, of Astrakhan, drafted in

1765. Nearly a whole chapter is devoted to the mutual rights of parties.

It had its parallels in the commenda'' of the European trading world and in the qirad, muqarada and mudaraba of the Islamic world.

It is believed to have in the late lO' century in Europe, and in West Asia, possibly even before the advent of Islam..' Li the absence of adequate data it is difficult to say since when it was used by the Armenians. From the account of

Fryer and Hovhanne's Journal, it is obvious that it was a traditional custom in use since long.

In all these models, one can hardly discern any difference in the basic concept of the commenda. The terminology was naturally different but the device was oriented towards the same functions. The share of the partners is of uniformly the same proportion - one quarter of the profits to the factor. There was total freedom for the agent in carrying out his business (as long as it contributed

113 to the attainment of profit); and the masters were not being responsible for the

liabiHties of their factors.

Another important aspect was that repayment was hnked with the success

of the venture, " thus insurance against loss - so vital m the risky world of long

distance trade.

Hovhannes in 1682, entered into a contract with two wealthy brothers of

New Julfa - Emb'rn Agha and Zakaria - who were leading merchants with wide

ranging trading interests''. According to the contract, Hovhannes received 250

tumans in goods, bills and cash, to proceed to India for trade.'"* The masters were

entitled to three-quarters of the profit apart fi-omth e capital which they had put in.

He left via Bandar Abbas for Sural'^

The factors were custom bound to maintain a dian*' in which all transactions were to be recorded in detail and with dates. ' It was called a roozlama( Pers. Ruznama). Hovhannes, in accordance with the custom, compiled a register, and thanks to its preser\-'ation, we are in possession of considerable amount of material pertaining to Armenian trade practices. All details were to be truthfully entered by the factor, who was also naturally expected to be honest and strictly follow his master's orders. The goods remained the property of the master, the factors' share was only

m the profit and not in the capital. It is clear from Hovhannes case that the goods

belonged to the master. Similarly we find Khwaja Sarhad, an eminent merchant

of Bengal, in connection with a debt he owed to the English East India Company,

mentioning that he had factors in Goa, trading with goods, on his account, and

authorizmg the English Company to take over the goods, a clear proof of

ownership or right to the goods resting with the master or commendator.

The Armenian merchants were to a great degree involved in long distance

trade, and the commenda was extremely suitable for it.'^ It was a conveniently

profitable venture for those who had capital to invest in trade but were not in a

position to personally carry out long-distance trade or a specific branch of it. It

was generally owing to the fact that it was beyond the capacity of a single person

to undertake trade on his own at diverse centres. It was equally profitable for

merchants not having sufficient liquid capital but sufficient enterprise to undertake trade with capital of other merchants. 'Commenda' solved problems of both the parties, the investors as well as the merchants.

Khachikian feels that the legal terms were formulated mainly to serve the interests of the masters and the agents were the first servile executors of their master's will.^" Harsh measures were prescribed for them, if they did not return at

115 their master's first command or if they did not produce the accounts ledger."' But

these appear to be just measures to enforce honesty and discipline and to have

some sort of control (even if a loose one) over their factors enough to protect the

capital they had invested.

Accounts were meticulously maintained as evident from Hovhannes'

diaries and the Lucas trading manuals or in the legal documents of Armenian

merchants such as Petros. They followed the 'double-entry' method of book

keeping. Scholars have placed much importance on the Armenian accounts

system and felt that it contributed substantially to their commercial success. They

have gone to the extent of stating that it influenced the system of double entry accounting in Europe. Form Hovhannes' account it is clear that very complicated calculations were made by him without any mistake."' There were special schools where Armenians were taught arithmetic and accountancy, amongst other things.

One such school was that of the clerk Constant (Kostand) of New Julfa, which functioned in the latter half of the seventeenth century." The trading manuals compiled by the Armenians for their fellow countrymen contained detailed mstructions on arithmetic and accountancy, Lucas's manual has been described as a manual for commerce and practical arithmetic for the use of "our merchant brothers of the nation of Haik" (Armenia). It served as a text book in Kostand's School. It first appeared in 1699 as "gateway of wisdom (golden gateway of the school) for the use of the novices, inexperienced children of our nation.'' The manual Tre.sor was written in the Armenian dialect of Persia and was sprinkled with Persian words. A Persian dictionary was also compiled by Georges Ter

Hovannessian of Palat which was also written in the Armenian diatect of Persia.

All these were for the general use of the Armenian merchants. Lucas of Vanand who had written'the Tresor also compiled a number of other useful works including a world map, and a concordance between the calendars.^^

Aghassian and Kevonian have aptly pointed out that the style of numeration differed fi'om one period to another. The style used by Constant of

Julfa was based on the classical alphabet of 36 letters divided upto four classes and of nine signs which was in regular use for numbers under 200. He also introduces zero which they say was useless in this style. On the other hand Lucas used only Arabic numerals. And this system came into increasing use in the eighteenth century. Interestingly in the documents analysed by Aghassian and

Kevonian, Arabic numericals have been used but the system followed is that of

Constant, mentioned earlier."

117 The maintenance and production of the ledger was given considerable importance because it was the key through which the amounts of profit and loss could be gauged.

Fryer states that the factors were at times able to raise great fortunes for their masters and themselves." Once they became prosperous, they lent out capital to other factors. The prosperity of the New Julfa merchants was attributed to the practice of their sending out their factors to all part of the trading world.

In the span of a few years Hovhannes himself got transformed from a petty merchant to a substantial one, dealing in costly items and in contact with high officials and nobles,"''

Another very interesting point is that Hovhannes, though already under a contract with Embroom Agha and Zakaria, entered into other partnerships. In

1686 Hovhan of Shiraz and Hovhannes Joughayetsi form a partnership in which both invested an equal amount of money.

Arasarotnam has cited evidence from Coromondel which shows that the

Armenian factors could not enter into other partnerships until they settled accounts with the first and obtain a discharge from them. It is not known whether this was a usual practice or it was some sort of exception. One can presume that the factor was entitled to enter into other

partnerships provided it was outside the sphere of the first partnership, because

when Hovhannes signed a contract with his masters in New Julfa it was for trade

with India and the partnership he made with Hovhan of Shiraz was for trade in

Tibet. However, this point is negated by the fact that Hovhannes enters into a

contract within India also for whilst speaking of the fifty bales of cloth bought at

Lahurpur and sent to Surat says that "Hovhan of Shiraz has the right to sell at his

discretion for we are partners." This incident was in January 1686 prior to the

signing of the second contract.''^

Just as the practice of sending out factors had its counterparts in the

European and Islamic trading circles, so also had the two types of partnerships

(mentioned above) contracted between Hovhannes and Hovhan of Shiraz. They

can be compared with the Inan partnership of Islam which was of two types -

Khas and Amm - general and specific'

In English medieval trade the latter form of partnership is known as single venture partnership or as Postan calls it 'occasional partnership'. It came to an end once the deal was over. Hovhannes' partnership with Hovhan in all probability came to an and with the sale of the bardar cloth.'' because in Persia, neither the Mohammedans nor the Christians count the riches of the merchant by his

furniture, houses, or property, but only by the negotiable silver or hard cash."'*"

Contemporary accounts, throw light on various facets of the Armenian

trading network^ One such facet which is highlighted is the practice of the Julfa

merchants sending out factors to trade on their behalf to nearly all parts of the

medieval tradmg world. This system of partnership which as I have earlier stated

was akin to commenda, in which broadly, when one partner supplied capital it was called mekkalamni by the Armenians, meaning one sided. A partnership in which both sides supplied capital, regardless of whether the contribution was equal or unequal, was called erkukolmani or two sided. In the latter type of partnership profit was shared according to the ratio of capital contributed. The contract between Phanos and Petros which has been studied by Kevonian and

Aghassian appears to be an example of the erkukolmani type of partnership.

Aghassian and Kevonian have transcribed one document from the

Armenian archives of All Saviours Monastery. It throws light on a contract between two Armenians Phanos and Petros in 1727 at Surat. The document itself IS a fixed-term act of liquidation of this contract. This partnership was not of the commenda type in which the factor got a fixed percentage of the profits. It was a simple partnership in which both the partners invested capital, one a larger

120 amount the other smaller one. The share in the percentage of the profit depended upon the percentage of the capital invested. In fact it appears to be the

Erukulkomani type of partnership mentioned in the preceding paragraph. Phanos had put in Rs.3,500 and Poghos had initially contributed Rs.500 but later added another thousand rupees to it, which was presumably borrowed from Phanos.'**

One wonders why Phanos who had contributed the lion's share, should associate Petros who had just put in Rs.500, but it becomes clear when one realizes that the travelling was done totally by Petros, be it from Surat to

Aurangabad or overseas to Basra. Phanos was merely the sleeping partner, the actual running around being done by Petros."'

The Armenians usually did not have a written contract. Their word was sufficient. But this deal between Phanos and Petros we find Petros giving a certificate to Phanos regarding the capital invested by the latter.

It IS interesting that Phanos lent Petros Rs. 1000 with which the latter augmented his share in the partnership. When the accounts were being settled the amount was returned to Phanos. Apparently no interest was charged. This is surprising because we find from the same series of documents, pertaming to the period from 1710-30, that Phanos had himself borrowed 600 tomans from

Armenian merchants in order to conduct trade in Basra, Russia and Surat, Perhaps

121 he had borrowed to finance this partnership. Whatever the reason it is clear that be himself was not in a very comfortable financial position, and thus it is surprising that he should be lending an amount of Rs. 1000 without interest. This amount would have been roughly half of what he had borrowed. If he had put this amount in his share of the partnership, he would have got a share in the profits. He did not want to put more money in a simple loan where repayment was not linked with the success of the venture. Most probably the interest was included in the principal.

It was usual for the Armenians to supplement their income from trading ventures with the income from credit instruments. In a way, at times this must have served as a cushion against losses in trading venture.

Just as in Hovhannes ledger, in this partnership also, the number of commodities exchanged are on a high side - more than 200 items. Pearls, Mecca senna, Mocha coffee which were typical west Asian goods and Malabar and south east Asian commodities like pepper cinnabar, tin, were brought at Surat itself to be sold at Aurangabad. We do not know through whom the Armenians brought these commodities at Surat but for Basra it is clearly started that their factor Awet resided there and looked after their busmcss. It is also apparent that all trading operations in Basra were made through fellow .Armenians.

122 Money was not left idle, but immediately given out at interest. A couple of

months after buying commodities at Surat for Aurangabad a balance of Rs. 65.125

remained, with Hovhannes, and this was given out at on interest of 12% per

annum. At Basra also money was lent on avak at profti ranging from 19-75% to

25%.

According to Gujarat 'chitties' preserved m the Bibliotheque National,

Parsi and Bohra merchants at Surat in early eighteenth century not only procured

their wares through Armenians but also exported goods through them on a

commission basis. Apparently goods were not only sent through the Armenians

but they were also entrusted with the task of selling them. For this they got a

commission of 5 taka per bale which was called their hakshai. A particular

consignment which is mentioned in these documents belonged to Seth Behramji

and it was freighted by an Armenian khoja from Surat to Basra and Istanbul. It

consisted of bales of turban cloth, muslin, calico and other textiles.

All contemporary sources are unanimous regarding the riches of these

New Julfa merchants. They all agree that these merchants were fabulously

wealthy. They ran almost the entire trading network. Ina Mccabe has shown how they were financing trade as well as the Khassa or royal household in Iran.

Revenues from Armenian trade went into the mamtenance of the royal household.

123 They controlled the silk trade, on which much of Iran's economy depended, right

from its production to its export especially after 1629 when it was no longer a

royal monopoly. '

Factors in their turn, once they became wealthy, stayed at home and

provided capital to other factors, i.e. they became masters but naturally they must

have been on a much lower scale than the well established merchants. According

to one study there were certain families who were very important and in a way

controlled New Julfa. A central feature of the Armenian commercial world was

the family or tohm. These operated somewhat like family firms, being based on

bonds of family or of association. Nearly all the partnership contacts that have

come to our notice show that family members were operating jointly. Hovhannes'

masters were Embroom Agha and Zacharia, two wealthy brothers of New Julfa.

Khwaja jMinas's brother Kirakose also had dealings with him. In the Armenian

documents we find Phanos borrowing from three associates Khodga Safi'az, Sahib

Agha Emniaz and Agha Baron Gregor who were sons and nephews of Khoja

Minassents.'^'^ It is interesting how these bonds of family helped in case of Zakaria of Agulus who started work under the supen'ision of his uncle by transporting his father's goods: he borrowed money from another family member for his business and later on lent money to his brother-in-law to help him start his business. In

124 other words all the people he dealt with were in the family. Ter Yovhaneanc who has studied this merchant group is of the opinion that sons and nephews were generally used to supervise factors.

Settlement of Disputes

As noticed earlier, the Armenians in India do not seem to have been operating under a chief or head. We do not have any such evidence except for

Surat; where Khwaja Minas is referred to as the 'Chief or 'President' of the

Armenians in the English Factory Records, but it appears, that what is meant is that he was the most important of all Armenian merchants of Surat. He is nowhere else referred to as acting in the capacity. Hovhannes' journal, which has recorded even the minor offices of people connected with the commercial world, is also silent about any one occupying the position of a chief The legal cases were not decided on the judgement of any single person but by a kind of council. A body of

Armenian representatives known as the Joomiat(from Arabic Jamaat?) decided disputes.'' Important transactions were also conducted through this body.

Hovhannes bought Rs. 1760 worth of amber from Avetik, in front of representatives of the Armenian business community ('joomiat'), who weighed and evaluated it.' Under foreign skies, the .Amenians must have repeatedly faced the problem of not having a sufficient number of persons to make up ajoomiat.

125 This problem was resolved by inviting merchants from other communities

to make up the required number. In a dispute m Lhasa between Hovhannes

Joughayetsi and his sen'ant, a Kashmiri merchant were invited to settle it.

together with other Armenian merchants.'

The Armenians preferred to settle their mutual disputes within their own

community and according to their own customs, but in disputes with others, the

local laws and regulations of the country of their operation naturally governed

their activities.**

Manucci relates an incident, which throws light on a dispute between an

Armenian merchant and a number of Indian merchants, and how it was resolved.

In 1662, in Patna, Khwaja Safar bought cloth on credit from a number of

merchants, though he knew he would not be able to pay them as the sarraf on

whom he had a bill of Rs, 25,000 had gone bankrupt. He sent the goods for Agra

(from where he had come), but himself stayed at Patna, and upon being pressed

by his creditors declared himself bankrupt. The case was taken before the court

where the judge declared that since the insolvent was a fellow countryman of the

merchants, "they must take the bill and procure payment for themselves It was unreasonable that a stranger should suffer in a foreign country."

126 Khwaja Mmas was involved in a long drawn out case with the English

Company over a debt, he owed to them. In 1669 he even made the plea that the money had been taken on interest, which was forbidden by Islamic law." This was later on disproved, but regardless of the fact whether Minas was makmg a just claim or not, one should not be misled to think that in Mughal India.

Armenians were judged according to Islamic tenets. As Irfan Habib has aptly pomted out, that the legal cases were not decided by the religious judges or qazis but by secular officials.

The case study of Minas, given at the end of the chapter is illustrative of the dealings of Armenian merchants with Mughal officials. To realize the debt from Minas, various procedures were adopted, like seizures of goods, arbitration, peons posted at the door, ' and so on.

The officials were perhaps so insistent on getting the debt cleared, because usually they themselves got a share of the amount recovered.

127 Khwaja Sarhad engaged the offices of lawyers. In 1713 we find Sen

Augustine Robero and Khwaja Nayur (obviously an Armenian) acting as his

attorneys in Goa. They were to settle the accounts of Sarhad's factor Aga Peere,

and out of it to make payment to the English Company to clear the debt which

Sarhad had incurred.

Credit Techniques

Bills of exchange were very widely used in medieval India.' By the 17* century most of the commercial transactions were made through this medium. The

Armenians, like other merchants, made full use of it, both as a means of remittance and as an instrument of credit. Hovhannes Joughayatsi, an Armenian merchant who came to India to trade in 1682, often remitted money from one city to the other. Agra, Khairabad, Patna and Surat are mentioned in this connection.

The discount ranged from 1% to 8%. To give an example Hovhannes in 1686 transfers Rs. 1000/- from Agra to Patna at the rate of 1 -275%.^

Hovhannes, on a number of occasions, raised loans from the money market through bills of exchange. At times he became the lender himself^ He seems to have lent money on at least three occasions through discounting bills. In

1684, he gives Rs. 1800/- to Baba in Ahmadnagar at a discount of y4%. The bill was payable at Surat after 41 days. One one occasion, presumably to make more

128 profit out of speculative investments, he borrowed money at the rate of 0.75% per month and gave it out on avog or avak to Shambatri Caspar, who was leaving for

Isfahaban, at a rate of 27%,'* payable to his masters in Isfahan. This might give us an idea of how the Armenian merchants utilized the estabhshed credit system for profit.

It naturally follows that usually merchants who were sending their goods to a foreign country (and obviously those in need of cash) drew avak as a bill on the specified destination at their goods because as they themselves or their representatives were accompanying the goods or else they had fellow factors or agents of their masters at the port of destination, there would be no problem of repayment in a distant place. The expected rate of profit also had to be very favourable so as to correspond with the high rate of interest ranging from 18% to

60%).^ The interest is not really as exorbitant as it appears at first sight, because the rate was not calculated an monthly basis. It covered the entire period allowed for repayment, which considering oceanic voyages being involved would have been longer than for ordinary loans or bills of exchange. According to ledger of

Hovhannes Joughayetri, on one occasion 3 Vi months after the ship reached its destination, Bandar Abbas (from Surat). This duration, coupled with the time

129 taken in the ships voyagi would to approximately come five or six months. The interest being 26% for this transaction, would thus amount to 13 VzVo per annum.

Secondly, it was not necessary for the borrower to be the one venturing abroad; the lender could also be the one leaving the country.^ But here, access to the borrower at point of repayment was essential,' so that the loan might be repaid there on his behalf Hovhannes borrowed money on avak from Topchents

Markas and Toomanjan, who were leaving for Isfahan and Basra respectively.

The avak on which Hovhannes borrows from Topchents was to be repaid by his masters in Isfahan and the one borrowed from Toomanjan to be repaid by his friend Hovhan of Shiraz.

Furthermore, as the repayment was to be made in a foreign country, the

'avak', apart from being a means of credit, could also serve as a means of remittance.^ The English President at Surat, speaking in connection with payment on avog between Surat and Gombroon, felt that it was 'a secure and advantageous way to remit money thither'.In 1669 we come across Khwaja Minas sending his ship Hopwell to the Philippines. The Enghsh factors noted that there is "soe great hopes on this voyage that Cojah Minas and the persons concerned have taken up money at avog (bottomarie)[bottomry] at 45,50 and 60%."'*^As Arasaratnam has shown for the Coromandel," bottomry was a kind of loan in return for which the

130 keel or bottom of the ships was pledged, and this could only have been done in the event of the borrower owning the ship. The money that Khwaja Minas had raised could have been a form of bottomry,'^ but since even the other merchants had taken up money at avog, it must have been money taken against the goods laden on them. The Armenians used this system to transmit money as well as raise capital for a voyage. We have more evidence on avak in the Armenian contract analyzed by Aghassian and Kevonian pertaining to 1729. There are four transactions which have been designated as avak in the set of documents relating to particulars of contract of partnership between two Armenian merchants, Petros and Phanos. The rate of avak in these documents ranged from 19.75% to 25%.^^

2,350,000 demiers at 19.75% over m days

1,000,000 „ „ „ 203 days

2,50,000 „ „ „ ffldays

77,000 „ „ 20% 203 days

23,000 „ 25%, deadline unspecified.

Another example of avak comes form Khatchikian. It has been termed as zmeiavak.^'* It is difficult to gauge the difference between zmei avak and ordinary avak. Only one thing stands out: interest was to be charged only if the loan was not paid before the deadline. The loan was of Rs. 1,000 taken at Isfahan from

131 Awet by Shamir on the understanding that it would be returned after five months by two brothers, Ohandjan and Mkrtoum to Awet or his representative at Madras.

At face value no interest was charged if the loan was repaid within the time stipulated otherwise an interest of YA %. was to be charged.'^ Most probably the interest for five months was included in the prmcipal mentioned, i.e. Rs. 1000. It was common for Armenian and Persian merchants to put down the sum they lent plus the interest expected over a certain time as a global sum. Chardin states that this device was practiced by the banians of Isfahan also."'

Aghassian and Kevonian are of the opinion that one of the advantages, of avak was that money could be transported to headquarters at a much lower rate i.e. 0.5% p.m. This must be based on a misunderstanding since the avak ratio are much higher then the ordinary rates of interest.

In the English factory records 'avag' (so spell) has been explained as being akin to bottomery. In another place in the same series of English records it is stated that the money borrowed on avog was laid out in cargo to be shipped to a particular place, the lenders bearing the risks of the voyage.

Ina McCabe and Khatchikian find avak to be a loan taken from a resident of another country.^^ Ina states that it was simply an international letter of credit as opposed to a local one.^" One wonders why the need for avak when bills of

132 exchange could easily perform this function. There was no inherent reason, however, why 'avak' or 'avog' could not be employed for cargo on ships calling on ports within the country.

According to Irfan Habib, it was a form of speculative investment where the lender bore the risks. It appears to me that since there were many forms of avak: zmei avak, jokhami avak. etc., the loan in which there was risk -sharing must have been a specific type of avak In simple avak it appears that the risks were limited to the ship reaching its destination safely. Otherwise it was simply a high interest maritime loan repayable only in a specific foreign country.

Avak appears to be akin to the cambium maritatimum - a sea, loan, common in the middle ages in Southern Europe, especially Ancona, which was payable abroad to the lendar or person indicated by him. The rate of interest, as in the avak, was quite high 28% in the 1440s. The delay allowed for repayment must have varied according to the distance and time required for the journey. In the cambium marittimum the delay allowed was usually 18 days; between India and West Asia, it would have been longer owing to the distance involved.

Ina also states that Armenians took avak for sea ventures as well' which were termed as covayin avak but interestingly all the three examples which she has given for simple avak are also for sea ventures. She further divides covayin

133 avak into two categories yak gusha and dugusha which has been elaborated by

Chardin also. Yak gusha was a loan taken in the port of departure to be paid at another port. Du gusha was one that taken at the port of departure to be repaid at the same port on completion of return voyage. These loans can again be subdivided, one with a collateral and one without any guarantee. The latter had higher interest rates. Aghassian and Kevonian have also made note of this type of avak. According to them at times merchandise was given as a pledge if risk was anticipated. The word used for such a transaction is interestingly a Gujarati, one, djoukanm(jhokami) which shows that this commercial technique must have been harrowed from the Indians. In the same documents one comes across a return navigation loan. It consisted of a sum of Rs.2,150.125 lent for a period of 416 days at 13 1/2% annual interest but this could be just a simple loan, not 'avak'.

In 1721 fromth e list of effects of the decreased Coja Aratoon, we find that he dealt in respondentia bonds.^^ In 1704 Khwaja Sarhad agreed to lend Rs.7000 on bottomry, at 55% gain, to the English East India Company, on their ship

Colchester, but since Sarhad delayed making the payment, the bargain was cancelled, and written discharges were given by both parties.

In 1730, a promissory note for Rs. 50,000 was given by the English

Council of Calcutta to Hajee Nazir Tabrezee and Birjiboocun, for Rs. 25,000

134 each. Interestingly, the company did not owe this amount to the persons

concerned, the debtor was Khwaja Sarhad, whom they had appointed as their representative to the Court of Farrukhsiyar in order to obtain trade privileges. The bill was given before the embassy started, and it was to be due when the required firmans of the privileges were in the hands of the English Council.

Evidence pertaining to mortgages comes from Coromandel. It points to the practice of Armenian Churches lending money on mortgage.

'Sale credits'^', or deferred payments on goods, purchased and advances for future delivery, also played a very important part in the commercial operations of the Armenians. We find that Khwaja Minas^*^ and Khwaja

Serhad ^' were both largely indebted to the English East India Company. The debts were however, not for ordinary loans but for goods taken on credit

(postponed payments), and not cleared at the time due. These were not trivial transactions, substantial amounts of money being involved in both cases - Khoja

Sarhad owed Rs. 38831," and Khwaja Minaz, Rs. 75000.^^

Similarly in 1617, we find the English factors engaged in trying to recover a debt from an Armenian for 'cloth sold him in Agemer (Ajmer) five months before'.

135 In connection with credit transactions with other Indian merchants, Khwaja Safar in 1662 was able to buy on credit, cloth worth Rs. 25,000 from different Indian merchants, regardless of the fact that he was a resident of Agra and not of Patna where the transactions were made.^^ This can be taken as illustrative of the trust enjoyed by Armenian merchants, which enabled them to buy on credit substantial quantities of goods.

Credit, as Postan has observed, did not always flow from the buyer to the seller, but also m the opposite direction/^ Armenians made advance payments for future delivery to the English East India Company: in other words, they made forward contracts. Such contracts were either paid for in part or in full.

Khwaja Minas in 1669 brought in advance, all the broadcloth expected by the coming English fleet. He paid in advance 40% of the invoice price. In 1670, he again made such contracts, not only for himself, but also on behalf of Virji

Vohra.'"

Not only did the Armenians make forward contracts with the European

Companies they also engaged in these directly at the primary source, at least in the case of indigo. In the Armenian documents studied by Kenonian and

Aghassian, we find that the Armenians at Basra were similarly making forward contracts for goods to be procured from Basra,

136 Just as the Armenians took goods on deferred payments/' so also they

sold on deferred payments, in their dealings with the English Company, The latter

being always short of cash, the flow of credit from the Armenians to the English

Company must have been more frequent than vice-versa. The English East India

Company at times paid the Armenians by bills of exchange on the Court of

Directorsin London.''^ Bills in India, were generally payable after the lapse of a

certain time, so one can safely say that paying by bills was another form of deferred payment.'*'

In the Bengal Pubhc Consultation we find numerous instances of Coja

Nazer and Coja Avid making sales to the English Company on deferred payments, mostly for a variety of textiles and saltpeter.

Apart from 'sale credits' the commenda type of partnerships of the

Armenians were also undoubtedly a form of credit. Instead of charging interest on the loan, a fixed share of the profits was taken. It was not only a form of partnership, but combined in it the characteristics of an insured loan.

Another example reminding us of insured loans was the freighting of ships on credit, the payment being linked with the success of the venture. Rowland was freighted by Khwaja Sarhad in 1707, from Bengal to Persia, for Rs. 34,000; the

137 amount payable on the safe return of the ship/*^ It appears to have been a common practice to freight ships on credit.

In 1704 Serhad gives an obligation of Rs. 38,000 to the English Company on Account of freighting of ship Colchester to Persia.'*^ Similarly in 1709, he hired St. George from a Danish Captain on credit, giving a bond for Rs.2,500. ^^.

The Armenians thus made use of a very broad range of credit techniques, which drew on practices and institutions of both Asia and Europe. They were practically the only Asian merchants who had access to Europe. However, joint- stock capital investments, or what might be truly designated long-term credit of perfect liquidity still eluded them. We have to remember though that these were also novelties for Europe, in spite of its giant pioneers, the Dutch and the English

East India Companies.

COMMUNICATION AND COMMERCE

Fierce and open competition was the hallmark of seventeenth-century trade in Asia. Much depended upon the speed and accuracy of information flowing between the trading centers or between the home base and outlying trading posts, owing to the distances involved. Van Leur, Steensgard and Marshall are of the opinion that the markets were limited, easily glutted, and extremely mercurial. It was very difficult to predict the markets because of the distances

138 involved. According to Steensgard, the comprehensive commercial system of the

European companies made the markets transparent through correspondence,

whereas the Asian merchant could not make a rational calculation because

protection costs and risks were unpredictable. Moreover, the European

companies, according to these historians had an edge over the Asian peddlers

because they maintained regular correspondence with their home base. They were

able to pass hom^ information every few weeks,

K.N. Chaudhuri, who has made a detailed study of the European

companies, has also stressed the crucial iniportance of the information system in

the trade of the European companies: 'the Company's information system was an

aid to management, an indispensable condition of decision-making. It was also an

instrument of power and authority. The hierarchy of information channels was just as important to the process of control as the formal structure of management

responsibilities.^

Ashin Das Gupta has also placed some importance on the role of information in the trading world. He feels that limitations of information were a major contributory factor towards the insecurity of the Asian merchants, whether big or small. In short, one can surmise that an important cog in the wheel of

:39 commerce was rapid and correct commercial information, to which supposedly the Asians did not have access, whereas the European companies did."

In this essay 1 discuss the issue of the speed and the authenticity' of the

information sent by the European factors vis-a-vis that sent by the Annenian

merchants and the impact of the information on the trade of the Europeans and

Armenians. For this the Armenian trading network has to be analysed first.

In the seventeenth century, Armenian trade was at its zenith. Its vast commercial network was spread not only over the Levant but over Europe, India and the Far East.'' The Armenians carried out both overland and overseas trade.

Armenia by this time was no longer a political unit but this worldwide group had its center at New Julfa at Isfahan. Trade routes radiated from here in all directions. Armenian settlements were to be found in all important trading centers and production centers, and on the transit points on all important routes. A \ substantial Armenian community was present in all ports of consequence. We can have an idea of the extent of their commercial operations or, in other words, their network from contemporary. Armeniaii trade manuals, like that of Lucas

Vanandeci and Hovhannes Joughayetsi The key points of the Armenian network are listed in the Lucas manual and, the list is astounding to say the leas5t. It includes London, Amsterdam, Norway, Sweden, Frankfurt, Florence, Naples,

140 Paris, Venice, Vienna and so on, and outside Europe, it included places in India,

Burma, Philippines, Russia, Egypt, Ethiopia, etc.^

The hub of Armenian activity in the seventeenth century was at New Julfa

in Isfahan, where in 1606 Shah Abbas transplanted them from Armenia. They

held a privileged position here. They were royal trade agents; the silk monopoly

of Iran was in their hands. They were in charge of the entire bullion entering Iran.

Even when the silk monopoly ended, they controlled the entire circuit of the silk

trade from its production TO its distribution.''

This mercantile community was renowned for its solidarity. They worked

as one unit. The entire network was based on associarions, not only those of

family and fraternity but also of patronage. There were a number of rich

merchants in New Julfa who conducted their trade through factors. At times

these merchants or masters had 80-100 factors working for them. These factors

carried out trade in distant parts of the worid on the principal given to them by

their masters, in return for a quarter of the profit earned.

Some have 80 factors, some have 100, some more some less. They have members of their own family, or servants, or peasants who they groom in trade.

They [the factors] conduct their trade ver>' well and are able to raise a big capital.

They go to the far corners of the world and increase the money as much as they

141 can and they come back to Julfa and give a proper account of their profits."

Information kept on flowing between the factors and their masters.

From Hovhannes' journal we find that Hovhannes kept on sending goods and bills of exchange and presumably information to Iran from India through fellow Armenians.' Thus, it was not necessary for the factors to return to New

Julfa; information could be regularly sent back because of their excellent network.

An entire web of connections was created and not only goods but obviously information flowed through these conduits. Wherever an Armenian merchant went, he was bound to meet fellow Armenians. Hovhannes found Armenians ready to help him not only in popular trading centers like Surat, Agra, Banaras,

Khurja and Patna, but also in far off places like Nepal and Tibet. In fact, he found

Armenian merchants going to as remote a place as Xining, to whom he entrusted goods to be sold there. There was such solidarity amongst them that Roques, a contemporary French factor, laments that if there was any controversy with any

Armenian, then all fellow Armenians in that town would speak the same language or endorse what the Armenian had said. As a diaspora group they tended to stick together. One can imagine the case with which information would flow when there was so much coordination amongst them.

142 Armenians had access to information from all over the trading world not only by the sea route but over land also. They were renowned for their enterprise in overland trade. Contemporary historians have stated that the

Armenians successfully maintained their correspondence overland."' They traveled overland very cheaply. According to Fryer they traveled 'for fifty shillings where we cannot for fifty thomands'.

Steensgard has observed that there is a paucity of information on overland trade because generally merchants kept their business techniques or transactions secret.'^ The Armenians we find were an exception. They not only pooled their resources but also the information they had of the trading world. They shared their expertise with each other not only orally but in written form. Trade manuals were written which were for the benefit of the entire Armenian community. These were virtual treasure troves of information. They were in the and coded in such a way that only Annenians could access them. Minute details of commercial interest vyere noted in these manuals. Weights, measures, distances, currencies, taxes, etc., of different trading centers have been meficulously set down in them. Thus, the Armenians prospected new trade markets and new trade circuits and shared the information amongst themselves.

143 This was all the more important because of the general paucity or secrecy of such

commercial information.

No ship could arrive at Surat or ports on the western coast of India

between July and September. The overland route operated in all seasons. Apart

from qasids (couriers), merchants coming overland brought information. It was

not necessary for the merchants to come all the way from Isfahan to Agra or

Lahore. A large number of merchants specialized in selling goods at short

distances or at interim points on the caravan route, so information could easily be

relayed, and thus time taken would,be considerably less.

As already stated, the supply and demand factor operated with regard to the fixing of prices in the coming season. Armenian merchants brought

information regarding prices in West Asia, availability of commodities, and the number of ships being readied for voyage to India and this proved immensely beneficial, especially when they arrived overland in the slack shipping season, when news could not come by sea for long periods. They could gauge the markets better and before the Europeans could arrive they could determine whether they should hold back a commodity or dispose of it, anticipating an influx or glut in the coming season on the basis of the information they had about

West Asia.

144 Indigo prices prevailing in West Asia and the number of buyers at the production centers guided the indigo market. In other words, information about these two vital factors played a key role in dictating indigo prices. During the seventeenth century we find English factors complaining that the indigo had been taken up by the Armenians before they could do so, because it was in great demand in Persia. It clearly meant that the Armenians had information about the prices in Persia, inuch before the English did, most probably by the merchants coming overland. They could thus outdo the English. Interestingly, Pelsaert has narrated how the Armenians acted as if they were going to buy the entire stock of indigo thereby inflating prices. The Armenians presumably brought the desired quantity at low rates and then deliberately spread the information that they were going to take a lot more, thereby raising the prices.

In 1672, the English company's broker advised the English factors to buy before November, otherwise the Armenians would engross the entire stock. This does not appear to be a case of speculative buying but of the Armenians obtaining information prior to the English company. By 1713, the English Company withdrew from the indigo trade to West /vsia.

The Armenians had detailed information on distant trading centers like

Nepal and Tibet. Contemporaiy records are replete with references to Armenian

145 participation in overland trade to these regions.^'' Armenian trade manuals vividly describe the trade routes, commodities available there, their weights, measures and currencies. It is interesting to note that the English Company hardly had any knowledge about these places. In 1675, we find the Court of Committees of the

English Company urging its chief and factors at Hugli to glean information about trade to Nepal and Tibet from Armenian merchants. They wanted to find out whether Patna would prove a good outlet for their woolens being that to the

Northwards towards TartaPy' and Eastwards towards china... of which places we have as yet no advises. Yet, suppose that by your own endeavours and often converse with the Amnenian merchants and others that travaile into those parts and negotiate in the Muske trade, and who annually come through Pattana, you may be informed concerning this affaire, of which write us fijlly by the next'.

Location and distance were important determinants as far as the speed of information was concerned. To state the obvious, New Julfa was far closer to

India or South Asia than London or .Ainsterdam. Instructions could reach the outlying posts about once in a year. The average duration of the East India voyage was eight months and a round trip involved a communication gap of eitghteen months. By the time the orders could come from London or Amsterdam, market conditions could change drastically. It obviously created a number of problems,

146 one being an oversupply of commodities which either cloyed the markets or resulted in goods being confined to storehouses. In either case it spelt loss to the

European companies.

The Armenians ver>' easily adapted themselves to different types of transportation involved in long distance trade. It has been observed by Philip

Curtin in connection with the trade from Gilan to Amsterdam that at least four or five types of transportation were required to make the journey and in case of others a number of merchant groups was involved, each taking up the trade only in one section of the route; but when it came to Armenians, the entire journey was credited to the account of one person. This would obviously have a bearing on the speed at which goods and information traveled. It must have resulted in a considerable saving of time,'

As far as the authenticity of the information sent by the European companies is concerned it should be kept in mind that the factors of the Company were not able to obtain first-hand knowledge in India because they were not conversant with the local languages of the country. They had out of necessity to depend upon interpreters and brokers who naturally would first think of their own interest. All their dealings with others, merchants, travelers, artisans, and political

147 personalities had to be conducted through interpreters and brokers. One wonders

how reliable, authentic, and unbiased such information could have been.

Important representations by the English Company to the Mughal

Emperor were thus carried out through /Armenian agents, ki the 1680s, Khwaja

Abnus was sent to Golconda on an important mission to . In the

begmnmg of the eigthteenth century Khwaja Sarhad was second in charge of the

Embassy to Farrukhsiyar. Interestingly in both these cases, it was felt that they

were serving their own interest and that of fellow-Armenians rather than that of the English company.^^

The Companies' headquarters being far away, it was easy for the outlying

posts to become corrupt. In fact, the factors of the European Companies were

noted for being corrupt. There are innumerable instances of the home authorities being doubtful about the reports sent by their factors: they were skeptical as to whether or not all of it was for their personal profit. The private trade of these factors should also be kept in mind while considering the authenticity and subjectivity of the infomiation sent by them.

There were a number of problems connected with the Company's correspondence. At times, the correspondence was so lengthy that it took considerable time to sort out and sift through the information. It was at times,

148 feared that there was not adequate time to read or dispatch the letters before the

ships left. Proper interpretation of information was another problem. Insufficient and obscure information was yet another. Information was not supposed to be

leaked; otherwise it created problems."'

The Company totally relied on the reports sent by the factors and it was invariably felt that the reports were not regular or substantial enough. K.N.

Chaudhuri also concedes that it was quite difficult to obtain regular and correct information from the factors.^" The Armenains on the other hand, seemed to have had a continuous exchange of information about the fluctuation of European demand and Asian supply.''''

The Armenians also had a flair for languages. According to Fryer,

...first may be considered their propensity to languages, they making Syriac,

Arabic, Turkish and Persian, their ov/n at home, and by linguafranca become conversant with most of the western foreigners, which language is a mixture of

Portuguese, Italian, French and Spanish and thereby made intelligible to European traders as universally as Latin to the gentry and scholars.

This linguistic competence made Armenians overcome all regional boundaries. Where it was difficult to conduct trade or where communications posed a problem because of the language barrier, the Armenians easily filled the

149 gap, be It in India, Iran, Turkey, Russia or Europe. They were able to act in the capacity of cross-cultural brokers or agents owing to this trait. When the English

Company first established itself in India, it made use of the services of a number of Armenian interpreters, to overcome the language problem.''' They were more or less indispensable to the English factors. Many a time, the factors expressed their inability to do any work as their Armenian agent was not available. '"

A short perusal of the case of Iskandar, an Armenian interpreter of the

English company will illustrate the point. From English factory records we find that Iskandar acted as the broker and interpreter of the English Company in 1622 and 1632. • Pietro de la Valle testifies to his being an 'Armenian Catholic

Christian and skilled in the country' and proficient in the Persian tongue.

Iskandar performed a wide range of duties. He drafted important letters to Mughal officials like the Governor of Surat, on behalf of the English Company.' He frequently accompanied the high officials of the English Company, like President

Rastell, to the house of important Mughal nobles and officials.'' Important negotiations were conducted through liim, as in 1623 when the English had detained Surat ships.'' At this meeting a number of important nobles and chief merchants were present.

150 Iskandar, on several occasions, accompanied the English caravans. In

1622, he was in charge of the caravan from Agra to Burhanpur and Sural. When

the English factors faced difficulties at the tolls he was sent to help them and clear

the goods.' English officials often express their great need of Iskandar's sePv'ices

since work could not be done because Iskandar was not there.''^ Hopkinson at

Surat wrote to Rastell at Swally that he could not send letters to the latter, as the

one sent a day earlier had been torn up and the messenger beaten, and was thus

sending Iskandar to give all the information about what passed between him and

Safi Khan, regarding the English who had been made captives.''"

Not only were the Armenian merchants well organized and well

coordinated; they were also well versed in the art of accountancy. The European

companies, it has been argued, as stated before, could predict markets because of

their comprehensive accounting system which enabled them to transmit correct

information. It should be kept in mind that the Armenians were masters at this system. There were proper schools and trade manuals to instruct them in this art.

The data passing through them was of a sound nature in the commercial sense. It was of a high quality as the Armenians were able to transmit accounts especially with double-entry book keeping whereas the European companies did not have a proper accountancy system before 1800. Khachikian, who has translated the journal ofHovhannes comments that

Hovhannes unerringly solved complicated arithmetical problems relating to the sale of various goods, bank and money transactions. He also notes that the entries in the ledger follow accepted principles of book keeping, all right-hand margm of leaves display expenditures noted after each credit item, and the left-hand is taken up by Items of mcome.

The Annenians also sei'ved as qasids of the English Company, bi I 702, it was noted by the English factors that as a result of the qasids they employed between Surat and Madras often miscarrying their letters; they had to send a third letter through an Armenian conveyance.

Dissemination of infomiation through books was also possible for the

Armenians, because as early as 1638, we find an Armenian printing press at New

Julfa.''^ There were Armenian printing presses at Marseilles, Venice, and

Amsterdam by the end of the seventeenth century. Apart from publishing religious literature and Armenian literary books, they also published trade manuals for the Armenians which were virtual storehouses of information about the trading world of the medieval period. In 1699, the trade manual of Lucas

Vanandesi was amongst the first works to be published from the press established at Amsterdam.'"^ Aling with the trade maqnual, Lucas Vanandeci also compiled a

152 planisphere or a world map which was printed at Amsterdam. Another book

published by him was Gateway of Wisdom: Golden Gateway of the School

(translated title) for 'the inexperienced children and novices of our nation'.

Though it is slightly beyond the period of our study, it is interesting to find

that the first Armenian publication was printed at Madras in 1772, The first

Armenian journal in the world was also printed at this place in 1794, It is

pertinent that it contained the principal events of the time as well as commercial and shipping intelligence.

The Armenian Church was another medium through which information

was dispersed. Apart from the fact that they were responsible for funding the

printing presses, the religious Ecclesiastes who traveled to and fro from New Julfa

have also to be taken into account. The Diocese at New Julfa had a number of

Sees under them.^*^ Letters and reports constantly flowed between them, which

contained matters relating not only to religion but information regarding political events and mercantile affairs. The church at New Julfa catered to the civil legal needs of the Armenians. It was a repository of legal records. It was connected to

Armenian merchants through its legal power. Merchants leaving New Julfa made wills and gave powers of attorney to their nominees. All this had to be endorsed by the Church. The Church had jurisdiction over all Armenians in Iran and

153 through its Sees over Armenians outside Iran. Even if merchants' bodies decided cases, they had to be endorsed by the Church 52

:54 MIRZA ZULQARNAIN — AN ARMENIAN NOBLE

It is customap/ to perceive pre-modern Annenians either as members of a

mercantile or a persecuted religious community. Their political acumen and

ability to carve important position in state apparatuses however, is an aspect,

which has not received the scholarly attention it deserv'es. The case of Mirza

Zulqamain as a Mughal noble of some repute is presented here to highlight how

an Armenian came to acquire a notable position m his adopted home by virtue of

his Imguistic skills and administrative abilities. A reassessment of Mirza

Zulqamain's administrative career - in view of an excellent biographical

treatment by Hosten—might seem superfluous but for the availability of some

fresh source material which can be adduced to highlight his career as a Mughal

noble.

Zulqarnain was an outstanding Armenian figure, who shone on the

Mughal firmament from the fag end of Akbar's reign, to about the end of Shah

Jahan's period.

His father, Sikandar Mirza, was a merchant from Alappo who came to

Lahore in the time of /\kbar.' He joined imperial service and became one of

Akbar's close companions, Jahangir notes in his memoirs that that Zulqamain, was the son of Iskandar, an Armenian, in the service of Akbar,'^ He further

155 informs us that Ai:bar had given to him in marriage, the daughter of another

Armenian, Abdul Hayy, who was serving in the imperial household.' From

various sources, it is evident that Sikandar Mirza was in the good graces of

Akbar. In the Jesuit Accounts, there is a detailed report of the second marriage of

Sikandar Mirza, in which akbar played a prominent part.

Sikandar Mirza appears to be a close companion of Jahangir as well.

Jahangir has recorded in the Tuzuk, that in 1609, Sikandar Mirza accompanied

him to a hunt; and that he (the Emperor) was so pleased with the Mirza's

performance on the hunting ground, that, as a reward, he promoted him to a rank

of 500 zat and 300 sawar.'' .An interesting dialogue, quoted by Coryat between

Jahangir and Sikandar flinher shows that Jahangir was on quite close terms with his Armenian companion.^ We do not have any information about the nature of Sikandars service. The picture is, nevertheless somewhat clearer for the period under Jahangir. As stated earlier, we know that during the 4 R. Y., Jahangir increased the mansab of Iskandar Mirza to 500 zat and 300 sawar. The Jesuit

Accounts also strongly suggest that he held some post under Jahangir - it is mentioned that m 1605 Sikandar Mirza "came from the province which he governed, to pay his respects to the new king and to submit his accounts to the controller of the Royal Treasury."^ The name of the province is not mentioned,

156 but it was most likely Sarnbhar, as Hosten also has noted that in 1603, Sikandar

Mirza was at Sarnbhar "in charge of the government salt monopoly at the salt lake,"

The Jesuit Fathers assert that Jahangir tried to conert Sikandar, along with his two sons to Islam, a story, which, keeping Jahangir's tolerant policy in view is difficult to accept.

Sikandar Mirza died in 1613, to be succeeded by his son Zulqarnain, who was at that time around nineteen years of age. Zulqarnain was associated with the

Mughal Court throughout his life. As a child he was a playmate of the royal princes, including Prince Khurram, as he was brought up in the imperial till

1 O the age of twelve. .

Jahangir records under the 24 R,y. thai Zulqarnain who was holding the post in the imperial harem and in attendance at the Court, during his reign, was made one of the diwans and appointed the (diwan of) the salt pans. "' He performed that service with rare efficiency, and m the meantime, the fujdari of hat region was also bestowed upon him. Apart from a brief interruption of a few years (dealt with subsequently) Zulqair;ain worked in Sambhar for nearly the whole of his career; ending in his 'retirement' in 1654, a couple of years prior to the presumed date of his death. ' It was not an insignificant post, as the Sambhar

157 salt lakes were a good source of revenue, and its management, an important

Assignment. The Ain-1 Akbari gives the jama of Sambhar as 1,615,825 dams."'

According to the Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh, three varieties of salt were obtained from

Sambhar, pink, white and blue, which yearly brought into the imperial treasury, a few lakhs of rupees.' Botelho has stated for the year 1649, that Rs. 6 lakhs was to be paid to the royal treasury, and for 1651, he has stated, that Sambhar yielded Rs.

8 lakhs a year,' In 1654 Fr, Castro observed that Rs. 5 lakhs was the 'King's share','^ Manucci is of the opinin that in the second half of the 17 centup>' about

Rs. 17 lakhs of revenue went into the emperial treasury.^" At another point,

Manucci has mentioned that "Aurangzeb gifted Sambhar to the Rajah in 1658, which brought in to the crown, a million or more of rupees". Perhaps the last two figures are exaggerated, but nevertheless, we get a cough idea of the importance of the Mines.'

Apart from being the faujdar of Sambhar, Zulqarnain held the faujdari of

Bahraich, from 1629-33." Travernier has also mentioned that he held valuable governorships.

In 1632, Zulqarnain was well received when he came to the Mughal Court from his governorship in Bengal and presented five elephants as nazr. Here, the

Jesuit Fater, who have supplied us this evidence, are to a variance with the

158 Mughal historians, Lahon and Sahh who categorically state that Zulqamain m

1632, came from Bahraich, where he was the faujdar."''

At this pomt in his career, Zulqamain seems to have temporarily fallen out of favour with Shah Jahan, though the exact reasons are not known.' Zulqamain was charged with not having given a full account of his assets, and had to pay Rs.

8 lakhs.'"

Nevertheless in 1640, he was definitely back in royal favour. In 1642, we find him seeking permission from Shah Jahan to ser\'e with Shah Shuja in

Bengal, where the latter was serving as Provincial Governor. Lahori and Waris have both mentioned Zulqamain as a mansabdar, holding the rank of panjsadi she sad sawar or 500/300 under Shah Jahan for the years 1647-48, 1656-57, and

1657-58.' In 1649 he was again appo9inted as faujdar of Sambhar,'

Zulqamain was on equally good terms with the Princes, Prince Shuja acted as Provincial Governor of Bengal from 12," to 19^ R.Y. " It has already been mentioned that Zulqamain in 1642, had taken leave to serve under Shuja in

Bengal. IN 1645, we find that he was still over there; and according to Fr. Castro he was there till 1648.'"' Fr. Maracci also states in 1649 that "these last years a distinguished Christain Lord called Mirza was Govemor of Bengala".' We know

159 that Zulqarnain was neither the subedar, nor the hakim of Bengal. By 'governor' it is perhaps meant that he was holding some important post in Bengal.

Dara Shukoh also, held Zulqarnain in esteem. In 1654, at his request,

Mirza Zulqarnain was condoned 50,000 gold mohurs.' The amount of money is definitely heavily overstated, but it throws light on the fact, that Dara Shukoh pleaded to Shah Jahan, on Zulqarnain's behalf, and obtained a remission for him.

According to Botelho also, Zulqarnain was on very friendly terms with Dara

Shukoh. He relates an incident, where the prince addresses Zulqarnain as his brother, and asks him to compose a song for Shah Jahan, who had just then arrived from Lahtore."

Though we do not have any evidence of Zulqarnain acting in the capacity of a merchant, he may neveitheless had most probably to deal, at least on a limited scale in the salt trade, as he was in charge of the Khalsa namaksar at

Bambhar; and hence responsible for the direct or indirect sale of salt. He was also in contact with the European merchants, which was not unexpected because, throughout the period of our study, we find the Europeans seeking assistance of the Armenians to get access to the Mughal Court. The Armenians, apart from being their co-religionists were well acquainted with the Asian setting and the intricacies of the Mughal administration. In fact, the history of such relations

160 starts with Zulqarnain. In ] 636, we find him advising John Drake at Khirki on the

choice of a proper person through whom to approach the king.'^

True to the spirit of his race, Zulqamain was proficient in other languages, apart from his own. Jahangir praises him in his memoirs as being an

"accomplished composer of songs''. He further states that Zulqarnain's" compositions were brought to his nonce and approved.' The Badshahnama also festifies to Zulqarnain's skill as a poef'' Tavemier also regards him as an excellent poet."" He presented poems at the court of Shah Jahan, on a number of occasions, especially at the time of his accession, and on the eye of the establishment of capital at the newly built city of Shahjahanabad.""

It has been noted that Zulqamain did not hesistate to present a horse or an elephant to a singer, who merited his appreciation.

As this study is not concerned with Zulqarnain as a Christian, this aspect has not been dealt with. He was the 'chiafesi' Christian of the Mughal empire. '

He adhered to his faith throughout his life, gave lavish and owments to the

Christain Church, and helped in the publication as compilation of chronicles.

Salih gives the year of his death as 1656, but interestingly enough, we find his name included in the list of nobles given for the year 1657 and also for 1658.

When Zulqarnain was very sick. Shah Jahan had gone to visit him. Accordmg to

161 Tavernier, this sick Armenian fnenci was much loved by Shah Jahan, who had honoured him with splendid appointments. "The Armenian had been brought up with Shah Jahan, and as he was very clever and an excellent poet he was high in the good graces of the Emperor, who had given him valuable governorships, but had never been able, either by promises or threats to induce him to become a

Mussulman". ''

162 KHWAJA MINAS - AN ARMENIAN MERCHANT OF THE

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

Armenian merchants were settled in India long before the advent of the

European companies. They were actively participating in the Red Sea trade as well as operating in the Persian Gulf They were mainly carrying textile trade that was perhaps the most lucrative.

During the seventeenth centuiy, the .Armenian merchants remained veiy active and one finds them making commercia! transactions in nearly all pans of the country, Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Biana, Ahniadabad, Burhanpur, Banaras, Sironj,

Cambay, Goa, Diu, Patna, Hugh, Calcutta, Chinsurah, and more especially in

Surat, which in the Seventeenth century was the "prime mart of India."" Naturally a large number of Armenian merchants v/ere operatmg in Surat One of them was

Khwaja Minas, who was undoubtedly the most eminent Armenian merchant in

Surat in the latter half of the Seventeenth centur>'. A study of his career as a merchant may provide us some insight not only into the trading activities of the

Armenian merchants at Surat, but also mto the conditions of trade and commerce at Surat in general, at a crucial time, when the English were striving hard to establish their supremacy.

163 Khwaja Minas was not only a great merchant, but a substantial shipowner as well." He deployed his ships in the widest possible area of the Indian Ocean from Manilla to Mocha. Throughout the 1660's and 1670's we find him taking active part in the trade of Red Sea, Persian Gulf and South-east Asia."*

The earliest reference to Minas's shipping activity is the one about the voyage of St. Michael from Surat to Mokha in 1663.^ The English had at this time withdrawn from the Mokha shipping perhaps owing to the fact that economy of

Mokha was undergoing a period of recession. They had decided to use Asian ships for this purpose. Minas seems to have made full use of this opportunity.

In 1665, we get evidence of his ship also plying between Surat and Basra.^

He must have faced stiff competition as the Dutch, the English, and the Gujarati merchants were all concentrating on Basra at this time. This ship that was used was the oftmentioned Hopewi'll It WMS a locally built ship as Surat had by this time a flourishing shipping industry. Minas had bought it from the English

President, George Oxenden, in 1665 for RsJ 4,000, Oxenden claimed that it was in a very bad shape. Perhaps Minas got it fully repaired since it was successfully employed by him for a number of years.

A cargo of 1500 1. mostly comiprising of callicoes was sent tot he

Philippines in the Hopewell in 1669. the details of this voyage are recorded in

164 lin^^Iish l-'aclones, Mina:^'s brother, Khwaja Kirakose, was the super-cargo of the

ship and owned a third of the stock. Money was taken at the high interest of 45%,

50% and 60% to finance this voyage, which goes to show the great faith in the

venture. In spite of SDch high interests, the voyage seems to have met with

considerable success, because the records of 1672 show that the Hopewell was

making frequent voyages to Philippines betv/een 1669 and 1672 it made three voyages. 11

One of the mam hurdles, faced by Minas during these voyages was the

Dutch blockade. The Dutch had emerged as the leading European power in the archipelago. In the early sixties they nionopolised the entire ara, except two ports,

Achin in Sumatra and Queda on the Malayan coast, thus Minaz was compelled to confine the voyages of his ships to these places alone. During this time, Siam was another port, his vessels visited in these trying times. "

The nakhudas in command of Minas's ships were either Europeans or

Armenians, in some cases his own relatives. The fare from Basra to Surat on the

HopcM'ell is reported to be "40 abbasis or 60 shillings per head, vvhich v^as three times as high as a Muslim ship would charge". This high fare was most probably owing to the fact that the ship was commanded by an Italian (Captain Barnardo) and people had more faith in Europeans as navigators.

165 As far as Mmas's trading activities are concerned, broadcloth was the main item in which he dealt. The English East India company sent broadcloth to

India on a fairly large scale and in most cases they were sold on contract basis to rich individual merchants of Surat, one of them being Minas. Wholesale buying was a very important source of economic strength because the merchant was then in a very good position to manipulate prices and supply.

In 1663 Minas submitted a tender for broadcloth that was accepted over­ riding that of Virji Vohra. this in itself speaks volumes about the eminence of

Minas.""

Again, in 1669, the entire stock of broad-cloth (except the Malabar

Factories quota) was contracted for m advance by Minas. The ordinal}' broad­ cloth was priced at .Rs.4-y4 per yard and the fine one at 40% higher price, the quantity must have been fairly largejudging by the amount the English Company imported in the preceding years.

Minas also made contracts with the company for coarse cloth, cloth rashes, fine cloth'' and perpetuanoes. "

Apart from broadcloth and other textiles, indigo was another major item in v.'hich Minas dealt. The Airaenians showed such an interest in the indigo trade that its prices soared up. the English and the Dutch faced stiff competition from

166 them. Bernier felt that the Dutch trade in indigo "is not now very lucrative owing

probably to the competition of the Armenians/'^ Pelsaert also biterly criticises the

Armenians for their tactics in indigo trade". In the indigo market they behavejust

like that making as if they would buy up the whole stock, raising prices, losing a

little themselves and causing great injury to us and to other buyers who have to purchase large quantities.""" The Armenians used to send mdigo to Aleppo,

Ispahan, Mocha and Basra, where it was ',n great demand. This trade too was very lucrative even at times when the commodity was so dear that the English dared not buy it."^

The merchants of the Seventeenth century Surat often had to put up with oppressive Mughal officials, particularly the suhadar of Gujarat and muttasadi of

Surat, Khwaja Minas was no exception, he too had to make gifts in kind and cash to the Governors handsomely, particularly when he was seeking protection against the Enghsh.

The governors, such as Saiftallah Khan were very oppressive and in 1676, some of the leading merchants were compelled to send a complaint to the Royal

Court, but the governor, Mirza Saifullah, found out about it and the merchants were very badly treated to the extent that their leader was beaten with slippers.

Khwaja Minas v/as most probably one of the complainants, since two of his ships

167 were detained in this connection, and he had to give lavish gifts to get back his ships.

Earlier in 1672, Minas had to suffer great humiliation at the hands of the then governor, Ghiyas-ud-Din, who had him "beaten with slippers and staves until they had almost killed him for writing to the king of injustice done him by the

Government." Perhaps it was these factors and oppression that was the major cause which made Minas think about shifting to Bombay. In ] 665 there was great uproar in Surat over the fact that the English factors were trying to draw away the leading merchants from Surat to Bombay. Owmg to various reasons the English long cherished the idea of Bombay replacing Surat. by now they were seriously thinking on these lines, and offering heavy inducements to the leading merchants to settle at Bombay. Gary" reported that he was endeavouring to draw hither as many merchants (Banians as well as Moores and Persoans) as possible I can from

Suratt Cambaya, ahmadabad, Broach, Diu, Tahtah, etc...." It appears from the records that the Armenians were marked out as most coveted merchants at

Bombay. Not only were they to be given land to build houses, ware-houses and church^" but the General and Council of Bombay decided that they were to hold out "every encouragement to the Armenaian merchants, or, that should receive not only protection but a profitable market, any charges that might be incurred, in

168 giving such encouragement, would be fully compensated, by the trade this people

would introduce "' if therefore they could be mduced to make Bombay their

principal market; the commercial effect would be incalculable, and farther to

induce them to accept of this offer, they were to be allowed to send their goods on

the Company's shipping, to Europe, for sale."''

Furthermore they were to be offered thirty percent profit on fine Bengal goods, supplied by them.'' Minas is referred to as the President of the Armenians by the President of the English Company at Surat on his correspondents with the

Council Bombay.

Aurangzeb came to know about it through the reports of the waqi-a-navis, and a letter was sent to the Governor, who summoned the English, who immediately denied the charge. Upon dtis all the leading merchants were called, and asked whether they had been invited by the English, if their answer was in the negative they were supposed to sign a paper stating it, on pain of penalty and forfeiture unto the king if proved to the contrary'. All went well for the Company till it was Minas's turn, who fearing that it might be found out that he had been invited, blurted out the truth and produced a paper which incriminated the

English, the governor was enraged and Sa^^id Mahmud v/as sent to Bombay to investigate into the matter. "

169 The English on the contrary claimed that Khwaja Minas had himself promised to come to Bombay with the rest of the Armenian merchants.^'* They planned to show Sayyid Mahmud, Minas's letter "to manifest unto him what a jugler he hath proved himself in first inviting himself, to come to live among us and then to cause so much trouble."'

Notwithstanding all the protestations of the English, Minas in all probability was telling the truth. It was but natural for the English to approach him if they really desired to attract the Armenian merchants to Bombay. He being in their own words president of the Amienians' the key person.

Before the unpleasantness of this episode, Minas, relations with the

English Company were nearly always ver}' amicable uptill 1671. We have already noted that he was the main buyer of the broad-cloth brought by them. The English factors also travelled on his ship as passengers,"' and also hired his ship to send their goods to Persia.^ They consider him an able and a well reputed Armenian merchant'.

One fact which must have counted a lot in the relationship between Minas and the English Company v.'as that the Armenians had links with the English

Company not only in India but also in England, there are several instances of

Armenians holding parleys in England with the Board of Directors, some of them

170 like Khojah Phanoos Kalandar and Khojah Kirakose v/ere close relatives of

Minas.' The well known Phanoos Kalandar who was instuimental in getting the

treaty of 1688 signed was Minas's father-in-law. ' The treaty was drawn up

between Phansoos Kalandar resenting the Armenian merchants and the Governor

and Company of London merchants trading to the East Indies, amongst other

things the treaty granted the Arm.eniaiis all the advantages that the Company

granted to their own merchants, to reside and trade fi'eely in the Company's

territories and garrisons, to hold civil offices and employments, equally with the

English, and their passage and transportation of their merchandise in the

Company's ships. Kalandar was furthermore granted the monopoly of the garnet

trade.

Minas' brother Khojah Kirakose had been to London with a

recommendation from the King of Persia.'*' He had discussions with 'certain

committees' of the Company, and the English were of the opinion that would be

instrumental in securing priviledges from Shah Sulaiman of Persia, amongst other things he was given special permission to ship foreign cloth on the Company's ships.

In 1670, S. Francisco in which Kirakose and Minas were interested was forced to take shelter in Bombay. As a mark of special concession, the payment of

171 anchorage dues was exempted. Moreover, the Surat Council requested the

Bombay authorities to render every possible help including providing ware­

houses for the protection of goods from rain.

Minas's relations with the EngHsh soured over a debt which the former

was unable to clear. As noted earlier, broad-cloth was usually sold by contracts in

advance, that were finalised much ahead of the arrival of the cargo from England.

Minas often made such contracts, but in 1671, we find Aungier complaining the

Minas owed the Company Rs.75,000 for earlier, but as its price had fallen down

since Its contract was made, Minas was tn'ing to "flmg on our hands, but we so

roundly dealt with him. declaring our intention to seize all his shipping and estate

wherever we could find it, that we at last made him stand to the bargain."

The dispute over the paym.ent lasted for more than a decade. At times

Minas was badly harassed by the English who at times posted peons at his door, at

other times, the inter\ention of the Governor and Customer was sought. ' Matters

reached such a point that the English sent their own commander on Minas's ship,

the Selimony, so as to seize the freight money. Their plan was however defeated by two Armenian nakhudas secretly planted on board.

However they certainly realized sufficient amount, since at one stage, when the English were pressing Minas for more money, when he had sold one of

172 his ships, Mmas took the position that the principal amount had alreadv been paid

and what was demanded further was the interest, which was forbidden by

Mohammadan law,' In 1 677 he became insolvent.'"* In 1678 the English still held

that Minas owed the Com.pany Rs.40,000 At least in 1680 the English extorted a

further sum of Rs. 5,000 from Minas. But uptill 1684 the debt was allegedly not

fully paid.

However perhaps Minas finally succeeded in using his influence and

connections to approach high authorities, since we find that in 1690's, the

company rebuked the English factors, Harris and Annesley for slighting "the

Armenians that are honest men; and it is very impertinent that you write us Coja

Minass Hodges debts are cleared out of your Surat books as your accounts both say."

Acording to the Surat Council, they had in 1667 made advance contract for english goods with Khwaja Minas and Mirza Masum, and these merchants had agreed to it "not due to an}' advantage they could make by the sale of the goods, but partly emulation and chiefly in regard they both are prodigious moneyed men who, having vast treasure ready in house, do esteem it safer in nested in such solid imperishable commodities, though they get 4 and 6 epr cent by them, then either in cash or at interest or avog (bottomiy). Boxer is of the opinion that Minas did not feel veiy secure at Surat so sent feelers to the Enghsh the Portuguese to mone to Goa in 1670, but did neither see

C,R, Boxer: A Portuguese document of 1 670 concerning Khvvaja Minas'

From the Portuguese document analysed by boxer, it is e\ideiit that

Khwaja Minas mo\'ed the Diu m 1684, and was working as a contractor of the customs house over there. He did v/eli tor himself at this place it was remarkable that "he was able to achieve an outstanding position in that overwhelmingly Bania city" It was due to N4inas that the Portuguese at Din secured permission from the council at Goa to establish a mint at Diu. Minas died Diu in 1 687.

174 Khwaja Israel Sarhad: Armenian Merchant and Diplomat

Khwaja Israel Sarhad was an eminent Armenian merchant of

Bengal during the late 17th & 18th centuries. We do not know much about him except that he was from New Julfa (Isfahan, Iran) and

nephew of the famous Khwaja Phanoos Kalanthar (In 1688, the latter had entered into an agreement with the English East India Compan>' in

London on behalf of the Armenian "nation".

Sarhad's relations with the East India Company appear to have

originated in London where he had gone with his uncle Phanoos

Kalanthar, most probably around the time when the agreement was

made with the Company. From Governor Pitt's correspondence it is

evident that Sarhad accompanied his uncle to the house of Mr. Ongley

where Pitt met Sarhad not once but several times.^ Likewise he must have visited other important English officials in London and made important contacts.

Sarhad's commercial dealings with the East India Company should be studied in conjunction with these agreements. The agreement which

Kalanthar made with the Company in short stipulated that the

175 Armenians would be allowed to carry their goods or send their goods on English, vessels without any restrictions they could make use of

English shipping, regardless of whether it was for south east Asia or

India on the outward bound ships, and to Europe on the ships.-^ Their main thrust was to divert Armenian trade from their traditional land route through Persia and Turkey to Europe to the new route around the

Cape exclusively on English ships. The Armenians were to supply

Indian commodities to the Company at a certain profit."^ In 1694 another agreement was signed between the Company and Phonoos

Kalanthas, one claue of which stipulated that Patna goods bought by

Armenian merchants, with their own money was to be supplied to the

Company at Hugli or Calcutta at 15% profit on the pr.'me cost plus all other charges involved.-'

It is only after these agreements that that Sarhad begins to appear in the Company's records in Bengal. In 1697 he was sent by the

Company to the camp of Zabardast Khan and later on to that of Prince

Azimushshan, and he proved instrumental in getting the permission to buy the three villages of Govindpur, Sutanuti and K.alkatta from him

(July 1698).6 176 His business contracts with the Company also started after the

agreement of 1694. In 1697 he contracted to supply Rs. 2,50,000 worth

of goods to the Company, which obviousiy was a very sizeable

-7

amount.' It should be kept m mind that by this time he was already a

well-established merchant trading on his own account. It was thus not

as if he rose to eminence because of his contracts with the Company.

From Bruce's Annals it is evident that Bengal goods around this time

were highly prized commodities for the East India Company and further that supplies from Hooghly \vere reported to be uncertain.

perhaps because of Asian competition." The company decided to

encourage Armenians to supply to them these commodities, as the

Armenians were well entrenched in the Bengal trade and moreover the

Company had a chronic shortage of silver and so depended on the

Armenians ability to buy out of their own resources. The Armenian merchants were to be given 30% profit on fine Bengal goods."

Thus at the turn of the century, Sarhad seems to have been at the

peak of his mercantile career. Governor Pitt also specifically requested

him to help him in obtaining freight for two vessels that he was getting ready for Persia and Mokha. Pitt assured to serve Sarhad of helping 177 him "m any thirig here that you may at any time command",' - This

shows how the connections made in London could proved useful.

As mentioned earlier, according to the agreements, the Armenians

were to be allowed, in fact encouraged, to use English shipping After

1694 we find that Sarhad made extensive use of English shipping,

though he is reported to have possessed ships of his own. In 1699 he

offered to charter the English ship, liasl India Merchant, for Rs--l-\0()0

but the Company turned down his offer because they expected to make

more money by freighting the ship on their own. Moreover they could

send rice on it and get back Persian commodities, like tobacco, salt,

wines, horses, etc, and thereby earn some extra profit.' '

A couple of years later the English faced problems in obtaining freight for their ships, as the Armenian merchants got together to bring down the freight charges. Finally they had to charter the ship to Sarhad for Rs. 38,000,'2

In 1704, Sarhad is again reported to have chartered the English ship Colchester for Rs 3 8,000.' -

78 In the same 3'ear the Company entered into a deal with Sarhad to borrow Rs. 7000 as a bottomry loan upon their ship Colchesler. This contract was however broken off because presumably Sarhad delayed

in making the payment and the Company needed the money before their ships Tankarville and BalUfac sailed away. He had to pay within

15 days of the deal, but was 20 days late so the Company refused lo accept the payment ' '^

It IS interesting to note that even wlien a ship was chartered, it was not just rented out the ship for a certain amount of money. It was linked to the success of the venture, as evident from Sarhad's offer in

1707 to take the English ship Howfand for Rs. 34,000. The money was to be paid if the ship returned safely from Gombroon where she was expected to stay for 47 days,' ^

A Danish captain was employed by Sarhad in 1706 for the ship .S7.

George that he had hired from the English. There was some unpleasantness as the captain was not paid his dues amounting to Rs.

2500. Sarhad refused to pay claiming that the captain had earned goods on his own account.'" In 1703 Armenian merchants who had freighted or chartered the Colchester were awarded Rs. 1580 against 179 the estate of the deceased captain of the ship, because the captain had

carried goods to Persia above his pri\iieges (20 tons at Rs. 84 a ton)

which shows that m !)ractice too, a captain could not carry goods above a specified Imir. for his own trade ' '

We find that Sarhad was buying commodities off and on from the

Company. In 1703 he bought from the latter lead at 3 rupeas 10 annas per maund.'° If Armenians put lead on a Company's ship they were to pay 10% for permission and Rs. 3 per ton as freight according to the agreement between Kalanthar & the Company. To find it specified in the treaty means that it was an important item carried by the

Armenians. In the same year, the English bought from him Rs 7000 worth of goods, for which they gave him bills of exchange payable in

London.' "

Sarhad made a forward contract with the Company in 1705 for all the china that was to arrive from London, and was suitable for the

Bengal market.^'^' The Company agreed to give to him at 4 Vz% advance on the original cost, on condition that Sarhad took it as it came, broken or whole. The interesting point was that payment was to

[80 be made in Cassimbazar raw silk, to be delivered by the 1st of

December.2' If the silk was not found suitable, they Company's factors were to insist on cash payment. The Armenians' help was

enlisted by the Company as they understood both the Persian and

Bengal markets very well and were firmly entrenched in the

manufacturing centres inland,-- They had lower overhead costs and

worked on a small profit per unit According to his contracts, Sarhad

was delivered I 12 chests of chinaware worth Rs. 14,665.--

Sarhad's relations with the English Com.pany turned sour in 1 706,

in spite of his assistance in getting the three foundation villages of

Kolkata on for them. It appears, as in the case of Khwaja Minas, that

forward contracts with the Company for procuring English goods

largely proved Sarhad's undoing Sarhad could not comply with his contract for supplying raw silk to the Company in exchange for the

China that he had taken He was then asked to pay in cash, at an interest of 1 % per month,^-^

In 1707 the Company siezed Sarhad's goods in order to recover money which he owed to the company.'^-' We do not know whether it

181 was for the unpaid price of goods that he received from the Company or the amount he owed for freighting or chartering English vessels.

Most probably, it was the amount for China as well as other commodities, as Sarhad later revealed in the course of his negotiations with the English that he had a ship laden with English goods at

Calcutta which had not been paid far,-^" Surprisingly, a few months later the English records note that Sarhad is willing to take the English ship HoM'land for Gombroon, '

From 1709, his relations wit'i the English company took a downward turn ['or years togctlicr Matters so came to a head that \\\o

Company peons v/ere posted at S&rhad's house. " The English factors felt that Sarhad had a substantial amount of goods at his house, which is pretty likely as he was the leading Armenian merchant m Bengal, around this time. Moreover the English must have felt that the humiliation would speed up the payment. It had the required effect as

Sarhad asked for the peons to be removed, as he was willing to pay. He agreed for the company to have what goods were suitable for them and in lieu of the rest he prom,ised to pay cash within two months. The

182 Calcutta council agreed to it and it was decided that if Sarhad did not

pay within two months then his goods would be auctioned off."'^

During the course of his negotiations with the Company, it

transpired that Sarhad had merchandise of considerable value worth

(Rs.75,000) at Goa and his own ship at Calcutta laden with English goods which had not been paid for-^"'^ The goods at Goa had been entrusted to another Armenian, Aga Peere who had been looking after

Sarhad's trading interest in that region. As Aga Peere had succeeded him. This indicates that there were specific agents for specific regions.-^3 ' 1

Sarhad's ship was sent under Capt. Delaforce to Goa to dispose off the goods laden on her and fetch Sarhad's effects from Goa. Apart from having factors working for him in Goa, Sarhad also had attorneys there working for hirn, one an Armenian Cojah Nayaur, and the other a

Portuguese. Augustine Robero.-^'^

Shortly afterwards, we find Sarhad bouncing back to favour. In

1713, we find him endeavoring to procure a hashu'l hiikiiDi for the company from the Mughal iimperor • '' lie approached the court at

183 Delhi through his Armenian friend Khwaja Manoor and managed to get

the order instructing all Governors and officers to see to the safety of

the presents while being transported to Delhi.-^^ Thus it is hardly

surprising that at the beginning of 1714, it was decided unanimously

be the council that Khwaja Sarhad should be appointed second m

command in delegation or embassy to be sent to the Mughal Court. -^

John Surman was to be the first, Sarhad the second, and Pratt the third in the embassy. The reasons given for Sarhad's appointment explain why the choice fell on him.-^" The fifth clause shows that the Company were not blindly placing their trust on Sarhad. They had reservations about his integrity. Right from the start it was realized that Sarhad would have to be kept under check so that he did not misuse or misappropriate money.

Sarhad was to get Rs. 50,000 if he got all old privileges granted to the Company, reconfirmed, and the boundaries of the Company's possessions enlarged.-^ ^ Another amount of Rs.50,000 was to be give to him if he acquired permission for the English Company to trade duty free at Surat.

184 It appears that Khwaja Sarhad around this time owed money to

Saddanamd Shah and Haji Nazar Tabrezee, a Persian merchant.^" They stalled the departure of Sarhad with the embassy till they were satisfied. As a result, a promissory note signed by the English Council for Rs. 50,000 was given to them, Rs.25,000 for Haji Nazar and Rs.

25,000 for Saddanand's gomoshtah. Brijbhushan, on the understanding that the notes would become due when the required grants were obtained. " When Saddanand demanded the money from Sarhad in

Delhi, the latter assured him that the English Company would pay the money as soon as the farmans were obtained.'^^ By 1730 the English had not honoured the bill."^^ By this time both Haji Nazar and

Brijbhushan were dead. This goes to show that Sarhad did not confine his dealings to fellow Armenians or the English factors, but banias and

Persian merchants also came within the ambit of his mercantile dealings.

Surman and the other English factors were not happy with Sarhad or his mode of functioning.^- The Surman embassy overall was a great success, but Sarhad went in style and not as an ordinary interpreter or

185 a subservient member^ He claimed an equal footing will the other

English factors. At times he demanded to work on his own manner,

without interference from the others/*-^ He was allowed to use two

Union Jacks before him and his palanquin also had gold fittings. "^

A number of charges were levied against Sarhad by Surman

including that of mismanagement of the funds, dubious character of his

Armenian friends at Delhi, and gross exaggeration of the value of the

English present. 1 am just elaborating a few which are of interest to

us.45

Sarhad was said to have sent a message through the English

mutassadi, Atma Ram, to Surman to coerce the latter into making some

money on the sly by asking the Emperor to send an additional Rs.

40,000, which was to be then divided between Sarhad and Surman

Sarhad further reminded Surman that previously by not carrying goods of Patna merchants to Delhi they had lost an opportunity to make Rs.

50,000,46

Another interesting point was that Sarhad's friend at Delhi, Padre

Daniel, who had reportedly helped in obtaining imperial orders, was

186 paid through Sarhad, generally in merchants' goods. Daniel, Surman reports that the padre was always short of money because of his waywardness and used to dispose off Rs. 1000 worth of goods for

Rs.500 or Rs. 600.47

The most interesting facet which emerges in the course of this

embassy was the fact that Sarhad aspired to be a royal trade agent of

the Mughal Emperor, m London promising to bring back rarities from

Europe. A list of rarities that Sarhad is reported have drawn up to

show to the Emperor included a throne and chair of amber, a throne

and chair of crystal, fine large glass containers a mill to coin money

costing Rs. 20,000 which was not subject to fire or other trouble. He

also promised to bring the workmen and founders to recast all of the

Emperor's heavy artillery to great advantage and to cast mortars and shells.48 In July 1717 Surman and Stephenson wrote to the Governor at Calcutta that Sarhad had petitioned to the Emperor to grant him the title of royal merchant and had delivered the list of rarities that he intended to procure from Europe, Turkey, China and Japan. According to Surman Sarhad just wanted to get the title to save custom and secure protection. The Emperor did not grant him the title but ordered the

187 Khansaman to examine the list and order what was proper and give a

farman for that aloneZ^*^

It was not something unusual to ask to be made a royal merchant,

because the Mughal did send trade agents to Persia who

brought back rarities for them.-'^ Perhaps Sarhad, who was conversant

with Persian trade, must have been aware of this practice; and since he

had already been to London and had contacts there, he could have

carried out this role easily. Moreover his ability to communicate with

the Mughal court, because of hi.s knowledge of Persian, would have definitely given him an edge. He already had access to the royal court because of his linguistic ability, and had he acted as an interpreter of

Dr. Hamilton when the latter was treating Farrukhsiyar in 1715.^' For his services he was rewarded with a saropa and an elephant. He also had the honour of receiving victuals sent by the Queen Mother during the course of the treatment; and Rs. 500 and a dress of honour at the

King's wedding.-'^

For the greater part of the negotiations Surman and Stephenson did not see eye to eye with Sarhad. After the farmans were obtained,

188 Sarhad did not return with the embassy. Surman and Stephenson allege

that he was staying back in Delhi to carry on his own business. ^

Sarhad, on the other hand, replied that he did not have any business in

Delhi which was keeping him back, but his dues amounting to Rs.

19,000 had not been paid by the Company and thus accounts with his

creditor could not be cleared, and hence he could not return till they

were satisfied.^"^ Sarhad, it appears, was not wrong because from the

same records it is apparent that peons were placed at Sarhad's house

by Saddanand as he wanted his money back.^^ Moreover, Sarhad could

not gain any thing by going back. The money which the English had

promised was already pledged to Saddanand and Hajinazar Tabrezee.-'"

Unfortunately we do not have any information about Sarhad

after he stays back in Delhi. We do not know whether he came back

to Bengal or kept on living at Delhi or migrated to Iran or died.

Another very important merchant of Bengal was Khwaja Wazid who was

the fakhrul tujjer of Bengal in the early eighteenth century has been dealt with such brilliant details by Susil Chaudhun, that there is hardly anything one can add to it.

189 He was an eminent figure in precolonial Bengal. Operating from Hugli he was a towering figure who dominated the commerce of thus region. In the 1740's he was the vakil of the Armenians of Bengal.

He was heavily embroiled in Bengal politics. He had tremendous influence at the darbas and the English felt that the of attitude towards them would he determined by that of Wazid owmg to his position at

Court he was able to carry out monopolistic policies especially in salt and saltpeter (Salt was found out to him in 1752 for Rs. 25,000).

He operated a fleet of ships to the Persian Gulf, and Red sea as well as

Masulipatnam. Moreover he carried on inland trade with vigour. His brilliant career came to an end because of his political entanglements. He was loyal to siraj ud daulah but when he felt that the latter would be defeated he joined the conspiracy against the Nawab and this led to his ultimate failure.

190 END NOTES (Origin)

' Despatch Book 1967, V.92, p.608, quoted from Chaudhari, K.N. The Trading World of Asia and the English Hast India Company, ] 660-1760, Cambridge, 1978, p.226.

^ Eastern Armenia came under the Ottomans in the last decade of the 14* centur\' and in tlie following tvvo decades, except for tlie Khanate of Erivan, which was ceded in 182X to Russia by tlic Treaty of Turkmen Ca>'. Sec for details Encyclopaedia oflslam, cd. Gibb. Kramers, Lcvi-Provincial and Schacht, London, 1960.

^ Fn,'er, ]o\in, A New Account of East Indies and Persia, being Nine Years Travels 1672- 81, ed. W Crooke, London, 1915, Vol. II, p.258. Hamilton, Alexander,/! New Account of the East Indies, ed. Foster. London, 1930, p.303; Fray Sebastian Manrique, Travels of Eray Sebastian Manrique (1628-41). tr. C.E. Luard and H. Hsten, Hakluvt Society. 1927. p.360.

' Fwcr, op.cit II, p. 249.

^ According to Braudel, (Femand Braudel, Wheels of Commerce, tr. Renolds, London, 1982, p. 154) the Armenians did not cross into Chma, but we do have references to Armenian merchant's presence over there. See KJiachikian, Ledger of Kovhannes Joughayetsi Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1966, (hencefortli Khachikian), and also Niccolao Manucci (1699-1709) Storia de Mogor tr. W. Ir\'ine, London, 1907-8,Vol. II. p.413.

* Lucas Vanantesti, Treasury of Measures Weights, Numbers and Currencies of the entire World (translated title). Amsterdam, 1699. cited in Braudel, op.cit, and Philip Curtin, Cross Cultural Trade in World History, Cambridge, 1984. According to Braudel, the centres dealt in Lucas Vanatesti were apart ,from centres in Western Europe, "some in Hungary, as well as Istanbul. Cra\voow Vienna, Astrakhan, Novgorod, Hyderabad, Manila Baghdad, Basra, Aleppo, Smyrna" The section on markets and merchandise describes trade centres in India. Ceylon, Java, Amboyna and Macassar.

^ George Williams, Holy City, p.556 quoted from Scth, Arnenians in India, Calcutta, 1937.

Khachikian, Ledger of Ho\hanncs Joughagctsi, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1966.

'^ Frayer, op.citll, p.258. '° Ibid, v.IL p,258, and 249; Hamilton, op.cit 303; Manrique, op.cil, v.l. p.39, Ibid. II. 260 and 360.

They belonged to tlie schismitic branch of Chnstianity. the>' could freely practice their faith and build tlieir churches Shah Abbas himself had a church built for them.

'•^ Frayer, op.cit., v.IL p.249.

"Ibid, p.258,

'" Philip Curtin, Cross Cultural Trade in WorldHisioiy, Cambndge, 1984, p. 184.

''' Anthonv Jcnkmson. liarly Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia, cds. N4organ and Cootc, London, !886.2,p.4!L

""' 1.0. E/3/12 1347 Gombroon to E.I. Co. 11 march 1630-31 quoted from The Cambridge History of Iran . eds.. .lackson and Lockar., Cambndge. 1 986, p.45 7,

"Jcnkinson.opcit.. pp,396-7, 406, 410-1 1.

"* It should be remembered that .Armenians, dunng the forced evacuation by Shah Abbas in 1604. had also been scni lo settle in the silk producing areas to foster silk production.

'" This \\as >et another \-zr\ )mportant element as Persia depended predominantly upon the silver obtained through trade for its coinage.

•" Ibid., p.411, "the shaugli never tooke cloth unto his treasurie all the daycs of his life, and will not now beginne, his while trade is in raw silk, which he selleth always for mone}' to the Armenians and Turkes.

'' The Courts of Directors of the English East hidia company in 1692-3 instructed its Agent in Persia to consign broadcloth to the Armenian merchants, "provided it could be bartered for silk or ready money; or even fro one third in money and two thirds in silk (sec Bruce, annals of the Honourable East India company, vol. 3, pp. 140-141. Similarly in 1695-6 the Court of Directors felt that tlie sale of broadcloth could be "effected at less expence by the Armenian merchants, and in return, money, Caramania wool, and silk obtained for it". See Bruce, op.cit, 3, 169.

-" LO. E/3/92 E.J. Co. to the Five Merchants 3 Jan. 1693-4 quoted from Cambridge History of Iran, op.cit.. 6. p.460.

192 -•' 1.0. E/3/53 6417. Isfahan to E.J. Co. Co 1 5 Jul\- 1697 quoted from Cambridge History of Iran, op.cit., 6, p.461.

Persian silk was consumed by Turkey itself, to a considerable extent. It was especialK- needed for the silk industry' at Barus. The rest went on to European markets.

"" Jenkinson, op.cit., pp.406-7.

"'^Ibid. pp.396-7.

"' This section, regarding Anncnian trade to Russia is based on the russko-Indiskiya Otnosheniya, XVII and XVIII centuries, translated and brought together in Surendra Gopal, Indians m Russia in the 17' and 18"' centuries, Calcutta, 1988.In the instructions of the Senate (in 1743) we find that tlic Annenians were to be "pennitted to be tried b\ their own judges", "worship their own Lord they should not be hundred'', 'lhe\' should not be appomted in the army and any other burden should be placed on them only in case of extreme necessity", "the rent for the houses in which they live should be charged at the rates stipulated and no harm should be done to them". For details see, R.I.O., XVIIl, pp.203-4, Indians in Russia, 206.

'' R.I.O., Doc.,No.225, and 249 pp.306-39 Cf. Gopal, Indians in Russia, p. 124.

^' I have made this calculation on the basis of S. Gopal's table of exports from Russia to Persia based on the R.I.O., Doc. See S. Gopal, 'Some Trading Activities of bdians in Russia m the XVIII Centur) ", I.H.C., 1967.

^" R.I.O. V.XVIIL, V. pp.237-39 Cf Gopal: Indians in Russia . In an order m the Foreign Office for the year 1675, we find Indians being granted pemiission to trade in Moscow and tlie rate of duty was to be the same as concluded with the Armenians Company at Moscow.

^' As mentioned earlier, the Indians were only allowed to trade in Astraklian. hi the R.I.O. documents, we find a number of contracts relating to deals between Indians and Annenians. Apart from partnership where Armenians pooled their resources with the Indians; there are also instances where none of tlie Armenian capital is involved (tiiey are operating purely on behalf of the Indians). In one such case the Armenian was entitled to 1/3 of the profit, which is higher llian the customan,' amount he would have got within his own communit)'-. conti'acts were also made for just transporting the goods of die hidians, for a given amount.

^" hiterestingly these shipowners have been designated as Astraklian bourgeois 193 Sankt Serafim of Astratdian bourgeois Amicnians Nikita Kabustov, On the ship of Astrakhan bourgeois Armenian Miney Dilyanchev. On the ship and galleon S. Joan belonging to petty bourgeois from Astrakhan ~ Armenians Karapet An,'aitunov. this also reflects social status in Russia {Ihici. 369-75..

"Ibid., 413-419.

^^ Six members were appointed din this Company, one of them being an Armenian, Vasil Makarov(Ibidpp.283-84).

^^ The Armenian language belongs to the Indo-Eurasian Group, and has a number of Persian loanwords, h has a separate script of its own.

"•'Fr>'cr,op.ciL v.2,p.288

" Seth, History of the Armenians In India, p.23. Mar Thomas, an Amicnian merchant landed on tlie Malabar Coast in 780 A.D., seven centunes prior to Vasco da Gama's arrival.

'"* Mainly Lahore, Agia, Delhi, Cambay, Sural, Goa

END NOTES (ARMENIANS AND THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY)

1. E.F.I., 1618-21; ibid, 1662-23, p. 211; Letters Received, V.4, p. 13. Bombay Secretariat, p. 241. Valle, p. 29.

2. Fiyer, V. 2, p. 288.

3. The English Factories in India 1618-69 ed. W. Foster, 13 vols. Oxford 1906-27; henceforth E.F.I. V.2, p. 8, 269. Pietro de la Valle: The Travels of Pietro de la Valle in India, 1623-24, 2 vols. Hakluyt Society, fr. Eg. Hovers, London 1892 p. 29.

4. Letters Received by the East Indian Co. fro its servants in the East, 1602- 17, 6 vols. VI ed. Danvers, V. n-\a ed. W. Fosters, London, 1896-1902 V.4, p. 13.

194 5. E.F.I. V.2, p.8, p. 24, p. 290.

6. Pietrodela Valle, p. 29.

7. E.F.I. V.2, p. 211,p.306.

8. E.F.I. V.2., p. 21], p. 301.

9. E.RI. V.2, p. 269.

10. E.F.I. V.2, p. 179.

11. E.F.I. V.2, p. 294.

12. E.F.I. V.2, p. 290.

13. In 170] the English despatched an Armenian vakil to prevent Morris, an 'interloper' from gaining any favour from Aurangazeb. See annals of Bengal, p.

14. Annals of Bengal, V.2, pp. 149-50. First Sarhad was sent to the Camp of Zabardast Khan to gain assistance against the "interlopers" and for restoration of Malda & Rajmahal but on getting a negative response from him, they proceeded to the Prince who granted them the right of these three villages.

15. Annals of Bengal, op. cit, V.2, pp. 157-58.

16. One of the reasons given for Sarhad's appointment by the English factors was that Sarhad knew King Farrukhsiyar personally, having taken presents for the King when the latter was a young prince (ibid).

17. See chapter 2.

18. See Susi! Choudhuri, p. 21 8.

19. Bruce, V.3, pp. 159,60.

195 20. Furber, 276.

21. Bruce, V.3, pp. 142-3.

22. Bruce, V.3, pp. 140-1.

23.E.F.I., 1670-77, p. 192.

24. Ibid., 1661-64, p. 207, See O.P. Singh, p. 180.

25.K.N. Chaudhuri, p 2.

26. Pelsaeit, p. 16.

27. E.F.I. (1642-45) p. 303.

28. E.F.I. (1634-36) p. 138.

29. Bernier, p. 292.

30. Roques, p, 394.

31. Susil Choudhuri, op. cit., p. 131.

32. E.F.I., 1665-67, p. 51, Ibid., 1 670-77, pp. 38, 159.

33.E.F.I., 1665-67,op. cit.,p. 159.

34. For the text of the agreement see Seth, op. cit., p. 233.

35. Records of Fort St. George, Diary and Consultation Book of 1690, Madras.

36. Bruce, V.2, pp. 617-18 (Ibid, p. 107).

37. Ibid, v.3, pp. 196-7.

196 38. Ibid.

39. K.N. Chaudhun, Trading World of Asia.

END NOTES (Commercial Practice)

1. Fryer, op. cit., V.2, pp. 249-258; Khachikian;J.A.S.B.J966, pp. 153-186 Hamilton, op. cit., p. 303. 2. Fryer, op. cit., p. 249. 3. Hamilton, op. cit., p. 303. 4. Fryer, op. cit., p. 249 5. Khatchikian, J.A.S.B. 1966, p. 153. 6. Commenda was an Italian term. According to Postan, "it was a contract of sleeping partnership, by which the commendator or the sleeping partner delivered goods or money to the tractor or active partners... and it was on his behalf and to his use (the commondators) that the tractor was supposed to be trading". See M.M. Postan Medieval Trade and Finance. Cambridge, 1973, p. 68. 7. According to Udovitch: the terms are interchangeable. The first two are of Arabic origin and the third of Iraqi. They all stand for commenda which Udovitch defines as "an arrangement in which an investor or a group of mvestors entrusts capital or merchandise to an agent manager, who is to trade with it and then return to the investor (5), the principal and a previously agreed share of the profits". See Udovitch, Commercial Techniques in Early Medieval Islamic Trade, in: Islam and the Trade of Asia. A Collaquim. ed. D.S. Richards, Oxford, 1970,p.38. 8. Ibid. According to Ashtor, Levant Trade in the late Middle Ages, Princeton, 1983, p. commenda appeared in Italy in the 11 ' and 12' centuries and in Hanseatic ports in the 14" century. 9. Fryer, op. cit., 2, p. 249; 10. In England also, partnerships of this type were though, at times nameless, were often given the name of commenda. For details see Postan, Medieval Trade and Finance, pp. 68 and 69. 11. Ibid. One of the chief characteristics as elaborated by Postan was of the commendator contributing capital and no labour, whilst with the factor it was vice-versa, p. 69.

197 12. If a factor was carPj'ing on trade, honestly and to his best efforts, but unfortunate)}' still suffers loss, then he was not held responsible for the capital. In L.O.H.J., in case of the factors being dishonest and disobedient, the losses were to be borne by them alone. This was only as a means of punishment for an offence and not a normal procedure. Udovitch has also stated that in the commenda the factor was not responsible for either total or partial loss. (Commercial Techniques, p. 378). 13. Like Hovhannes, there must have been a number of merchants operating as factors, from his diary it is evident that his masters had a number of other factors, operating in India. Nazaret, who gets out Hovhannes goods from the warehouse at Surat, Hovhan of Shiraz were two such co-factors of Hovhannes. See Khalchikian, J.A.S.B., pp. 1 53-1 86. 14. About 217 tumans worth of goods consisting of 738 metres of red and green broadcloth, about 3 tum.ans in cash, and bills for 29 tumans on M. Avetik payable at Shiraz. Ibid. p. 186. 15. Arrived in Surat in March 1683, Ibid. p. 157. 16. See Chapter- XIV chapter of the statutes written for the Armenian of Astrakhan called Code de la Loi, (Khachikian), See Khatchikian, J.A.SB 1966, p.153. 17. It is a meticulous diary of all his transactions in India, Nepal and Tibet. Details regarding various aspects of trade or matters indispensable for trade are also given. A partial translation has been made by Khachikian in both English and French, with separate chapters devoted to different matters such as taxes, weights and measures, bills of exchange, profits and commodities. 18. Annals of Bengal, Ibid. pp. 153-186. p. 101. Khwaja Sarhad owed the Company about Rs. 39,000 and as he was unable to clear the debt. He authorized them to get the money through his lawyers at Goa, where he had goods worth Rs. 75000 consigned to his factor Aga Peere, who had succeeded another factor Avenoose, and from whom he had received no returns. 19. Postan, Medieval Trade and Finance. P. 66, Postan classifies the commenda into three categories 1) service partnership where owner capital hires service or merchants 2) financial partnership - where it is vice-versa 3) complete partnership., where all parties contribute both capital and service. When the commendator was a substantial merchant

198 the partnership was usually a ser\'ice partnership. The Armenian model appear to be nothing else than these. 20. Khachikian, J.A.S.B., 1966, p. 1 53. 21. Ibid. Harsh measures included being jailed, profits to be appropriated by the master and loss to be borne by factor alone. 22. Khatchikian Ledger of Honharuies. A partial translation of the Tresar has been done by K. Kcnonian 'Marchants Anneniens are 17 23. See Aghassian and Kevonian, p. 24. Tresar p. 199-244. 25. Ibid. 26. Tresar, p. 27. See Aghassian and Kevonian 'The Armenian Merchant Network. P. 84. 28. Fryer, op. cit., p. 2, p. 249. 29. Ibid., p. 250. 30. At the time of leaving Tibet in 1692, he has with him, from other things, 783 kg. Of musk and 5 kg 130 gms. of gold. 31. Khachikian. Both of them invest Rs. 4,685 each, to trade in Tibet. 32. Arasaratnam, op. cit., p. 289 A case had come before the 'Mayors' Court in Madras in 1735, where the factor Coja Techarial de Aviettde wanted to be discharged from the service of his masters Coja Tantasu, Coja Anotaka and Coja Sarad in order to enter into a new partnership, but the masters were refusing to do so. 33. The agreement with Hovhan for trade in Tibet was signed a month afterwards. 34. The first was for general trade when one could deal in all types of goods and the second for trade in specified commodities. The contracts which Hovhannes makes for the bardar cloth, can be termed as one belonging to specified category of Inan and the contract he makes for trading in Tibet of the general category. For details see Udovitch, Commercial Techniques in Early Medieval Islamic Trade. 35. Postan, Medieval Trade and Finance, p. 83. The partnership began with the purchase of a certain merchandise and ended with its division or joint sale. Its Italian parallel was known as 'callegontia', a Venetian term, or 'Societas' where both or all parties contribute capital and one or some contribute labour. (Ibit., p. 69). 36. Chardin,ll, p. 107. According to Chardm, tliere were Annenian merchants in Persia, under Shah Abbas I and Shah Safi I. who were worth 2 or 3 millions.

199 37. See aghassian and Kevonian,'The Armenian Merchant Network in S. Chaudhury and M. Mormean ed. Merchants, Companies and trade, p. 77. 38. Ibid. p. 78, 39. Ibid. p. 77-82. 40. Ibid, p, 85-86, 41, Dilbagh singh and Rajshirke in bidu Banga ed. 'Ports and their Hinterland, 42, ha Me Cake, P, 141-2 43, Ledger of Hovhannes, 44, EFI, P, 45, Aghasion andKevonian, P, 79, 46. See Ina Mc Cake. P.2I8.

END NOTES (Credit)

1. Irfan Habib, 'The System of Bills of Exchange (Hundis) in the Mughal Empire'. P,I,H,C, 1972, 2. Khalchukian, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1966, p, 174, 3. Ibid,,p, 174. 4. Ibid., p. 175. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid., p. 174. 7. Conversely, when the borrower was leaving the country access the landar to the point of repayment becomes important. 8. SeeL.O,H.J,,p. 175, 9. According to Irfan Habib, avog was a form of speculative investment where the lender bore considerable risks. See 'Usury in Medieval India' Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. VI, No. 4, 1964. 10. EFI. 1668-9, p. 195. 11. Arasaratnam, op.cit. p. 278, 12. A similar d3efinition is given in Webeters dictionary—'acontract by which a shipowner borrows money, pledging the ship as security, 13. Aghassian & Kevonian, 'The Aramenian Merchant Network', pp. 85-86. 14. Khatchikion 'Transferable Bills' p, 90-95 of Aghassian & Kevonian, p.85. 15. Ibid. 16. Chardin, p. 281, Travels in Persia; p. 281. 17. Aghassian and Kevonian, 18. Ibid., 1637-41, p. 272; Shireen Moosvi is strongly of the opinion that this practice was confined to voyages taking off from Surat. But our evidence points

200 out to avak being taken at the port of Basra and also inland at Isfahan, and not only for Surat but for Madras also. 19. InaMcCabe, p. 228. Khatchikian, Ledger of Hovhannes in J.A.S.B.19-p. 20. InaMcCabe, p.228 21. Irfan Habib 'Usury in Medieval India' in Comparative studies...Society and History V.6, No.4, July 1964. 22. For details see Ashtor, Levant Trade in the Later Middle Ages, Princeton, 1983,p 23.McCabe,p. 215. 24. Chardin, Travels in Persia, p. 165. 25. Aghassian and Kevonian, p.80. 26. Bengal Public Consultation, 1,0.R., Microfilms, in the National Archives of India consulted p. 1/1. 27. Ibid Hajee Nazir keeps the promissory note and gives a counter note to Birjibodcum, SeeB,P.C., p/1/11 f 317. 28. Arasaratnam, op. cit, p. 278. 29. Postan, 'Credit in Medieval Trade', E.H.R. 1964. 30. E.F.I., 1670-77, p. 209. 31. Annals of Bengal, op. cit., p. 100 and p. 315. 32. In September 1705 Khoja Sarhad contracted to buy from the English Company all the China (112 chests costing Rs. 14,655) at 45% advance on original cost. In return rawsilk was to be delivered by December, which if not found satisfactory, payment was to be made in cash. In February 1706 we find that raw silk had not been delivered by Sarhad and he was now to pay in cash within a month, failing which 1% per month was to be levied on the entire amount due as interest. For detail, see B.P.C., p/l/lf 231. 33.E.F.I., 1670-77, p. 209. 34.E.F.I., 1670-77, p. 209. 35. Letters Received. V. 6, p. 244. 36. Manucci, op. cit, vol. 2, p. 77. 37. Postan 'Credit in Medieval Trade', op. cit. 38. O.C. no. 3373, c.p. 10, SeeO.R Singh. 39. E.F.I. 1677-84. p. 183. 40. E,F.I.. 1670-77. p. 192. 41. Khachipian, L.O.H.J. p. In Tibet also, we find Hovhannes selling musk to his fellow countrymen, the amount, in several instances being payable after a year. To quote an example 'I sold Tratoar, seven sets of amber

201 leads weighing 16 lanks, the sum to be paid within a year, on his return from Shnk (Sinin)'. 42. B.P.C. f. 115, p/1/1, in 1703 Khwaja Sarhad Israel received three bills of exchange on the Company in London for £1,356.5 against Rs. 7000 worth of goods supplied by him. 43. Irfan Habib, 'Bills of Exchange', P.I.T.C. 1972. 44. B.P.C. f 113 and f 141 p/1/1. Khwaja Avid supplied Rs. 10,000 worth of saltpeter to the English Company. A bill of debt was given to him and the amount repaid in a number of instalments. 45. Postan, 'Partnership in English medieval Commerce' op.cit. According to Postan, partnership was a legitimate form of commercial loan. 46. Udovitch has aptly observed that the commenda served the economic function of interest bearing loans. See Udovitch. 'Commercial Techniques', op. cit, p. 48 47. Ibid. p. 62, 'Commenda could serve as a means of financing and to some extent ensuring commercial ventures', 48. B.P.C. f 417, p/1/1. The ship was to stay in Gombroon for 47 days after it reached the port. 49. Ibid., f 130. p/1/1 50. Ibid., f 496, p/1/1

202 END NOTES (Communication and Commerce)

1. Niels Steengaard. The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Ccntun,-. The East India Company and tlic Decline of the Caravan Trade, Chicago, 1973. p. 58. 2. K.N. Chaudhun,', The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company /660-/750, Cambridge, 1978, p.75. 3. Ashin Das Gupta, Indian Merchants and the Decline of Sural, c.l700-c. 1750. Wiesbaden, 1979, pp.11-12. 4. John Fpy'er, A New Account of East India and Persia being Nine Years Travels. 1672-81. cd. W. Crooke, Hakluyt Society, London, 1909, vol.11, pp. 249, 258. 5. Ibid. 6. Khachikian, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1966, pp. 153-186 Lucas Vanandcci's Manual has ben translated in part by Kcrom Kcvonian in 'Marchands Armenians au 17eme siecle' published in Cahiers du monde russe el sovietique 16. 1975, pp. 199-244. The title is very long. A part of the translated title is 'A treasurs' of measures, weights, numbers and moneys of the whole world. 7. Ibid. 8. Fryer, vol.11, p. 258, Hamillon,p.303. Monriquc, v.I, p.39, v.Il,p.260. 9. Apart from the rich merchants of New Julfa being Amienians, the mint masters were Armenians, the ghulams of the royal household were Armenian, and the peasants of the silk producing area of Chilan were Annenians. Rich merchants used to go to tliese silk producing regions ever>' season to finalise deals, thus being in contact with them. The administration of New Julfa was governed by merchants; and the Church of New Julfa also concerned itself witli merchants' affairs. See Ina B. McCabe, The Shah 's Silk for Europe 's Silver, Pennysylvania, 1999, p. 133 (henceforth Ina McCabe). 10. Tavemier, Le.v .S7x Voyages,pfi24. 11. Unpublished memoir by George Roques in manuscript form in Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Fond Francais 14614 (henceforth Roques). 12. Khachikian. "L.O.H.J."../^.^.^.. I966.pp.l53-186. 13. Ibid. 14. Roques, 15. Ftyer, V.n,p.249; Tavemier, pp.380-381, 16. Fn,'er, p. 264, 17. Fr)'er, p. 264. 18. Steensgaard, p. 3 1 19. Ledger of Hovhannes Joughayelsi and Lucas Vanandeci arc brilliant examples.

203 20. The Annenian language belonged to the Indo European group where it constituted a one language group. It was one of the earliest language to be wntten and had its own distinctive alphabet. 21. Overland mail resolved this problem to a certain extent. 22. Manucci, Storia do Mogor 1656-1712, tr. W. Irwin, London, 1907-8. \. II, p. 413. 23. S. Master,'/7?e Diaries of Streynsham Master 1675-80, ed. R.C, Temple. London,1911,v.l,p. 310. 24. Philip Curtin, Cross Cultural Trade in World History, Cambridge, 1984. 25. Manucci, v.3, p.88: Annals of Bengal, v. 2, p. 16. 26. Despatch Book, 2G Aug 1698, Vol 93, para 24, p. 99 of K.N. Chaudhuri pp. 75- 77 27. Original Correspondence, 10 April 1682, Vol. 43 No. 4952 of K.N. Chaudhuri. pp 75-77 28. Aghassian and Kerom Kevonian. "Lc Commerce Armenien Dans le Ocean Indien" cf Frederic Moura in Rise of Merchant Empires,ed. James Tracy, 29. Original Correspondence, 30 Nov. 1730, vol. 37, p. 48; ef K.N. Chaudhuri, p. 77. 30. Fi>er,vol. 2,p. 288. 31. Tlie English Eactones in India 1618-69 ed. W. Foster, 13 vols, Oxford 1906-27. pp. 8, 269; Piclro de la Valle, The Travels ofPietro de la Valle in India 1623-24, Kaklu3l Society, tr. Eg. Hovers, London 1892, Vol I, p. 29. 32. Tetters Received by the East India Co. from its Sen'onts In the East, London, 1896-1902, v IV, ed. C. Danvers, p. 13. 33. EFI, 1622-33, pp. 8, 24, 290. 34. Pietro de la Valle. p. 29. 35. EFT 1622-23,pp.2\\,306. 36. Ibid., pp. 211,301. 37. Ibid.,p.269. 38. Ibid., p. 179. 39. Ibid., p. 294. 40. Ibid., p. 290. 4LIbid. 42. Hovhannes' Journa! and Lucas Vanandecis' trade manual. 43. Lucas' manual has been described as a manual of commerce and practical arithmetic. The second part of the third chapter of this manual is devoted to arithmetic—addition, subtraction, multiplication and division; the rule of three, its application and explanation. 44. Bombay Secretariat, p. 241 204 45. The first Armenian book was printed in Venice in 1512. In 1565, a printing press was established here, later on it was transported to Rome, and then finally it came back to V'enice. 46. In Lucas' manual translated by Kevonian in 'Marchands Armenians au XCn Siecle". 47. The Planisphere was conceived by Lucas and the drawings were made by Adrian and Peter Damiaan, 48. Seth, Armenians In India, Calcutta, 1937, p. 600. Three copies of this journal called are still preserved. One is in a library in Armenia, another in Jerusalem and the third in Mesroub Seth's personal collection 49. See Ina McCabe. 50. In 1779, one of the letters of Rev, Johannes to the Archbishop of New Julfa deals with Armenian trade in India, see Seth, pp, 603-4, 51. For a detailed study see Ina N4cCabe,

END NOTES (Mirza Zulqarnain) 1, Fr, Corsi's account, written in 1628, See Rev, H. Hosten; Mirza Zulqarnain, a Christian Grandes of Three Great Moghuls, with notes on Akbar's Christian wife and the Indian Bourbons. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol, V,no,4, Part n, Calcutta, 1916, p, 132, 2, Jahangir Tuzuk-1 Jahangiri, ed. Sir Syed, Ghazipur, 1889, p, 324, 3, Ibid, 4, Ibid,, p, 324, Du Jarric: Akbar and the Jesuits, An Account of Jesuit Missions to the Court of Akbar, ed, Denison Ross and Eleen Power, tr. C,N, Payne, London, 1926, pp, 85-86, Jahangir and the Jesuit's From the Relations of Fr FemaoGuerreiro, ed, Denison Ross and Eleen Power tr, Payne, London, 1930, pp, 15-23, Thomas Coryat: Early Travels in India 1583-1619, ed, Foster, London, 1921, pp, 280-1, 5, Akbar and the Jesuits, pp, 85-86, Jahangir and the Jesuits, pp, 15-23, Fr, Corsis Account, See Memoirs Sikandar's first marriage was with Juliana, In the Tuzuk (p, 324) she is mentioned as the daughter of an Armenian Abdul Hayy, who was in the service of the royal harem. As Sikandar was getting married to the sister of his deceased wife the Jesuit Fathers were against it, 6, Tuzuk, p, 79, 7, Early Travels, p. 281.

205 8. Tuzuk p. 79. Implies Sikar Mirza was already holding a mansab in 1609. 9. Jahangir and the Jesuits, p. 16. 10. Memoirs, V, p. 116. Monopoly is a complete misnomer. There was no government salt monopoly. As the region of Sambhar was under the Khalsa and as the salt pans were a considerable source of revenue, the diwan would naturally be directly or indirectly concerned with the sale of salt, as he vv'as the person who was responsible for collecting the revenue and remitting it to the imperial treasury. Perhaps this led to the confusion over the term 'monopoly'. The Diwan, in return got a salary according to his rank, and his emoluments v/ere definitely not correlated to the margm of profits obtained from the sale of salt. 11. Jahangir and the Jesuits, pp. 15-23. According to the Jesuit Fathers, in 1 606, when Sikandar came to submit his accounts to the King's treasun,', Jahangir made vigorous attempts for his conversion to Islam, but in the meantime had to rush off in pursuit of his rebel son, Khusrau. 12. Akbar and tlie Jesuits, pp. 85, 86. Jahangir and the Jesuits, p 16. Bniicr, p 287, Tavcmier, .lean P.aplisle; Travels in India i640-i7. U; V. Ball, London, 1889, p. 92 13. .laliiuigir has nol mentioned Sanibhai" but later e\'idence eleai'h' indieates, llial the refer en ee is to Sambhar. 14. Tuzuk, p. 324. 15. Aecording to Peter Miindy, .Sambhar was the Magueere of Mir/a Zilqourna'', but this eould nol have been so, as .lahangir clea !y states that it v/as under the Khalsa. 16. Abdul FazI, Ain-I Akban. ed, Syed /\limad YAvAiy, Delhi 17. Sujan Rai Bhandai-i. Kliula.sat ul Tavvarikh, ed, Zaf'ar Hasan, Delhi 1918, p, 55 18. l-"r. Botelho's Account, see Memoirs, V. p. !6 i -2 19. lbid.,p 146 20. Niccolao Manucci; Storio do Mogar 1653-1708, tr. William limine, London, 1907, p. 146, 21. Ibid., p. 306. 22. Trade in Evaporated Salt (1889-90) Sambhar 3,834,805 maunds Diduana 377,068 maunds Pachbadra 614,901 maunds Falodi 44,955 maunds Delhi Salt Sources 328,851 maunds 5,200,580 Bn maunds Though these figures relate to a later date, lliey nevertheless help m the a.ssessment of the importance of Sainbhar as a major salt production area of Northern India Table quoted from George Watt: Dictionaiy of the Economic Products of India, Calcutta, 1809 V, p 514, 23. Mohd. Salih Y^MWokoh. Amal-1 Sahh, Vol 1, ed. Ghulam Yazdam, Calcutta, 1932, p. 513, Abdul Hamid Lahon, Badshahnama, Bib Ind. Cal, 1866-72, V. 2., p. 446. 206 24. Tavemier, 1, 92. 25. Memoirs, p. 141. In Aug. 1682, Fi. De Castio wrote to Fr. Baudo that he had been for the last three years with Mirza Zulqarnam "who had all the time been Governor of some provinces in Bengala". In Nov. 1682 he had written that the king had recalled the Miiza form Bengal. 26. Lahon, 2,446; Salih, 1,513 27. Difl'erent rea^sons have been assigned by tlie .lesuit Missionaries, like Zulqaniain's refusal to convert to Islam; Shah Jahan's inclination to .squeeze out money Irom hini and thai Zulqamain had refused to help Shah .lalian, when the latter was a prince and m rebellion against his father. Another possibilit)', which appears quite likely is the defeat of the Portuguese at Mugli by the Mughal Governor, Qasim Khan which also coincides with this date. 28. Peter Mundy, 2, p. 240. Mundy states that it was Rs. 60 lakhs but in the appendix it is givai as 8 hikhs. 29. Fr. Castro to the General of the Society in Come (Se|n. 1640), .sc Memoirs V, p. 146. .10. Lahon, II, 748and446, Salih, 1, 51,l" 31. Fr. Batelho's Account. Sc Memoirs, V. 32. The Apparatus of Empire 33. Memoirs, V, p. 146. 34. Aca)rding to a Icier of Clastj'o dated July 20, 1645, Siuiibhar was left in charge ol' Zuk[iU'nain's uncle, .laiii Beg, on an annual salaiy ol'Rs. 50,000. 35. Cesgum Brief Relation on the .state of Aflairs in the Indies in the ye;ir 1649. Ibid., p. 148 36. Ibid., Botalho's Account. Reference is possiblv lo 1651. 37. E.F.I., 1634-36, p. 262 38. Tuzuk, p. 324 39. Salih I, p. 152, Wans, Bcishahnamu. p. 392 40. Tavemier, I, p. 92 41. The Jesuit Fathers ha\'f.- also refeircd u> this poem 42. Memoirs, V- p. 4 43. Peter Mundv, 2, p. 240 44. Apail from paying the amount ot' Rs. 24,810 left b\' his father for tlie Christums, Zulqarnam gave them a monthly allowance of Rs. 200, which by 1620, amounted to Rs. 22,400. He also gave them a lump sum of Rs. 20,000 and Rs. 40,000 worth of silver and gold plate. See Memoirs, pp. 135-139. 45. Salih, III, p. 482 46. Tavemier, I, p. 72,

207 END NOTES (Khwaja Minas)

'" W. Foster, ed. The English Factories in India 1624-\ 629, Oxford, 1908, p.307 (Henceforth E.F.l.) EFl 1630-33,pp. 124-5; VI, p. 134; EFI, 1646-50 pp.7,62; EFI, 1651-54 pp.9, 30,253, 336. Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, tr. Moreland and Geyl, Delhi, pp. 15-16,18,30. 02. Surendranath Sen, ed. Indian Travels ofThevenot andCareri, Delhi, 1949, p,163. 03 He is reported to have owned the 'Hope-well Selimony and the St. Michael, EFI, 1668-69 p.l95;£f7, 1661-74, pp. 198,327; EFI. 1665-67. p.VIII. (N.S.)I, pp.225, 256. E.F.l. 1634-36, p.]S9;E.FI 1668-69 p. 195 E.FI. 1667-64, p. \S9. Thevenot, p. I. He himself was on board this ship. E.F.l. 1661-64, pp.\\^-\9. E.F.L 1665-67, pp.^, 321. According to Thevenot, the ship was sold for Rs, 16,000. Thevenot, p.l, EFI. 1668-69, p.]95. IbidN.S. I, p,225. Ibid, 1618-21 p.233. See also S. Moosvi 'Armenian trade in the Mughal Empire during the Seventeenth century' read at the Seminar on Armenians in Asian Trade: 1 6"^ to 1 S"' Centuries, Paris 1998. 13. Thevenot, p.l. U, Thevenot, Intro, p.XVIH. Tavernier also felt that "Indians do not understand navigation so well and do not employ such good pilots. Tavernier, I, p.5. 15. E.F.L 1661-64, p.207; EFI 1668-69, p. 183; EFI (N.S.), I, p. 192, O.C. 3373, C.P.I.O., London, Cf O.P. Singh, Surat and its Trade, Delhi 1977, p. 11 8. 16. E.F.I 1661-64, p.207. 17. E.F.I 1668-69 p.\^3. 18. From the year 1666 to 1669 the import of broadcloth by the Company varied from £15,600. EFI 1665-67, p.22; E.F.L 1664-67, p.392. E.F.I 1668-69, p.\3,lh\d, p.m. 19. O.C. 3515, C.P. I.O.. London, quoted from O.P. Smgh, op.cii, p.l 19. 20. E.F.L.1634-36, 13, p.183. 250 pieces of damaged perpetuanoes were contracted for 20 rupees each in 1669.

208 21 Selection from the Letters, Despatches and other State Papers preserved in the Bombay Secretariat, ed. Forrest, Bombay, 1887, p.29. 22. Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire J656-68, IT., Iring Brock, revised and annotated by A constable, London, 1891 (photo-offset edn., Delhi, 1668), this version, revised and annotated by V.a. Smith, London, 1914, 1996, etc., (same pagination), p.292. 23. Pelsaert, p. 16. 24. Ibid pp.15,18. 25. E.F.I. J668-69, p.253. 26. E.F.I. 1618-21, p.269. 27. Abbe' Carre', The Travels of the Ahhe Carre ' in India and the Near East, 1672 to 1674 trans. Lady Fawcett, ed., Charles Fawcett, Hakluyt Society, p. 148 According to Carre', Saifullah was so tryannical with the merchants that no one knew what to do about it. He was insatiable and instead of being satisfied with the rich presents and large sums of money which he received from every side, became so unsuppoitable that it seemed the more he got, the more he ill-treated those who he knew could satisfy his unjust claims. 28. Ibid, p. 148. 29. EFI. 1661-64, p.5\. 30. Ibidp.283. 31. Bruce's Annals of the Honorable East India Company, V.II, p.578. Cf M.J.Seth Armenians in India, Calcutta, 1903, p.282. 32. Bruce 's Annals, U, pp.617-8. Cf Seth, p.283. 33. EFI.I665-67.]2,p.6\. 34. Ibid, p.70. 35. Ibid,,p.61. 36. EFI. 1661-64 p. 189. The English factors Rolt and Sainthill were passengers on the St. Michel on its voyage from Mokha to Sural 37. EFI, Sugar was sent on the Selimony of Minas in 1677. 38 EFI. 1661-64, p.207. 39. EFI. 1668-69, p.]95. 40. Reports of House of Commons, 1772 & 1773, HI, p.283, Cf Seth, Armenians in India, Calcutta, 1837, p. . 41. EFI. 1668-69, p.29. 42. Letter from the Directors of the Company in London to Council at Surat dated 27 march 1 668 Cf Seth. p.246.

209 43. £;F/,(NS),l,p.l59. 44. £:F/(Fawcett), I,p.209. 45. Ibid. p.239. 46. Ibid., pp.276-7. 47. EF/, (NS)I, p.239. 48. EFI (NS) I, p.284. In 1680 it was again reported that he was an absolute bankrupt. 49. EFI, (NS) m, p.257. 50. C.R. BOXER: A Paituguse Document of 1670 conceming Khwaja Mina.s, INDIC.A, 13 nos. 1 -2 Bombav 1 976

END NOTES (Khwaja Sarhad)

I . C.R. WiLsoil. 77,-,' Early Annals of ihe English in Bengal, cal. 1911. VII, li.2()0 }M)-H) Henceforth, Eariv Annals. Susil Choudhaiy, Trade and Commercial Or^anizalion in Bengal. 1650-1720. Calcutta. 1975. p.8,3 and p.l31. 'Kalanthar' represent.s Per.sian kalantar, headman or chief. 2. Early Annals. V, pp..369-70 .3. Early Annals, I, p. 125. 4. Sushil Choudhary Trade and Commercial Organizalion p.131. The text of the agreement is given in Seth, Armenians in India, 0.233. 5. Sushial Cliaudhary, |). 131. 6. far/y) .4)U!fl/5, V. pp. 149-50. 7. Sushil Choudhary, p. 96. 8. Bruce's Annals of the Honourahle East India Company for the year 16HS-H9. Vll. p.578. See also Seth, p.282. 9. The commercial orders recommended similar encouragement to be given to the Armenians, in the instruciions sent tot sir .losiah Child, at Bombay. It was specificaliv pointed out that the Armenians were to be offered 30% profit on the prime costs of such fine Bengal goods, as they might furnish for the investment. In the instructions sent in 1691-2. orders were given that "the encouragement given to the Armenians ought to be continued, and a duty of 1% only, takes from them, for goods imported from Europe into India". 10. Early annals V.II pp.369-70. 11. Sushil C\\A\iA\[nn, Commercial Organizutio)!, p. 218, 12. Ibid., p. 83. 13. Bengal Public Consultaiwns (BPC). f. 130, (Microfilm National Archives. New Delhi). 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. f. 417. 16. Ibid., f. 496. 210 17. Ibid,, f. 180, 18. Ibid., r. 1 16. 19. Ibid., f. 115. 20. Ibid., r. 231. 21. Ibid., r. 231. 22. Cf. Bruces,/l»/!a/.v, 1 688-89, pp. 61 7-1 8. 23. B.P.C.f. 242. p. 1.1. 24. Ibid., f. 283. 25. Early Annals. I, p. 200. 26. Ibid., II. p.100 27. Ibid., p. 315. 28. H.I'.C. f. SM 29. Ibid. 30. fiafly ,4una 1.1. V.l!.. p.liU), 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid., V.II, pp 100-2. 33. Ibid V.II. p, 143, 34. Ibid., p. 143. and p. 154 35. Early Annal.s, p. 154. 36. Ibid., pp. 157-8 37. Ibid., p. 158. 38. Ibid. 39. B.P.C, f. 3 17. 40. Ibid., f. 317. 41. Ibid f. 312 f. 317 and f. 318. 42. Early Annals, V.II. pp. 26. 27 & 187. 43. Ibid., V. II, pp.2,13 & 46. 44. Ibid., pp.18 & 12. 45. Ibid., V.II p. 2, pp. 153-9. 46. Ibid., pp. 187-8. 47. ibid., p 150. The debt would then amount to R.s.1500 including di.scount and interest. The company could not know what was transpiring between Daniel and Sarhad as the correspondence was carried out in the Armenian language. 48. Ibid., p.156-7. Sarhad wanted to go to England, Sweden and Denmark. The Armenians had a solid network in these places, so Sarhad would hardly have had any problem operating in these places. 49. Ibid., p. 214. 50. Riazui Islam. Indn Pe'-mni Relation.'.. Ir;:i;Kiii Culture Foundation. Tehran 1979. V i. p 159. 51. Early Annal.s V.II, p. 2 and p. 72. He '.vas summoned to discuss the Kings health 52. Ibid., p. 74 and p. 79. 53. Ibid., p. 214 and p. 225. 54. Ibid., V.IL p.212. 55. Ibid p. 217. 56. B.P.C. f. 318. 57. Sec Susil Chaudhur)': K',iwa|a Wazid in Bengal Trade and in Indian Hi.slorical Review V. 16. no 1-2 pp. 137-49. and ' Merchants. Companies and Rulers in Bengal in the Eiahteenth Century' .lESHO. V. 29, no. 2, 1988

212 CHAPTER -IH fmSMhl h4mCHAhiTS Persian Merchants

Chardin has obsen'ed that being a merchant was a highly respectable profession in the eyes of Persian nobles and landowners. Jean Aubin has also shown that land ownership and mercantile activities, including money changmg, went hand in hand m Persia. The feudal landowners invested their excess cash in commerce. Best Fragner has traced the existence of such landowners to the fourteenth century. He says that the Persian merchants carried their transactions through cash only, and were not aware of the bills of exchange or had forgotten the use of it. He draws a picture of Persian merchants clumsily carrying their money in bags and speaks of the poor impression it made on European travellers.

Chardin also observed that "it's not to be supposed, however, that the Persians manage the trade with the same method and rules we use, or with half our skill.

For instance, trading by commission and the way of change by letters it little used; but as Fve observed it, every one goes to sell his own goods himself, or sends his deputies or children to do it; there are some Persian traders who have deputies in all parts of the world; as far as Svv'eden on the one side, and China on the other side; that's the method of all the Orientals. One can but agree wholeheartedly with in a McCabe, that it is naturally impossible to accept that they were not aware of the letter of exchange". It appears that they were

213 transporting sacks of money to India because it was the most profitable item to take and as already mentioned India hardly needed much as imports.'

Chardin further informs us that "in Persia they sign bills, bonds or other writings; but that instead of it [signatures] they set their seal to them, at the top of the paper they write their name and their sumame... and then seal it at the bottom, as I have said, in the presence of witnesses, who attest it with their seals also. In that manner do the merchants make their writings; and although in most cases the contracts made without due form of law be void, yet amongst merchants they remain in full force, the secular power ratifies them. The use of sureties is very common amongst them, they call it m their language putting oneself in the room of the person bound. ."^

In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, there was a spurt in the migration of Persian merchants to India because of brighter prospects here, both under the Mughals and the Qutbshahis at Golconda. Persians were being inducted into the nobility here and rose to eminent positions, and it was, therefore, natural that Persian merchants too flocked to India in large numbers, because of the congenial atmosphere here, Tavernier has observed that "There are in Persia as in other kingdoms people having the spirit and the knowledge, but whose merit is not recognized and cannot find the patronage of the court. Angry by this or

214 reduced to a secluded life and deprived of the means to make a fortune, they move

out to India and offer their services either to the great Mughul, or to the Kmg of

Golconda or to the King of Bijapur", He tell us of "how a person named AH was

transmitted in this manner to the King of Golconda, and did so well, that m a very

short time, he was given the command of the army. As soon as he saw himself in

this position, he filled a ship with all good merchandise exported from the

kingdom of Golconda like white linen, dyes like indigo, sugar, and things of other

sorts, and sent it through Hormuz and continued doing it every year, and

becoming richer, sent two ships instead of one. All the profit that came to him

from the sale of this merchandise remained at Hormuz) and all that he could

gather m four years, he employed to build this embankment and these two

bridges, to perpetuate his memory in Persia."'

As for the trade of the Persian merchants in general, we hardly have any

information; they are largely nameless figures whose presence has been noted all

over India during the period of our study. As far as the trade of the Persians, acting as high officials is concerned, the sources, especially the European ones, tend to present better picture, perhaps because they were more concerned with these personages with whom they had to frequently interact rather than with the ordinary Persian merchants. From the trade of these nobles we can surmise about

215 the general trade of the Persian merchants as these nobles must have had a

number of Persian merchants working for them. Other merchants operated for them or they gave advances to other merchaiUs. It goes without saying that the natural tendency must have been to employ people from one's own group or even relatives.

From a peaisal of the trading activities of some of these Persian nobles we can get a fairly good picture of the extent and pattern of their commerce and their relationship with the European companies especially the English East India

Company.

To begin I take as an illustration the cases of Iranian nobles holding the post of the muttassadi or Governor of Surat in the first half of the seventeenth century.

Safi Khan

Safi Khan, an Iranian noble of Jahangir, presents a strikmg example of aristocracy taking part in trade. He held important posts in Gujarat, for about the entire second decade of the seventeenth centur)' and constantly took part in mercantile activities.

He started his career as a Bakhshi and Waqia Navis in Gujarat in 1616-17.

In 1621 and 1622 he was again the Bakhshi, and from 1622 till the end of

216 Jahangir's reign, he was in charge of Surat and Cambay.^ He was a loyal supporter of Nur Jahan, and during Khurram's revolt, defended Cambay and

Broach against the latter, inspite of being married to the sister of Khurram's wife.'

Safi Khan took part in overseas trade to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf and also in coastal trade. We have clear evidence that he had ships of his own.^ In 1621, the English factors received a request for a pass for Safi Khan's tari (small vessel) sailing from Gogha, and another pass for his vessel sailing from Sural' In 1623 he sent his junk to Goa with corn, butter and other provisions. While returning from Goa, this junk was captured by the English, but fear of retaliation by Safi

Khan at Surat, made them release it.' It had been expressly sent to Goa to fetch a coral tree set in gold to produced distilled water. It was ordered to be made at Goa by Safi Khan to present to Shah Jahan on the latter's birthday. Its estimated cost was 2000 larins.

In the latter half of 1 621 the English found themselves in great trouble at

Surat and Cambay, because they had captured a Portuguese ship bound for

Gombroon, abroad which Safi Khan had his money, to the tune of 23,000 larms.

In retaliation, Safi Khan laid an embargo in Cambay and Ahmedabad, upon

English goods being laden on ships or transported out of town, and later also

217 sealed their factories and imprisoned some English factors, demandmg

compensation for his money seized on the Portuguese ship.'

The English Company (in 1620) tried to carr^' out trade in Gujarat, but in

vain. They were neither allowed to transport the commodities nor lade their ships.

At Sarkhej when the carts were ready to transport English goods, most probably

indigo, Safi Khan, Taqi Khan and other important personalities, called the

adawayes (cart-owners) including Surji Nayak, who was working for the

company, to the Darbar and forbade them to fetch carts or lade goods for the

Company.' The English factory records have a number of complaints of a similar

nature, that is that Safi Khan would not allow goods to be laden until Rs.23,000

due to him was returned. At times the governor threatened to take ten for one,

from the English. The factors who went to plead their case with Safi Khan got the

reply that they would not be allowed to transport a fardle out of town till he

received his money.'^ At Cambay also, the governor Agha Salih informed them that he had orders from Safi Khan to demand 6000 larins which they had taken from a ship going to Hormuz, and until they make the payment, their movement and that of their goods will be hindered. Till the end of 1621, no compensation was given and the embargo continued. The English realized that unless Safi Khan, who was a very influential person and a merchant as well, was given back the

218 money, they would not be allowed to carr}' on their trade "if we must needs right

ourselves abroad 23,000 larins must be as well paid". In the end of December,

Safi Khan stopped even the Dutch goods fiom being transported from Sarkhej,

which made them fret like "gum'd tafetta". They took the decision not to get any

caravan ready until Safi Khan settled the matter with the English. The English

factors noted that this would now be when the English goods were all ready for

departure. They, then, with the Dutch would form a huge caphila in fact they felt that it would be the greatest that ever went out of Ahmedabad.'^ The English did not want to raise more money by bills, because they were doubtful whether they would be getting the permission to transport their goods and moreover they were also sceptical as to whether their creditors would allow them to remove their goods even if permission was granted.'

The English not being very conversant with the way matters were settled in India, and not having enough experience in dealing with Mughal authorities underestimated the power of Safi Khan and tried to get around him by obtaining a panvana from Rustarn Khan in January 1622. Safi Khan scorned it saying that he

17 would not lift the embargo even of the English obtained twenty such panvanas.

219 Matters seem to have settled by April 1622 as we find Safi Khan being referred to as an extraordinary friend in English official correspondence.'

In March 1623, Safi Khan and Muhammad Taqi at Surat sent for the

English factor Heynes and informed him that the king was sending his ship for

Mocha and would also carry goods of important people on it, such as Nur Jahan,

Asaf Khan, Safi Khan himself and others. As they had information that the

English had plans to confiscate the ship, they wanted them to give an assurance of the safet>' and security of this ship on the high seas.

Safi Khan's apprehensions appear to have been well founded because this very ship, along with other Indian junks vvas captured by the English when it was returning from the Red Sea As a result, Jahangir issued afarman ordering the arrest of the English factors, return of the ships, and, according to the English, expulsion of the English Company out of the Mughal Empire. The English factors were arrested and imprisoned. Their warehouses were ransacked and commodities belonging to the English were confiscated."'

The factors at Surat pleaded with ihe President for the release of the kings ship. Safi Khan, who was also the overseer of the ship had threatened that if the

"junk be not carried to Gogha, he will cut and slice the English and Dutch into as

220 many pieces as hairs on his head", Flakim Masih us Zaman who was returning from Mecca, who was an important noble, had been taken captive abroad the royal junk. He, alongwith Safi Khan played a leading part in bringing about a settlement between the English and the Mughal authorities.'^ Safi Khan was averse to concluding peace with the English so easily and had therefore arrested the English factors, but on the Prince's (Murad) orders and the favourable attitude of Khan-i Azam, peace was concluded with the English and they were instrumental in getting the ship released."' The final settlement was made with the

Surat authorities in September 1624, when an agreement was signed between them. Nearly all demands of the English were met. Apart from permission for unimpeded trade and return of money paid in bribes, other interesting clauses were that "goods were not to be taken for own profit by governor darogha and officers saying it was for king only what is necessary for kings use should be taken.... Whatever varieties or goods brought by English, the governor of Surat nor the darogha of the customhouse should not detain, nor endeavour to put a price on but at very instant they may be conveyed to English house from where who wants to buy may go". It was signed by Mughal officials and reading merchants and important people of Surat - like Safi Khan, Issac Khan, Jan Quli

221 Beg, Muhammad Saieh Tabrezi, Mahmud Ali Isfahani, Virji Vohra. There were

twenty-one signatories in ail.'''

In this year that is 1623, another event was the seizure of a junk of Chaul

by the English, on which Turkish merchants claimed to have lost 85,000 rails.

They complained to the governor and then to the king. Initially Safi Khan sided

with the Turks.' According to the English factors the Turks had promised to give

Safi Khan half the recovered amount The English to get Safi Khan on their side

made him a higher offer. Consequently, no action was taken against the English

on the plea that both parties were foreigners and the piracy was committed outside

Mughal territory.•"'

Similarly, a junk belonging to Diu merchants was taken by the Dutch in

1636, but Safi Khan took a stand much different from the one he took in 1623. He

asked the Dutch to satisfy the merchants demands which amounted to

Rs.200,000.-^

Safi Khan was removed from Surat in 1628, but in 1636 he was reappointed as

governor of Gujarat. The English noted as usual, that "the current of our affairs

will much depend upon his favour and assistance". Very soon afterward, the

English tried to persuade Safi Khan to allow the English to land and embark goods at Cambay, which would be beneficial to the trade of Ahmedabad. The

222 English offered to take on their ships merchants who wished to go to Gombroon.

Moreover, they claimed, that the governor would have a chance to view all

presents and rarities (including pearls) brought on the English ships.^' The

English had off and on been purchasing indigo from Safi Khan."'

It appears, however, that Safi Khan, after his reappointment tried to engross the

entire indigo which was produced in the districts which were under his jurisdiction, because in 1636, two farmans were issued by the king, one of which

clearly stated that no man should monopolize it. The purchase and sale of indigo

was to be open to evers'one who wanted to deal in it,'

Hakim Sadra, Masih uz Zanian

Masih uz Zaman was another important noble of Iranian origin. He was the Governor of Surat from 1635-9 ' hiitially he was a reputed at the

court of Jahangir, and was called Hakim Sadra." In 1610, he was given the title of

Masih uz Zaman.' In 1621, owing to his refusal to treat Jahangir, he fell into disfavour and diplomatically left for Haj.' While returning from there, on the king's ship, the ship being captured, he v.'as taken captive. He developed good terms with the English Company and played an important part in negotiations between the Company and the Mughal authorities.

^23 The demands were drawn up by the English translated and presented to the Hakim

and other important people. At one point the English were afraid that the Hakim

and his companions would put up a stout fight and would rather blow up the junk

than allow it to be carried away by the English.' Correspondence continuously

passed between the Mughal authorities at Surat and the Hakim.'''

When the agreement was reached, Rastell himself accompanied Hakim

Masih uz Zaman to Surat, The English factors felt that both Safi Khan and the

Hakim should be rewarded with suitable presents in appreciation of their help.

Prince Dawar Baksh, who held the charge of Surat while confirming tlte

agreement assured that whatever is agreed in v^riting and concluded by Safi Khan,

Masih uz Zaman and the merchants of Surat, stood ratified. We find him soon afterwards requesting the English to supply an escort for his own ship which he had recently bought at Gandevi. The English gladly complied with the request.

In 1635-36, Masih uz Zaman bought 10 horses irom Basra and presented them to

Shah Jahan. The latter vj&s so pleased that he bestowed on him the governorship of Surat. He held this post till 1639. The English were naturally perturbed as they had taken him prisoner in 1621 and v.'ondered how they were going to fare under him. The Dutch records described him as "about sixt>' years of age, and of a grave and venerable aspect. A Persian by birth, he has served the late and the present

224 king for many years as a physician, as well as in carrying His Majesty's offerings to the grave of the Prophet and in other offices, He is highly esteemed by the king who has given him ajagii- of five lakhs of Mahmudis, out of which he is supposed to provide three or four thousand horsemen, though he really keeps only from two to three hundred in his ser\'ice. He is a great friend of the Nawab Asaf Khan"."

During this entire period, we find a number of his ships being sent to Basra ' He also engaged in coastal trade.' In 1636, we find that he had sent a boat to Goa with wheat, but it was seized by the Malabars (inspite of being in company of the

Portuguese fleet from Cambay).

After the English capture of Gujrati ships, and the consequent uproar in

Surat resulfing in compensation being paid by the English Company, seven ships were nominated to sail form Surat; U\'o of these belonged to the king, and one to the governor, Masih-uz Zaman; this last ship sailed for Bengal.

Masih uz Zaman also bought commodities form the English Company. The entire broadcloth brought by an English ship was taken by him in 1639 at Rs.lO and Rs. 12 '/2 per coved. He also bought part of the lead.

By the time Masih uz Zaman became governor, the English had made their truce with the Portuguese and were now also frequenfing ports such as Tatta,

Dabhol, Diu etc. Moreover, they were in constant touch with the previous

225 governor Mir Musa, who was stil! in control of Cambay and Broach." They

wanted to embark their goods at these ports, which would have been detrimental

to the trade and revenues of Sural Masih uz Zaman, therefore, took steps to

thwart the English attempts in this direction. Two fannans were obtained in early

1636, one declaring the indigo trade was open to all and the other, asking both the

English and the Dutch Company to deposit 12 lakhs each and prohibiting their

ships to anchor at any other place than Swally Hole (anchorage for Surat) which

was under Masih uz Zaman's jurisdiction. There were other clauses also.

The English when faced with a problem or to gain favours frequently

approached Asaf Khan. This time also they sent Drake to Khirki to enlist Asaf

Khan's help but the latter would not listen to anything against Masih uz Zaman.

Drake first approached Mirza Zulqarnain, the Armenian noble, who advised him

not to contact Mir Musa as the latter and Asaf Khan were deadly enemies and that

Asaf Khan was the right hand of Masih uz Zaman. This advice proved right

because in the inter\'iew with Asaf Khan, it was evident that the latter was favourably inclined towards the Hakim and would not in any way listen to their pleas to allow English ships to trade at Cambay or Tatta especially because

Cambay was under Mir Musa."^" No sooner had the problems with the royal farmans died down, that Masih uz Zaman was again faced with troubles vis-a-vis

226 the English Company. There was uproar at Surat in April 1636 when news

reached the city that the English had plundered their ship the Taufiqi alongwith a

ship from Dui called the Mahmoodi. President Methwold and others were

imprisoned, an embargo was laid on their goods and their goods and money were

taken in custody.

Finally Masih uz Zaman along with other important merchants decided

that the Company would have to recompensate the losses in accordance with the

treaty of 1624. The claims amounted to Rs, 107,000 and these were settled out of

the goods and money of the English at Surat and aboard the English ships.

Subsequently, the goods ofthe English Company, notably the indigo had saltpeter

detained at Rander were released. Awaiting royal orders, Methwold and Pierson

were still treated as prisoners though they were allowed to go to their factory

daily. When the Emperor's /orwdn came, it contained orders to keep the English

under surveillance Methwold was again kept in close confinement.

To make matters worse, Masih uz Zaman was infuriated to know that an

English ship had gone to Dabhol instead of Surat. At this juncture he put in his claim of £ 750 which he said was taken from him in 1623 when the English had taken hold of the junk in which he was travelling. He threatened to deduct the amount from, what he owed to the English for their broadcloth and lead." The

227 English dithered saying that the receipt was in the name of Safi Khan and that the

loan pertained to 1623 The Governor had been to Surat about four years back

when he had gone to Mokha from there, but he had not once mentioned about this

amount. Eventually they found out that the money had not been repaid and that

the Governor's demands werejustifjed. Masih had not claimed the interest on this

amount which the English felt v,'as not sanctioned by Islam. The governor had

insisted on 4% batta allowance but later on waived that amount.-

The English wanted to keep the governor satisfied because the formal

reconciliation had not yet taken place. It took place in June and Methwold was

released after many weeks in custody."'

Moreover, the English were also thinking about the claims of the

merchants of the Diu junk, which had been captured with the Surat junk {Taufiqi).

Luckily there was no mention about it in the royal faiwan. Masih uz Zaman also showed undue favour to the English regarding the Diu junk because it did not concern Surat or its merchants.

Masih tried to cuilail English power in Surat wherever he could. In

November 1630, he procured a farman which prohibited the English from carrying weapons of any kind in the city.'' He tried to use their superiority' at Sea to counter the Malaban menace. The Malabars used to appear the mouth of the

228 river near Swally and had succeeded m taking a boat of tlie governor at the end of the year 1636. He wanted the English to take up the defence of the port against the Malabaris. But the English made the excuse that they were short of men. The

English ship Swan was sent to the mouin of the river to guard against the

Malabaris as the governor was expectmg a ship from Basra which was bringing horses for the king. He also fitted out three frigates and "pressed a crew of poor inexperienced cotton beaters, etc. who had never seen the sea". These frigates cruised the river under the security of the English ships. Finally the English escorted the governor's ship from Chaul to Surat.^*^

Ali Akbar Isfahani

Nobles taking part in mercantile activities was no unusual; but it was seldom that a merchant was given a mansab and appointed to high posts in the empire. Ali Akbar Isfahani provides one such example. His father Kama!

Isfahani had come from Iran to India, for the purpose of trading, ali Akbar was settled m Cambay and had a number of ships sailing to Basra and other ports. He was on close terms with the Pasha of Basra, and used to procure horses from that place. In 1646 on Shah Jahan's order to procure excellent horses for him, AH

Akbar obtained six very good horses worth Rs.25,000 for the Emperor. One horse, out of these, was worth Rs. 15,000 and it became the chief horse of the

229 royal stables. Shah Jahan was so please that he bstowed on Ali Mbar a mansab and entrusted to him the administration of the ports of Surat and Cambay.' It is pertinent to note that in the Mirat-i-Ahmadi, it is specifically mentioned that, owing to Ali Akbar Isfahani being a merchant and having a good knowledge of judging horses and jewels, it was expected that he would be able to administer the port efficiently and ser\/e hnperial interests at the same time. Being a merchant, far from being a stigma, proved to be a qualification for the post.

Perhaps owing to the fact that Ali Akbar was a merchant and well conversant with the prices of different commodities, he tried to buy English goods at very reasonable rales.'' In 1648 the English were very annoyed that they were being offered Rs,7 per maund for lead, which was 1 Yz Mahmudia less than what the previous Governor and bought for. Later on, when the English sold their gold at a good price, they admitted that they could never have obtained such a price in the lifetime of Ali Akbar Isfahani.

Ali ,Akbar used to lend money to the English on interest. In 1646 the

English note that the money due to him was to be paid at Surat and the interest to his Vakil (agent) at Cambay.

230 Iradat Khan

Iradat Khan held the offices of Mir Saman and Mir Bakhshi under

Jahangir also.' He was the Governor of Gujarat from the 1 o"* to the 14^'' R.Y, of

Shah Jahan. We do not have any evidence of his possessing any ships of his own; but he used to freight goods on ships of the English Company. The rate of 5 tomans per horse was fixed as freight for his horses coming from Basra.' Not only did he freight the goods on the English company's ship, but also had commercial transaction with them,^ In 1640 the Engli;;h state that he was the sole buyer of their broadcloth.^ In 1630 the English complained that they were forced to buy 69 pales of indigo from Iradat Khan, now titled Azam Khan.

In 1641, bills of exchange were drawn by the President of the English factory at Surat, in favour of .\zam Khan's servants, to be paid at Isfahan. The goods of these servants (who were most probably his agents) were also concealed at the custom-house of Gombroon, so as to avoid paying the custom charges, the

English factors at Gombroon were quite disturbed over it, and which the Surat factors had to explain to them that such favours could not have been turned down as the affairs of the Company dependent upon the goodwill of Azam Khan—"his eminence, superintendency over all the provinces of Gujarat, power at Court, and

231 dependence, which our master's affairs have on his favour, protection and furtherance induced us to gratify his desires".

Mir Musa

Mir Musa, Muizzul Mulk, was at the helm of affairs of Surat and Cambay right from 1628-1641 (with brief intervals in between), and from 1646-1651.'Like his Persian predecessors, he carried out extensive trade in the Persian Gulf and

Red Sea, having ships of his own, as we!) as using European shipping.^

In the early years of his governorship, he was the major buyer of the

English Company's commodities. Mir Musa purchased from the English, broadcloth, coral and horses. The English factors noted his eagerness for jewels and other rarities. We also find repeated references to the governor buying their broadcloth satins, velvets etc. for which he paid them very good price.'' At times, he was the sole buyer of their goods but very soon the English felt that the new governor, contrary to their expectations, was proving to be a threat. In 1633, Mir

Musa made an attempt to barter his indigo for English cloth. He claimed that he had permission to do so from the king, and shov/ed the authorities at Surat, a letter to this effect. He not only attempted to take English cloth on barter but also tried to monopolize it. The English complain a number of times that Mir Musa would

232 not allow any cloth (o be sold except through his hands. The same condition applied to lead also.

It was during his tenure that the short-lived indigo monopoly was imposed in 1634 by Shah Jahan. The farman from the king ordered that the agreement should be made with Mir Musa at Surat, for indigo to be purchased at Agra. The

English officials petitioned against the indigo monopoly to Asaf Khan and Afzal

Khan, but were informed that "Mir Jombola [Mir Jumla], High Steward to the king was principally engaged in the project... he had sent for his own accompt,

1200 fardles of indico overland to Persia". Mir Jumla was a Persian and held the office of Mir Saman under Jahangir and Shah Jahan (1629-35) and Mir Bakshi from 1635 tell his death in 1638.

It appears that the Dutch were more favoured than the English in his first tenure at Surat. The English lament that this was so because the Dutch were always complying with his demands. They give in to the unwanted abuses and encroachments of this governor which "once grown to a custom will ever be such".^The English were abused for not giving adequate presents to the governor whereas on the contrary, the Dutch kept him satisfied on this account. Once they presented him with a couple of elephants. Mir Musa himself presented the Dutch with a fine garden worth ten to twelve thousand mahmudis.

233 The English complained of their goods being overrated at the customs by

Mir Musa, much more than it was done under the previous governor. Their coral in 1630 was valued at triple its cost price.' Later on in 1636, the English lamented that their goods were always rated at double their price because the governor's will was law. Though they bought the indigo at Rs.61 per maund, they were valued by Mir Musa at .Rs. 110, because according to him that was what the indigo was worth in Persia.

Other complaints of the English pertained to the freight which they had to carry on behalf of the governor, his friends and his relatives. At times, the departure of their ships was delayed because the goods of the governor and his

Persian friends had not arrived, or because he wanted to force the English to take in their freight or to escort their ships to West Asia.

It is interesting to note that though the English were full of complaints against Mir Musa, nevertheless when the latter was recalled from Surat for a short duration, the English were in constant correspondence with him and moreover tried to enlist Asaf Khan's support for Mir Musa's reappointment, but as noted earlier, Asaf Khan was dead set against Mir Musa and favourably included towards the new governor Masih uz Zaman.

234 When Mir Musa returned to Surat in 1639, he seems to have been on

much better terms than before, with the Enghsh. Though he still overrated their

goods for taxation, the English feel that "their affairs have had a most auspicious

and quiet passage" since Mir Musa's arrival. ' The Dutch, according to the

Enghsh were facing difficulties vis-a-vis their relations with the governor. He

detained their goods for long periods, at times, upto two to three months and then

paid them at rates much lower than the market price. Mir Musa once bought gold from the Dutch, which the latter had procured from China, and although the governor made a profit of 12000 mahmudis on this transaction alone, he still did not make any payment to the Dutch for it.

Instead of the Dutch, the English became the recipient of presents from the governor. The English president Methwold was given a diamond weighing 8 Vi carats by him. In 1639, the English were also presented with a frigate of 300-

400tons."^

In 1641, an agreement was made between the English and Mir Musa according to which the English agreed to convoy the governors junk to Basra and to convey horses for the governor from Basra at a freight of five tomans per horse, delivered to the English by the govemor's servants. Perhaps it was because of this agreement, the English were not treated harshly when in 1641, they seized

235 three Malabari vessels bound for Surat. Compared with this, earlier in 1631

when the English had seized Malabari ship worth 24000 mahmudis, Mir Musa

had seen to it that the ship was returned by the English.

Mir Musa went to the extent of interfering in the internal administration of

the English Company, In 1649, he stalled the appointment of Merry for one year

to the post of President of the Company by refusing to grant permission to Breton, the former President, to depart from Surat. It was strongly felt that Breton and Mir

Musa were in collusion.'''' The English presented a petition to the Emperor in which their major complaint was that the Mughal officials especially Mir Musa should not be allowed to interfere in their internal administration.

Mir Musa's tenure came to an end in November 1649. The English

Company frantically tried to get the money which the governor owed them and requested Mirza Arab the new governor not to let Mir Musa depart until their debt had been repaid, although Mir Musa had repaid a considerable part of it. In the end the English took recourse to the Imperial court, but still it was not easy for them to obtain their due.

In August 1649, the Dutch complained that money was stolen from their house. Though the amount from Dutch official reports was Rs.22000 they claimed an inflated amount. (According to Manucci, they made a profit of 1000% on it).

236 On the pretext, the Dutch governor with his family left Surat and took refuge on their ship 'Haan'. They seized the kings junk from Mocha and took out money from it. They then sent their demands to the governor. The matter was finally settled at the payment of an amount of Rs.59,000 to the Dutch in return for the junk and the money taken from it. The English felt that this episode played an important role in the recall of Mir Musa from Surat. '

Shaista Khan

Shaista Khan was a very important hani noble who held important posts in

Gujarat and later on in Bengal. He was the Subedar of Gujarat from 1646-48 and also in the early 1650s. hi 1 664 he was appointed Governor of Bengal.

When he was the Subedar of Gujarat there was interaction between him and the European companies. They could not wish each other away even if relations between them at times were far from cordial. On a number of occasions, the English company took the trouble of procuring those articles from Europe, which Shaista Khan desired, as the latter was a keen collector of curiosities and a connoisseur of precious stones and jewels. Manucci and Tavemier have both testified to his skill in appraising precious stones, ijewels and pearls.' This

Franch traveler met Shaista Khan in the last three voyages that he undertook to

India, in 1651, 1657 and 1665. When the Shah of Persia enquired from Tavemier

237 in 1664 to whom he had sold the jewels that he had with him in his previous trip

to India, Tavernier stated that it was to Shaista Khan, for a sum of Rs. 120,000/-.''

In 1665 Tavernier specifically bought commodities for Shaista Khan and took the

trouble to go all the way to Bengal tso meet the noble, and sell him jewels.

Tavernier's correspondence with Shaista Khan, apprising him of his arrival, the

jewels brought for him and the request and need for a passport exempting him

from road dues, together with Shaista Khan's written permission and his personal

letter to Tavernier, are all reproduced in his book. Tavernier sold Rs.76000/-

worth of articles to Shaista Khan in this trip, which was paid through bills of

exchange on Aurangabad which was promptly honoured. He was not so lucky

regarding the bill of exchange given to him in Bengal by Shaista Khan.

During his tenure in Gujarat, we do not find any evidence which points

towards Shaista Khan's participation in long-distance trade, overland or maritime.

He did occasionally buy goods from the European Companies but these were not for trade or for resale, but for personal use or hand.

It was only in inland trade in articles like sugar, indigo and saltpetre that he tried to interfere by attempting to corner the markets and control the entire sale of these articles. These attempts were rather sporadic rather than sustained.'

238 In 1647, the English factors noted that the Governor was interested in

controlling the trade of the sugar entering Gujarat and had in one instance, forced

the Banjaras to sell him all the sugar they earned, thereby making a profit of a

thousand rupees. As a result of his strict measures, there was a scarcity of this

commodity "the governor's tyranny having deterred the merchants from bringing

any down."

For the very same year, we have similar complaints regarding the indigo produced in and around Ahmedabad; that the governor was trj'ing to engross all the indigo. He had summoned the indigo brokers of the English Company which caused much apprehension to the company's factors. They were worried that the entire stock of indigo would be cornered by Shaista Khan. If Shaista Khan succeeded in his project they noted, "we may then expect shortly to fetch our butter and rice from him",** In 1647 the factors at Ahmedabad complained to the

President of their company that the trade in Gujarat was at a standstill, owing to the Governor's tyrannical behaviour and the troubles with the carters who brought down goods from Agra.

In 1648 the factors were reluctant to exchange their silver and Peru reals at

Swally because they felt that owing to the Governor's connivance with the

Shroffs they were getting a lower rate'" The English were of the opinion that

239 Shaista Khan "hath wholly ruined the trade of this place by oppressing and

robbing men of all qualities, especially merchants by either directly seizing upon

their goods or indirectly by sharing in the profit of whatever bought or sold,""

It was in saltpetre that the English Company's trade was most drastically

affected under Shaista Khan's governorship. In 1646 they could hardly purchase a

quarter of what they expected because the supplies of saltpetre had been stopped

by Shaista Khan. They were asked to pay one-half percent as duty to the King

and Rs.2 per cent to the Governor. The duties were remitted in previous regimes

but were now bring demanded, according to the English factory records. In 1647

the saltpetre of the English was confiscated. On George Tash's request, only that

much saltpetre v/as released which had already been paid for, that is worth

Rs,1,500/- which had been advanced for U, The English claimed that his was

contrary to Shaista Khan's earlier promise of permitting the purchase of 5000

maunds of saltpetre for wiiich the governor had already taken Rs,280 as a

bribe,There were apparently bubs to be paid to lower officials as well, ''

The Dutch also were vociferous in their complaints against Shaista Khan

regarding their saltpetre trade. They alleged that the latter had extorted money from the saltpetre dealers.

240 In 1657, Shaista Khan totally stopped the export of saltpetre by the

English merchants on the grounds that he had received orders from the Kind. The

English then tried to send the saltpetre through the port of Diu. Despite

difficulties, they nevertheless made arrangements to transport the saltpetre

overland to Diu. They were hov/ever refused permission to embark saltpetre ftom

any port other than that of Surat.'

It was understood that Shaista Khan required a heax'y bribe for to releasing

the saltpetre, but the European merchants withheld their hand. In the meanwhile

Shaista Khan was transferred to Malv/a and the English deferred all negotiations

and waited for the arrival of the next Governor Murad Baksh.

Shaista Khan was the governor of Bengal from 1664-88 apart from a brief

interruption for a couple of years. It was during his tenure in this region, that he

was able to carry out trade on a grand scale, both foreign and internal.

He actively participated in the overseas trade to south-east Asia. It has been

estimated that Shaista Khan along with a few leading merchants of Hugh,

Balasore and Pipli sent twenty ships to Sri Lanka, Tenasserim and Maldives, etc.

During 1682-84 there were twelve ships in the list of Bengal vessels plying on the overseas route. Out of these twelve, only two belonged to Balasore merchants, the rest were those of either Shaista Khan or his son or the faujdar of Hugh, Malik

241 Qasim. His son Buzurg Ummed Khan liaci sent four ships to Tenasserim, Galle and Siam; Malik Qasim also had sent four ships to Tenasserirn and Galle and also to the Maldives. Shaista Khan had sent two ships in early 1682, one to Maldives and one to Tenasserim. The commodities which Shaista Khan traded in included

1 7 elephants, cowries, coir, lead, stone and iron. It is clear that it was not Shaista

Khan alone mdulging m overseas trade, but there was a whole network of associates with him like his son and the faujdar of Hugh. These people at the top must have definitely required the ser\;ces of a large number of people to help them in their commercial activities. Malik Qasim, the faujdar of Hugh and

Balasare had in 1(576 freighted an English ship at Hugh to send iron and coin to his son Malik Zindi. He also sent his agent Haji Muhammad to Gombroon in 1 O

1672 on board an English ship to sell sugar, etc. ' On the return trip Haji

Muhammad brought 4 horses, seven bales of hing seven bales of tobacco, 1 chest of rosewater, 10 chests of attar, 29 jars of fruits, 150 maunds of almonds, two chests of arracks, four sheep etc. All these were carried freight-free on the English ship, except for the horses.

It is quite possible that Malik Qasim was also carr}'ing out trade on behalf of Shaista Khan if v/e keen in mind what Clavell had to say about Shaista Khan— that he annually sent twenty to forty thousand rjpees to his agents in Hugli to be 242 employed in merchandise. These were distributed among the local Hindu

merchants v/ho paid 25% per aimum; further that the faujdar of Hugh used to

distribute all the goods on his hands, including gold and other commodities

obtained at 'under rates' from the Dutch godown, among the Hindu merchants of

the town at extraordinary rates, viz 10% to 15% higher than the market rate in

ready cash.'

As a faujdar working under Shaista Khan, Malik Qasim also contributed to the share of the English company's problems. According to Sarkar, his oppressive activities severely affected the English trade. He refused to give passes to the

English, sold them goods at prices which he fancied and manouvred to get his goods transported on English vessels. The Dutch kept him in good humour by presenting him with elephants, etc. Later on when differences cropped up between

Malik Qasim and the Dutch, the former complained to Shaista Khan, as did the

English Company. As a result the Dutch trade at Hugli was stopped and their warehouse closed for four months. The Dutch had to pay Shaista Khan

Rs. 1,50,000/-. Fmally Malik Qasim was removed from Hugli.

Earlier, Shah Shuja who was the governor of Bengal from 1631-50, indulged in trading activities including overseas trade. He is believed to have set a precedent of establishing monopolies over certain sectors of Bengal's trade, for

243 example, imposing a ban on elephants imported to Bengal by the Dutch.^^ Mir

Jumla also, who governed Bengal from 1660-63 attempted to monopolize a

number of commodities and their resale at his own prices, but reshapes since his

tenure was short, nothing concrete could be done. From the Fathiya-i-Ibreya a

contemporary source also we gather that this was a practice in operation down the

ages.

It was Shaista Khan who proved more successful in implementing

monopolies and thereby engrossing the entire stock of certain commodities like

salt and bittemuts, which v/ere essential commodities. It is said that his officers

oppressed the people "monopolized commodities, even as low as grass for beasts,

canes (i.e. bamboo), firewood, thatch, etc., nor do they want ways to oppress

those people of all sorts who traded, whether natives or strangers since whatever

they do (at Hugh) when complained of to Dacca, is palliated under the name and

colour of the Nawab's interest The goods were distributed among the town merchants at 10% to 1 5% higher than their market price."

As mentioned earlier both Mir Jumla and Shaista Khan tried to monopolize the saltpetre trade though the latter was more successful."'

Nevertheless, as Susil Chaudhuri has pointed out, the monopolistic designs of the governors were never pursued rigorously or systematically. Right from the very

244 beginning of the Company's trade in Bengal, Saltpetre was an important export

commodity, because it was used to make gunpowder. From the 1750's, Bengal

replaced the Coromandel as the chief source of saltpetre. It was, moreover, much

cheaper here than in other regions. Demand for it naturally increased in wartime.

It also depended upon the extent of requirement of ships for their ballast because

it was carrying it as ballast greatly reduced transport costs.

From the English factory records it is evident that Shaista Khan, soon after

being appointed to Bengal granted the English Company a panvana which

exempted it from paying duties and allowed them to enjoy the privileges which had been granted to them according to the English by the earlier governors. They were to be free from the exactions and molestations of the Governor or officers

77 under him.

As against all the opposite testimony, Shihabuddin Talish tells us that whereas previously, Governors of Bengal used to seize goods they liked at their own prices out of Cargo on ships, entering the provinces ports, Shaista Khan on assuming the charge of Bengal forbade this practice and decreed that there should lie freedom for everj'one to buy and sell.

Thus, it appears that although Shaista Khan condemned and forbade monopolistic practices, he himself could not abstain from this vice. He was

245 appointed in March 1664, and soon afterwards, in the month of May, his daroghas appeared at Patna to buy 20,000 maunds of saltpetre on the grounds given that the

King needed it to fight wars in the Daccan.

Moreover the Dutch and the Enghsh were forbidden from making advances money to the sahpetre men. They were not even allowed to take the delivery of the saltpetre for which they had already made the payment.'

Complaints to Shaista Khan were of no avail. It only led to the Governor forbidding the export of saltpetre, unless a written guarantee was given by the

English that they would only sell their goods to Shaista Khan and at rates fixed by the latter.^"

In June 1664, it was observed by the English that the Governor wanted to monopolise trade in all the goods which he thought would bring him commercial gain. In early July also the same apprehension is expressed. Chamock felt that

Shaista Khan wanted to engross the whole trade of saltpetre and sell it to the

English and Dutch at a good profit The English were consistently apprehensive and complaining regarding their trade being lost in Bengal owing to these oppressive practices of the Governor. To solve this problem they even thought of getting/a/7«aw from the King.'"

246 However, we also find Shaista Khan granting parwanas ro the Enbglish off and on. In most of these parwanas he orders his subordinates to restrain certain persons from cheating the English or hindering their trade. He also took action against errant officials.''

Shaista Khan had to transmit enormous sums to the Mughal ruler, as the latter was at this time involved in endless wars v/ith the Marathas in the Deccan.

He himself had to fight the Maghs of Arakan and the Portuguese pirates."' A large part of the resources needed must have been tapped from its trade and its merchants. He would naturally not go beyond certain limits. He would not want to ruin the trade or make the merchants leave the place. The threat to demolish the

European factories was also meant to squeeze more from them; it was never put into effect^ According to Arasaratnam "during Shaista Khan's long subahdarship covering the latter part of the centun,' he participated in commercial activities Though he engaged in monopolistic practices and forced trade to his advantage, overall the effects of his policy were to foster commerce and encourage participation by other subordinate Mughal officials, receiving their patronage, and by the opportunit)' given to brokers and middlemen to the

European companies, Bengal merchant shipping flourished in the last three or four decades, from the ports of Hugh and Balasore. Then there were traders from

247 other regions—Coromandel, Malabar and Gujarat—who traded to Bengal ports

and became carriers of Bengal goods.'"''

MIR JUMLA

Mir Muhammad Sa>7id .\rdistani, better known by his title Mir Jumla, and was of Persian origin. His graduation from a petty merchant to a high ranking Mughal noble with the rank of 7000 Zat/7000 sawar (2-3h) constitutes the best illustration of the chances of promotes available under the Mughals.' Mir

Muhammad Sayyid is believed to have arrived from Persia from in early 1620s initially as a horse trader at Golconda.^ Subsequently he started indulging in diamond trade of Golconda.* Mir Muhammad Sayyid joined the bureaucracy of

Qutb Shah by 1634. Eventually in 1636 he was appointed in higher service as

Peshwa in the Golconda. Kingdom by Nawab AUami Fahmi Shaikh Muhammad.'

From 1636 till his death m Sr. March 1663, h is career was marked by high administrative offices. He also took immense interest in overseas commercial activities which ushered in the 'perennial source of his wealth, prosperity and power',^ His career illustrates the fact since that unlike contemporary European nobles, Indian nobles could not turn in to large land owners, they could find in trade a sphere in which to invest their wealth. As early as 1642, Mir Jumla secured commercial interests by obtaining permission from the English East India

248 Company to free Indian merchants from paying customs at Gombroon.** It is

reported that Mir Jumla had dispatched two junks from Masuhpatnam to

Gombroon and Mokha and a third was prepared for visiting Pegu.' Mir Jumla

contemplating of sending another junk to Mokha in July 1647.'" Ostensibly, he

had good relations with the English Company. In October 1647 Mir Jumla had

advanced 16,000 rials of eight to the President Baker at Fort St. George. ' This

1 7

amount was lent without interest for the first year. In recognition of this the

English Company gave one brass gun to him and ensured the continuation of his

trade privileges.'"' In September 1648, Mir Jumla provided 10000 new and 7000

old pagodas.'•* Out of these, 10000 pagodas were given free of interest at

Madraspatain and it was to be repaid at "our ships arrival or in six months at the furthest".' It is also reported that a debt had lasted from 9* March 1646 to the

29 June 1647, when it was all paid to him, and a present given him of bras gunns amounting to pagodas 641,8 fa. Thereupon he gave a written release from all claims of interest, which at the lowest rate current there, viz 1 Vj per cent per month, would have amounted to 2350 pagodas.

The English Company collected information about Mir Jumla's powers and assets. Mir Jumla v^as considered responsible for augmenting the revenue realisation upto the tune of 2000000 pagodas.'^ He enhanced the resources of the

249 Kingdom of Golconda by conquering 'Carnatic' with its resources of bezoar, diamonds, iron, steel and sultpetre. The Carnatic contributed 4000000 pagodas per annum to the treasury of the kingdom of Golconda."* He had 4000 bourses and eaqual number of men at his persona! disposal. He had a number of factors in merchants deployed at different places. He possessed 300 elephants, 400-500 camels and 10.000 oxecufor transporting his goods to Goclonda, Bijapur and

Mughal Empire.^' Moreover he had trade relations with Pegu, Tenaserim, Achin,

Arrakan, Peruk, Maldives and Macassar in the South East on the one hand, while he had trade connections with Persia in the West and Bengal in the north. He had ten vessels to his credit and intended to enhance. He was well disposed towards the English Company. It is reported that he was always ready to advance

50-60000 pagodas to the Company. His power and wealth had become so formidable that the English Company resorted to the unusual practice of lending

Of its pilots to Mir Jumla for his ships.

Meanwhile Mir Mumla continued with the policy of ill will towards the

Dutch East India Company which accounted for recmdescence of troubles in the latter past of 1651."'' The Dutch had seized tin fi-om his ship, and this was not 11 returned. This was attributed to its reluctance to trade with Mir Jumla From

January 1651, Mir Jumla showed some relaxation in his attitude towards the 250 Dutch. Earlier he had proscribed purchase of spices brought by the Dutch, and other merchants were prohibited from interacting with them.'^'* In relation he had monopolised "all the broune {i.e. unbleached} cloth in these new conquests, not suffering a piece to be sold but by his owne ministers, who are to engross all from the weavers and have order to rote them at 20 per cent profit to whomsoever will buy, of keep them in his warehouses, and this course is he resolved to continue"."'

The Dutch Company entertamed the idea of seizing Muslim ships as a reprisal, but eventually as diplomatic course v.'as resorted by sending commissaris Dirck

Steur to Mir Jumla.^" Steur was received by the Mir at Gondikota in November

1651,^' An agreement was signed and it was decided that the Company's middlemen would pay a toll of 1200 to 1500 pagodas a year, Mir Jumla would receive his tin and in certain places the Dutch would buy cloth from Mir Jumla representatives alone."' These provisions of the treaty were subsequently confirm by King of Golconda, through afarman issued for the Dutch Company.' On the other hand the English Company assured Mir Jumla of all possible help in the conduct of his trading operations to Persia, Mokha, Pegu, etc., as well as supply of pilots, gunners and carpenters for the better security of his ships, hi return,

Mir Jumla supplied them with 3000 prices of salempuris and long cloth. Mir

251 Jumla Rad purchased most of the brcadcloth brought by the EngHsh in February

1652.''

It seems that Mir Jumla was trying deliberately to improve his relations with both the Companies. In June 1652 the Dutch Company had sent its factor.

Van der Meyde to lodge their complaints against the governor of Masulipatnam against his extortion of custom duties from their middlemen. As a result of negotiations, the toll payable by the intermediaries was fixed at 2 Vz per cent.'

Van der Mayde extracted a profitable contract for supplying a large quantity of merchandise to Mir Jumla and a loan of 400 000 florins without any interest.''^

The lease of pulicat was renewed to the Dutch Company at the lower rate of 1000 pagodas per annum, while Mir Jumla v/as to pay 1200 pagodas annually to the royal treasury'. In return the Company lent him some gunners, allowed his representatives to purchase, elephants in Ceylon, and agreed to sell all commodities desired by Mir Jumla to him alone. But these gains were offset by the capture of one of the ships, the Nazareth, of Mir Jumla by the Dutch Company as it was sailing under a Portuguese flag after the termination of the Dutch

Portuguese peace treaty. While on the one hand Mir Jumlas claims were found to be excessive, on the other Dutch Company refused passes even for Portuguese occupied territories in Ceylon. Mir Jumla's contention was that no interference

252 by anyone was required because merchants should be free to trade in those areas

even during the course of the Dutch Portuguese wars/''

In early 1653 the English factors realised that the English Company was

paying considerable sum of money in the form of customs on Mir Jumla

commodities at Gombroon. But it was also realised that it was suitably

compensated by the exemption from customs at Masulipatnam.

In ] 653 Mir Jumla planned to attack fort Geldria of the Dutch and charge

5 per cent interest on the money lent out by him if the Dutch failed to return the

Nazncth'^^ Governor Laurus Pit was advised by Batavia to meet part of Mir Jumlas

claim on the Nazareth and passes were to be granted to all subjects of Golconda for ports under the king of Kandi and also for Achch. The relations between Mir

Jumla and the Dutch Company improved to such an extent, that by the end of

1653 the Dutch were purchasing cloth smoothly in territories under Mir Jumla and he had also advanced to loan of 400 pagodas at an interest of 1 '/z per cent per month.

In 1654, the English factor Cogan joined the service of Mir Jumla and for which he was arrested by English." Mir Jumla had to intervene to seek his freedom. After his release cogan fled to San Thome. ' Mir Jumla's commodities were carried in English ships to Pegu.'^ Mir Jumla was possibly sending his

253 commodities in English ships because the Dutch Com.pany had imposed

restrictions on his overseas trade. Reacting to this extreme measure by the

Dutch, Mir Jumla demanded a higher price for the cloth purchased from his

ship. Secondly the Dutch Company had refused permission for his ships to visit

Bautam or Batavia. Mir Jumla's relations with the Dutch had soured so much

that when some merchants associated with the English passed on their

commodities to the Dutch, the Nawab again stopped the English from trading.

Second interesting instance of such an attitude is reflected when Mir

Jumla's agent, 'Verpa' started supplying 'goods from Alamparai' to the Dutch, it is reported that "the result was that the Nawab gott knowledge and began to trade m these parts".

Meanwhile on some commodities like beetle leaves customs were to be paid even by the English Company. On a dispute over payment of customs on such petty things, Mir Jumla insisted that, such customes as were usually paid in the time "of Ayapa Naique and the Genture Kings tyme must and should be paid still".^' The earnings through such a source was to be six pence a day on an average, one half of which went to the Nawab and other half to the Company.

An interesting aspect of Mir Jumla's interest in patty trade is reflected in his actions at Pornampalli., a town 13 miles west of Madras'. He appointed Bata

254 Rao to govern at Poonampathi.'' And secured monopoly of purchasing rice in his

territory. He allegedly started enhancing the custom rates by 25 per cent our the

Bazar price' through a litany of custom officers posted at several places. "* He obstructed the import of paddy from outside into Poonampali. This adversely affected the English merchants efforts to procure paddy in the countryside. The

English factors lodged a series of complaints with Mir Jumla.' He was presumably too busy m the affairs of the state to pay attention to these complaints by English factors.''*' Meanwhile the English Company continued their policy of not taxing Mir Jumla's commodities carried to Gambroon.

Mir Jumla used to purchase painted/printed cloth directly from weavers through his officials. In 1654 Venkata, a Brahman, was appointed at six pagodas per months to perform such a job.

In 1656 Mir Jumla had granted a loan of 50,000 pagodas at one percent interest to the Dutch Company and their total debt to him stood at 972,160 florins.'''' In 1657 Mir Jumala's favour could be ensured only by selling benzoin and eagle wood at half the normal rate.™ By 1658 the Dutch trade in the territories of Golconda was in a flourshing state and the farnian from Qutb Shah had abolished even 2 V2 per-cent toll which was paid by the Dutch Company

255 intermediaries. It possibly strengtiTcned the position of the Dutch further in

Golconda.

In 1658 an agreement was signed between Tupaki Krishnappa and English

agent Greehill. By it Mir Jumla accepted the payment of a consoHdated annual

rent of 380 pagodas per annum by the English instead of directly laying customs

from Madras. From the days of War of succession till his appointment as the

Governor of Bengal our sources fail to provide any significant information about

Mir Jumala's commercial activities except that in 1656 the English seized one of the junks of Mir Jumla. ' The dispute dragged on for two years till in Dec. 1658 the Emperor ordered the English Company to restore of the junk to Mir Jumla.

On 2 Nov. 1659 in compliance of the imperial order, the junk was returned to Mir

Junla.

After his appointment as Governor of Bengal in June 1660, Mir Jumla under took his usual commercial activities there. He tried to monopolize much of the trade of that province. In 1660 he offered to supply saltpetre to the English

Company.^^ He assured them that he was ready to fumish yearly saltpetre in such a quantity as they shall agree upon'. The English merchants borrowed money from Mir Jumla to purchase 6000 maunds (30000 bags) of saltpetre at Patna.

Meanwhile Mir Jumla got a galliot built by the Dutch for his assistance and it was

256 operated by six or seven English deserters. '^ Trevisa an English engineer, was one

of the persons engaged in the construction of the galliot and had ostensibly

borrowed money from Mir Jumla.*'' Trevisa had borrowed money from Mir

Jumla. The English Company had also throught of seizing a junk of Mir Jumla

at Queda, in order to settle matters with Mir Junk under pressure.

In 1661, the English Company complained to him about his monopoly of

trade in rice around Madras in an area which he still controlled through his agents.

Whereas your worship [the Directors] desire is that the inhabitants of your tune as

painters, weavers etc. should be encouraged by a good treatment of them, they

have on the contrar)/ bin much discouraged by the enhancing the price of rice,

which is occasioned by the engrossing all into the hands of one man (its easily

imagined whose) which is no better then a monopoly of his owne raysing, and by

this means makes a famine where God sends none. So that the painters and

weavers are force to sett a higher value upon their work and cloth, and consequently the Honorable Company must needs feete it. But into whose purse the gaines of al this goes may easily be conjectured".

In the latter part of his life he took more interest in sea-borne trade with

Persia. An English factory report infoims us that two English ships had arrived at

Madras from Balasore on 22 January, 1662 and on 25 January, which were on

257 their way to Gambroon. They carried a large quantity of gumlac belonging to

Mir Jumla."

One of the ill-fated junks belonging to Mir Jumla was rendered useless by

a fierce storm near Andaman island.*"^ The English made an offer to him: that

now the junk cannot be restored, he may take his choice either oftheArrne, with

all her ammunition and stores or of your new built ship. But this year you must

not seem (to know) that we do any way condescend to so that it may come to his

knowledge, for you know the nabob is five times more indebted to us, by his

accompt; besides he doth yearely make use as this last year with twenty five

tonnes of jumblacke [gumlack] whereof he pays noe freight nor custome in

Persia'

Mir Jumla took advantage of his tenure as governor of Bengal, at a time

when the Dutch and English Companies began to concentrate on the Bengal trade

in the late second half of the seventeenth century especially because of its supplies of textiles, silk and saltpetre. Besides Bengal, Mir Jumla had considerable influence in the Decan. ' Along with these advantages, his advancing of loan to European Companies (as noted earlier) had further strengthened his control. According to the same report, Mir Jumla had advanced 100000 rupees to

258 the English Company'^ All these factors helped Mir Jumla to safeguard

exemptions from customs on his commodities at Persian ports.

Mir Jumla's career reflects his enterprising nature and shows how from an

alien merchant he transformed himself to a substantial noble of the Mughal

empire with considerable interests in trade to South east Asia and Persia. As we

have seen, he also carried on trade in South India.

These records of the English Company paint a very greedy and rapacious picture of these Persian officials. They are presented as unabashedly exploiting the European merchants, overtaxing them forcibly purchasing their goods at low prices and soon, but these records should be taken with a pinch of salt. It appears that while giving the European merchants concessions and privileges, the very nature of their relationship made frictions unavoidable. These frictions generally arose when either party violated the framework of mles and customs of that particular region.

It is interesting to note that the English company claimed that they were exempted from customs dues by a farman of Shah Jahan. It seems to have been a misinterpretation because m as many as six farmans of Shah Jahan concerning the

English company, in none of them have they been granted this priviledge. The

English it appears were able to enjoy this privilege at least in Bengal. Mir Jumla

259 had issued a parwana in 1660 in which he gave orders to his officials not to

realize customs dues from the English Shaista Khan also had issued similar

orders. In several extant parwanas of local officials also we have similar orders. It seems to have been a willful misinterpretation on their part. A collusion of interests is suspected. The English lamant that they are being exploited whereas they stood to gain a lot by this willful oversight.

Masulipatnam

Now coming down to Masulipatnam, the leading merchants especially the shipov.'ning ones were Persians. As aptly analysed by Sanjay

Subrahmanyam who has made a detailed study of this merchant group at

Masulipatnam "whether or not because these Persians were by their ver>' nature traders, they quickly became associated in both these Deccan Sultanates with not only administration but maritime trade So in Bijapur, the community was closely associated with Dabhol, the principal port there in the early seventeenth century, and in Golconda, with Masulipatnam. Thus, the posts of havaldar, or governor of the port of Masulipatnam of Shahbandar, as well as of Sar-Samta, or governor of the Mustafanagar region under which Masulipatnam fell, were largely the preserve of Persians in the first half of the seventeenth centur}'. These officials, as well as others resident at Masulipatnam, Bagnagar, Kondapalli, and other towns

260 figure in the records as the principal shipowners of the port of Masulipatnam at

the turn of the seventeenth century. Mir Qasim, Mir Murad, Mir Kamaluddin and

'Mohammad Taqi were some such important shipowning merchants of this period. The latter was the havaldar of Masulipatnam from 1627-28 and then he became the Sar-i-Khail til! his death in 1631. In European records The havaldar was referred to as the governor, because he was the person who administered the port and its environs and was responsible for the collection of its revenue. This responsibility fell to him either because he got is as a result of revenue farming by the provincial governor or was appointed as a paid official.' Mohammad Taqi was a very important novel who maintained close ties with the center and held important positions at the Golconda court. As the havaldar of Masulipatnam, he was instrumental in resuming the practice of controlling the right to trade with the

Europeans by farming this right to the highest bidder.'' He tried to squeeze as much as possible from the commerce of this port. He could get away with much as Mansur Khan, the Mir Jumia had farmed out the post to him.

Arasaratnam has pointed out how Mohammad Taqi as a havaldar was able to make profit of 10% - 20%, without investing any capital but by the simple use of his authority.*" In 1625, the trade of the Dutch at Masulipatnam and its environs was leased out by Mohammad Taqi to three Komatti merchants, Lingamma,

261 Ramanna and Kondor. Apart from these merchants, no merchant could approach the European factories. The havaldar had the privilege of being the first to chose the goods, and also for fixing the price at which the goods were to be sold. He made it a pomt to buy the goods at Much lower rates than in previous years. He would then resell it to the Komatli merchants at a profit even without even removing the goods from the Dutch godown. He also took loans from these merchants. As a result the Komatti merchants could not raise enough money to clear the payments which they owed to the Dutch. All this was because

Mohammad Taqi was not just an administrator, but a merchant as well. He carried out overseas trade and this was one mode through v/hich he was able to procure goods and finances for his mercantile ventures. The English, the Dutch and the

Danes were all against this controlled trade of the havaldar.

In 1624, Mohammad Taqi was appointed elsewhere, but interestingly he left his brother at Masulipatnam as its havaldar, so that his interests could be maintained in his absence.''' As matters did not improve, the Dutch hit upon the plan of a blockade of the port by sea. Initially, the English had proposed a joint blockade, but later on withdrew as they come to an understanding with the port authorities.

262 The Dutch seized a number of ships including one belonging to Mir

Kamaluddin, which was returning from Acheh. Owing to this, Mir Kamaluddin

took the initiative and played an important part in the negotiations between the

Dutch and the port authorities. He went to the Golconda court and settlement was

arrived at between both the parties. The sultan recalled the governor and

appointed a new one, who was mstructed to help the Dutch collect their debts. In

the farman, the Dutch were also requested to help the ships leaving

Masulipatnam, and the sultan further expressed a desire to send a ship to Hormur.

Perhaps because of this a settlement was quickly artived at, and also because the

merchants including Mohammad Taqi did not want to miss the next sailing

season.

As mentioned before there was no direct link between Masulipatnam and

Persia in the early decades of the seventeenth century. Mohammad Taqi was the

first person to take the initiative for the establishment of a direct link between

Masulipatnam and Persia in 1628, in view of the great demand for Masulipatnam

textiles in Persia. He asked the Dutch authorities to either provide freight services to Persia or protection for Masulipatnam shipping to Persia.

It was only in the early 1630's that this route came into operation and the person who first sent his ship from Masulipatnam to Bandar Abbas was Mir

263 Kamaluddin, whose name repeatedly occurs in both Enghsh and Dutch records of

this period. He carried on both overland and overseas trade and also took part in

the administration of the region. In the mid 1620's Kamaluddin was at the height

of his career because of his close links with Mansur Khan Habshi, the Sar-i-

Khaili. In 1628, he was deprived of his governorship of Narsapur on the charge

that he had undertaken to build four or five ships for the sultan, but having

underpaid the workmen, had embezzled 20,000 to 30,000 pagodas. The truth

however happened to be that Mansur Khan had been associnated, and naturally

his friends and associates were not looke dupon with approval. Mir Kamaluddin,

however soon managed to swing back to favour and once again engaged himself

wholeheartedly in commercial activities. "'

Though, as earlier mentioned efforts for direct trade started in 1628, it was

in mid 1632 that the Dutch factors were summoned to the custom house, and a

letter from the Golconda court was read out to them, stating that the sultan had received permission from the Shah of Persia to send a ship there, and that

Kamaluddin's ship Mansuri would be making the voyage. The Dutch were asked to assist by providing pilots, gunners and crew for the ship. The ship on its return voyage was supposed to bring back a Persian ambassadar directly to Golconda.

In 1629, the Dutch had Captured a ship of Kamaluddin, while it was returning

264 from Acheh in the course of their blockade o the port of Masulipatnam to press their grievances against the havaldar. Moreover they had underestimated the power and residence of Kamaluddin and considerd that he was totally ruined when he was under a clout after Mansoor Khan's death.'^ As a result, Mir

Kamaluddin, who had all along been a close friend of the Dutch became alienated, and on the other hand he became more friendly towards the English and the Danes. In 1630 the English gratefully acknowledge a loan of 2000 riders and

1500 Ragodas given to them by Kamaluddin. In the same year, he assisted the

English in getting their agreement ratified by the sultan. The surat authority were especially requested by the Masulipatnam factors to thank Mir Kamaluddin."'

Nevertheless the Dutch had to extend their cooperation to the Mansuri. The latter's voyage to Persia v.'as a failure because the English sent two ships ahead of the Mansuri to Persia, and hence Kamaluddin's ship hardly got any freight for

Persia.'^ In 1634, two ships were again sent to Bandar Abbas, but one was accidentally blown up while firing a salute. A list of the cargo of the ship has been given. It included 500 bales of diverse textiles, 600 bales of Bengal sugar,

100 bales of turmeric, 1000 bales ofgumlacand 120 bales of tobacco.

At the end of 1635, Kamaluddin decided to return to his homeland and received the King's permission to do so, but having met with a misfortune, was

265 stranded at Dabhal. Kamaluddin entreated the English to send a ship to convey

him to Gombroon." The EngHsh immediately agreed to help him as "he was an

ancient Persian whom some of us have known almost twenty years, to have

been a most powerful and constant friend of our whole nation in

Masulipatnam"." Every attention was to be shown to him. The Francis was sent to Dabhal and Kamaluddin engaged it to cany him and ten other merchants for a sum of 1 1,000 lams."'

Later on, in the records it is mentioned that Kamaluddin has been offered free accommodation. It is interesting to note that Kamaluddin had deposited his jewels as security far the promised payment of freight.^^Th e English factors were advised to consult Kamaluddin regarding commodities to be purchased at Chaul and Muscat for freight. Kamaluddin was again unlucky, as weather did not permit the ship to proceed further than Jasques, and ultimately the ship returned to Chaul,

He rented a house and lived in it and v/as repaid that he had hurt himself

Instructions were given that after Kam.aluddin's recovery the English ship was to proceed if the season was favourable. Meanwhile Masih-uz-Zaman insisted that

Kamaluddin should come to Surat and pay customs there. In 1630, he was brought by the English to Surat, where he stayed in a part of the English factory, where the governor also once visited him, but he absented himself

266 After Mir Jumla, there was no merchant of his stature, who could stand up

to the European companies, or could combat the msecurity on the high seas, as one by one the ships continued to fall prey to the Europeans. The merchant gradually remained contented to freight space on European ships. It should be remembered that the shipping of the Persian merchant declined not due to any superior organizational capacity of the Europeans, but because of the inability to withstand force on the high seas.

Protection of Iranian Merchants Interests in India:

Among Persian merchants, an elite group consisted of those who acted as special agents of Monarchs purchases on their behalf They generally obtained special protection from the countr}' to which they traveled.

Early in Jahangir's reign we find Haji Nimat Qummi who was one of the gamk-yaraqan in the Khasa-i-Sharifa (Royal Establishment) being sent on a mission by Shah Abbas to India to procure specific commodities for and valuable articles for him and to carry out certain assignments for the Royal Governmeni.

Shah Abbas in a letter to Jahangir requested him to appoint his servants and officials to assist the agent to procure the saught for articles.

In 1617 Haji Rafiq was sent by Jahangir to Iran with a special request to

Shah Abbas for an astrolabe of Ulugh Beg Shah Abbas expressed delight that the

267 Mughai Empiror had expressed this desire. A group of astronomers and

mathematicians were commanded to make a replica so that the original may be

sent to Jahangir. From another letter of Jahangir to Shah Abbas we come to know

that Haji Rafiq was again sent by Jahangir to Shah Abbas. He is referred to as a

tajir, or saudagar i.e. merchant. Jahangir sent his thanks for the rare astrolabe sent

to him by Shah Abbas and sent in return a Venetian wme cup through Haji Rafiq

to Shah Abbas. Most probably this was in 1613.

In his memoirs Jahangir has stated that Haji Rafiq was given the title of

Malik-ut-tujjar in 1618 for promoting friendly relations between the Shah and

himself

From the Tuzuk it is evident that he was a slave of Mir Mohammad Amin

Khan, a caravan leader and was brought up by the Amin since childhood. He

frequently visited haq and became intimate will my brother Shah Abbas. This

time he had brought Tipchak horses and fine cloth stuffs, such that of the horses,

some were put into the private stables,'

We come across a royal letter from Shah Safi to Abdullah Quth Shah of

Golconda pertaining to 1641. The Shah had sent the merchant Mirza Asadullah

Taqii Tabrezi to procure rarities for him, and as the latter had died at Golconda,

268 his effects, both cash and kind were to be handed over to his brother. Mirza

Mahmud who was still there.

Qutb Shah was requested to appoint his agents and officers to assist the

recovery of the late Mirza's money or goods still outstanding with anyone and

their dispatch to the Shah's court..

In 1641 in another letter from Shah Safi to sultan Abdullah Qutb Shah, the

Shah is similarly requesting Qutb Shah to appoint his agents and officers to assist

Khwaja Muhammad Ibrahim to realize his dues, He was the son of late Haji

Sultan Tabrizi had been living a trader at Masulipatnam and the Deccan. The

Khwaja had to previously return to Iran in a hurry and had left quite a lot with

other people. He was now going to the Deccan to realize his dues.

From these letters we also come to know what was done in the event of

the Persian agents or merchants dying in India in 1617. Mohammad Riza, an agent of Shah Abbas, after completing his purchases, returned to Agra to make the journey back to Persia, but unfortunately died at Agra. His goods were ordered by Jahangir to be entrusted to a Persian merchant Muhammad Qasim

Beg, who had been nominated by the late Muhammad Riza as his trustee.

Muhammad Qasim had been sent by Shah Abbas, and orders were given for the goods to be handed over to him to be earned to Persia.

269 Ordinary merchants from Iran had, hov/ever, problem.s of a different sort,

when deaths or marriages occurred. A collection of Persian documents in the

Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, sheds some more Hght on this aspect, that is, the

disposal of property 'm the event of the death of Persian merchants in foreign

lands and also on the social histor>' of these merchants.

One of its documents is a marriage contract in which one condition which was imposed upon the husband was to provide redress to the wife for long duration without making provision for her maintenance. This was particularly important for the wife of a merchant vv'ho would be obliged to be absent from home on long voyages. Kamian Beg, probably an Iranian was a merchant the employer of one Muhammad Beg. he advised the latter "I have heard that you have established a relationship and got married. We are merchants: today we are in this town, tomorrov/ we will go to some other place. Where shall we carry around the family". From the same docum.ent we have more information on the problem of an absent merchants propeny, the rights of his factors and the claims of a widow. At the time Muhammad Beg's died at Surat he had in his custody some possessions of Kamran Beg who had gone to Mecca. These possessions included male and female slaves. Before he died Muhammad Beg made an inventory of his master's affects m the presence of Mughal officials,

270 representatives of the diMnn, qazi and kotwal. His own belongings he left to his

wife, with the instructions that she should also guard Kamran Beg's property till

the latter returned. As another slave of Kamran Beg took hold of all the

belongings of Muhammad Beg, the latter's wife gave a representation to the

Mughal officials putting in her claim to the property of her husband which was a

part of her inehr or marriage dower.

It appears that the claim of mehr had primacy over other claims. Bi

Augsha, wife of Haji Abdi Qirmani proved before the qazi her claim of 1000 ihrahiml. The qazi gave her the unrestrained right to realize her claim from the

property left behind by her husband, wherever they might be found.

271 END NOTES (Persian Merchants)

1. See Ina Mc Cabe, op cit. p. 121

2. Chardian pp, 282-83

3. Tavern i er, Les six Voyages p. 61 2

END NOTES (Safi Khan) 1. Jahangir, Tuzuk-i Jahangih, ed. Saiyid Ahmad Khan, Ghazipurand Aligarh, 1864, p.l71 and p.218. 2. Ibid., Lahori, Abdul Hamid, Badshah Nama, ed. Mauivi Kabiruddin and Maulvi Abdur Rahim, Bib. Ind. Calcutta, 1 867-8, p.96; Amin Qazwini, Badshah Nama, transcripts of the Riza Library, M.S. (Rampur) in Department of History, A.M.U., p.345b. The English Factories in India, 1618-69, ed. W. Foster, 13 vols., Oxford, 1966-67; H, p.215, p.299, p.230; m p.30. 3. E.F.I. II, pp.233, 237, 239. When Shah Jalian came to the throne, on a complaint lodged by Nahar Khan in 1628, again.sl Sali Kh

END NOTES (Hakim Sadrah) ' E.F.I. 1634-36, p.311; Lahori, H, pp. 102, 299. Lahori, E, 11 8. ^7w2M^n, pp.174, 334,336. •' Tuzuk, I, p.74. 4 Though Jahangir was annoyed with him he neverthesless gave Masih us Zaman, Rs.20,000 when the latter was leaving for Haj. See Tuziik 11, p.334, p.336. ^/T.F./. 7622-23, p.273 (a). 'lbid.,p.332. ^Ibid., p.283. ^Ibid.,p.289. ^Ibid., pp.273, 328, 332. "lbidp.346. ' E.F.L 1634-36. ^ E.F.L, J 634-36, p.3]]; EFL J 637-41, pp 1,41. ^Ibid., p.255, p.31]. "E/^/, J634-36, p.3]] ^Ibid., p.255. ^ E.F.L 1634-36, p.] 65, E.F.L. 1637-41, p.98. '^ E.F.I 1637-41 p.9%. 'Ibid, 'ibid, p.250-7. ^"ibid., pp. 257-262. ^' E.F.L. L635-6, p.XXI

273 ^'^E.F.I. /f)i7--//, pp.99-100. ^^ E.F.I. 1634-6, p.252-3. "^E.F.I. 1634-6; E.F.I 1637-41 ,pp.99-l0]. ^^ E.F.I. 1634-6, p.272. ^''E.F.I 1634-6, pp.253, 211. ^'^ E.F.I. 1634-6, p.228. ^^'ibid pp.311,313.

END NOTES (Ali Akbar )

1. Mirat, 1, pp 231-32. 2. Ibid. 3. E.F.I., Vni, p. 185, pp. 204-205. See also S. Ali Nadeem Rezavi, "The Mutasaddis of Surat in the 1 ?"' Centuo'", PIHC, Burdwan, 1983. 4. Ibid,, p. 185. 5. Ibid., pp. 204-5. 6. Ibid,,p. 96, pp. 204-5. 7. Tuzuk, p. 14 ], p. 253, p,267, p.314; Lahori, I, p. 159. 186.

END NOTES (Iradat Khan)

1. Lahon, lb, p. 281, n, 230,290; E.F.I., VI, p. 274, p. 300. E.F.I., \ni, p.5. 2. E.F.I., VI, p. 301,pp. 308-9. 3 Ibid., p. 232, p.288,p.308. 4 Ibid., p. 288. 5 Ibid,, p. 232. 6 The amount was 517 tomans m return for Rs. 1 5,103, E,FI.,VI, p. 308, Ibid,

END NOTES (Mir Musa)

'1649 Surat 2 E.F.I 1642-45,p.24. 'E.F.I. 1630-33,p.21,271,285. 'ibid, p.24, ^Ibid. pp.256, 325. 274 ''E.F.I. 1634-36,^^\rlQ., 72, 143. 'E.F.I. 1630-33, p.2]. • Ibid, p.326. 9 Ibid. p.31. "'E.FI. J634-36, p.244. " E.F.I. 1630-33, pp. 49, 52, 72, 119, 179, 256. ^^E.F.I. 1634-36, pp.257-8, 262. ^^E.Fl. 1637-41, p.207. '^Ib.d. 'Vr.F./. J634-36, p.S\ ^''E.F.I. 1637-41, p.2] \. '^Ibidpp. 2, 4, 301 "ibid pp. 2. 17,297 "/T./-:/. M-Z^Ofl, pp.229, 238 ^"ibid. pp.301-2. ''ibid, p.287. ^^Ibid.

END NOTES (Shaista Khan)

01. Mirza Abu Talib Shaista Khan, 5000,/4000, Lahori I, 180, 1627-8. 02. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, 1653-1708, V.2, p. 322; Tavernier, V. 307. 03. Tavernier, V.!, p. T8; EFI 1651-54. 04. Tavernier tr.V, Ball I, p. XX 05. Tavernier tr.V. Balll, pp. 319-326. 06. EFI. 1646-50, pp. 130,133,136,155. 07. Ibid. p. 155. 08. Ibid. pp. 130,133,136. 09. Ibid. pp. 133,136. 10. Ibid. p. 130. 11. Ibid. p. 184. 12. Ibid. pp. 57-58. 13. Ibid. p. 150. 14. Ibid. 155-6 15 EFI]651-54,p. 215. 16. Ibid. p. 252,299-300.

275 17. Thomas Bovvrey pp. 179-82. Master, ii, p. 65. EFI. 1670-7, pp. 417,418,427-9. Sarkar, Hist. Bengal, n, 391, 413. See S. Chaudhary, Trade and Commercial Organization in Bengal, Calcutta, 1975, p.92. Sarkar J.N., Private Traders in Medieval India, British and Indian, Calcutta, 1991, pp.117,120. 18. Masters, 2, 65. 19. Fort St. George Rec. (1672-78) pp.43-48 cited from Sarkar, Private Traders, p. 127. 20. See Sarkar, Private Traders, p. 116. 21. Ibid. p. 124; EFI 1670-77, pp.345,352. 22. Tapan Ray Choudhary, p. 76 EFI 1651 -4, p. 63. 23. Fatiha-i-Ibriyah, M.S. Bodl. Or 589 in Research library, Deptt. of Histor\', AMU, Aligarh pp.l27a-127b. 24. Ibid. 25. EFI. 1661-4, pp. 395-6. 26. See Susil Chaudhuri;Trade and Commenca! Organisation in Bengal 1650- 1720,pp. 160-1. 27. Shah Shuja had given a nishan in 1 650 which was based on Shah Jahan's forman which granted to the English exemption from rahdari or road dues. Shah Shuja adopted English contention that farman had given the English, exemption from all duties in Bengal. In 1656 it was again confirmed by Shuja, See EFI 1655-60- p.lll. Masters, E, p.21. Similarly in 1672 Shaista Khan confirmed this nishan of Shah Shuja which granted English freedom of trade. See S. Choudhuri, Trade and Commercial Organization, p.31. 28. Fatiha-I-Ibriya, op.cit, ff. 127a-127b. 29. EFI. 1661-64, pp. 395-96. 30. Ibid. p. 395. 31. Ibid. pp. 295-6. 32. Ibid, pp.395, 401. 33. Anjali chatterjee, Bengal in the Reign of Aurangazeb, Calcutta, 1967, p. 136. 34. Shaista Khan asked the Dutch to provide him with ships and also to help him by not trading vv'ith the Arakans, Failing in these conditions, the Dutch trade was threatened to be stopped all over the Mughal Empire. See Fathha-i-Ibriyahl; p. 11 6a. 35. EFI. 1661-64, p. 399. 36. Arasaratnam, Maritime India in the Seventeenth Century, p. 169.

276 END NOTE (Mir Jumla)

1. Cf. Jagadish Naryan Sarkar, The Life of MIR JUMLA, The General of Aurangzeh, Calcutt, ] 95 ], p. 1 2. Ibid; see also, M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeh, revised edn., Delhi, 1997, p. 147 3. Jagadish Narayan Sarkar, p. 2 4. Ibid. p. 3 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid; see also Tapan Raycaudhuri, Jain Company in Coromandl, 1605- J690's Gravenhage, 1962, pp. 46-55; Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Political Economy of Commerce Southern India 1500-1650, Cambridge, 1990, pp 322-323; also see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, 'Persians, Pilgrims and Portuguese: The Travel of Masulipatnam shipping in the Western Indian Ocean, \590-\665\ Modern Asian Studies, 22 (3), 1988, p. 517-518. 7. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, p. 44 8. E.F.I.1642-45,p. 55 9. E.F.I. 1646-50 p. 98 (January 29, 1647) 10. Ibid pp. 137 (July 1647), 139 (July 1647) 11. Ibid p. 166 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid p. 213 15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. E.F.I. 1651-54, p. 12 18. Ibid p. 12 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Jagadish Narayan Sarkar, p. 44 22. E.F.I. 1651-54, p. 12 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid, p.12 25. Ibid., p. 14 26. Tapan Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandal 1605-1690, A Study in the Interrelations of European Commerce and Traditional Economics, Gravinhage, 1962, p. 48 27. Ibid. 277 28. E.F.I. 1651-54, p. 22 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid., pp 22, 101 also see Tapan Raychaudhuri, pp. 48-49 31. Ibid. 32. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 49. But a conflicting version is given in the Enghsh accounts, (seeE.F.I., 1651-54, pp. 22,101). 33. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 49 34. E.F.I. 1651-54, p. 24 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid, p. 3 37. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 49 38. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 49 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 42. Ibid. 43. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 49 44. Ibid., p. 50 45. E.F.I.1651-54,p. 154 46. Ibid, p. 154 47. Tapan Raychaudhuri, 9, p. 50 48. Ibid. 49. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 50 50. E.F.I. 1651-54, p. 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 50 55. Ibid. 56. Ibid. 57. E.F.I. 1651-54, p. 260 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. Ibid. 61. E.F.I. 1655-60, p. 41 62. Ibid. 63. Ibid. 64. Ibid.

278 65, Ibid. 66. Ibid. 67. E.F.I. 1651-54,pp. 232, 235 68. Ibid., p. 239 69. Tapan Raychaudhuri, p. 51 70. Ibid. 71. Ibid. 72. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, pp. 145-146 73. E.F.I. 1655-60, pp. 186-187 74. Ibid pp. 178,186-187,264-65 75. Ibid, p. 273 76. Ibid, p. 67 77. E.F.I. 1661-64, p. 67 78. Ibid. 79. Ibid. pp. 69,70 80. Ibid. pp. 42, 61,68,134,153 81. Ibid.,p.61 82. Ibid. pp. 40,52 83. Ibid p. 58 84. Ibid, p. 57 85. Ibid. 86. Ibid, p. 148 87. Ibid p. 148 88. Ibid, p. 148 89. Ibid. 90. Waqa-i Deccan, ed. Dr. YusufHusain, No. 2 ;, see also M. Athar All, p. 155.

279 CHAPTER-IV TumasH Mmcmhits TURKISH MERCHANTS

Trade between India and the Ottoman Empire was fairly brisk in tlie

seventeenth century. The Red Sea and the Persian Gulf were the two conduits through which Indo-Turkish maritime trade operated during the period of our study. Areas connected with this trade had come under Ottoman control by the end of the sixteenth century. The Turks seized Baghdad in 1534; Aden fell to them in 1538; and then Yemen also came under their control. Thus the Red Sea was by the seventeenth century converted into an "Ottoman lake": ta 1624,

Baghdad was reconquered by the Persians, only to lose them to the Ottomans it m

1638. During this period the caravans had to be directed over a difficult desert route. Access to the Persian Gulf was gained by the Ottomans by taking Basra in

1546. The Portuguese destruction to Ottoman trade with India in the Gulf also came to an end when they were driven out ofHormuz in 1616 by the Persians.'

The Red Sea route was by far the most important. Apart from the control over the major ports and the unification of the trade route leading to the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire, this route had the added advantage of the Haj traffic. It should be kept in mind that the Haj was not just an ordinary annual pilgrimage, but it provided the opportunity for trade on a very large scale. It was regarded as

280 the richest fair in the world. A large number of commodities changed hand in a

very short time. A myriad of people fiom all over the trading world participated in

it. Records of customs reveal that there was a close relationship between the Haj

trade and the Western Coast of India, where Turkish merchants had largely

settled.

According to one estimate, at the turn of the eighteenth century, the trade

from the Red Sea brought to the Mughal Empire about six million rupees, overshadowing all the other imports. Mocha, the most frequented port on the Red

Sea route was considered as the treasure-chest of the Mughals.

The Persian Gulf route went to Basra and from there to Baghdad and

Aleppo. Caravans travelled biannually from Basra to Aleppo i.e. in April and

September, and each caravan consisted of at least 4000 camels. Linschoten has given the breakup of one such caravan going to Aleppo in 1610 loaded with

Indian merchandise. It consisted of 12 merchants, mostly Iranians from Basra and

Baghdad, 10 Indians and a few Venetians. These caravans were heavily guarded by the Ottomans.

According to Tavernier Indian merchants carried to Basra textiles, indigo and other commodities. To this same tovv'n also flock the merchants from Smyrna,

Aleppo, Damascus and Cairo and other ports of Turkey, who buy these

281 commodities from the merclmnts coming from India and load them one camels which they on the spot purchase.

In the second half of the seventeenth century, merchants traveling between the Ottoman Empire and India tried to avoid Iran because of high taxes and moreover due to the losses incurred by the compulsory changing of silver into

Persian currency.' Debased currency circulating in Iran was yet another reason.

In the Persian Gulf they preferred to go the Ottoman controlled Basra. Thevenot tells us of the profits to be made in silver coins at Basra. Francois Martin is also of the opinion that "the commerce of Persia is well diminished all the merchants go Basra.'" In the early eighteenth century, Basra totally eclipsed

Bandar Aabbas.

There were also some Turkish merchants who travelled to Bandar Abbas and from there overland to Isfahan and onwards to Aleppo. There was also an overland route from Bandar Abbas to Istanbul via Erzerum, Trebizond and the

Black Sea.

A third conduit of Indo-Turkish trade was formed by the overland route. A number of routes radiated from the Ottoman Empire to India and most of these crossed the Safavid Empire Taverner has described six routes in detail which led from Qandahar for Iran and the Ottoman Empire.

282 A frequently used route was through northern Iran, through Qazwin and

Tabrez and right up to Turkey. .Ajiother route fairly well used went from

Qandahar to Isfahan was through Men.-', Farrah and Yazd. Those caravans from

Turkey which did not want to go to Isfahan or Hormuz Were at Qazwm to leave direct for the East via Gorgia, Khorasan and Qandahar. Qandahar was a rendeznous for merchants from Turkey, Persia and India. Interestingly, there were

Turkish merchants who sold their goods at Qandahar itself, instead of carrymg them further to India, though they thereby lost a profit of 20%.'*'

As early as 1616 we come across a Challebi acting as a trade agent of

Jahangir, who was sent to Iraq and Iran on the Emperors behalf" In his memoirs

Jahangir has mentioned that in 1616 he had sent Muhammad Hussain Challebi

"with money to go by way of Iraq to Constantinople and buy and bring for the

Sarkar curiosities and rarities." He frirther goes on to write that Muhammad

Husain possessed the necessary knowledge to procure jewels and rarities.

Jahangir felt that it was necessary for Challebi to pay his respects to the Shah of

Iran, so he was entrusted with a letter for Shah Abbas together with a list of things to be obtained from the Safavid Empire.'"

From the letters of Shah Abbas to Jahangir we come to know that Challebi found favour with the Persian monarch and the latter desired to detain him at his

283 court, and accordingly wrote to Jahangir about it. ' The Mughal Emperor in his reply expressed the sentiments that it would be proper if the envoy returned, collected more cash and then went back to Iran.

Similarly the Turkish historian Mustafa Naima has related how Dervish

Muhammad Pasha, who was a Vazir and later on Grand Vazir of the Ottoman

Empire (in mid - seventeenth century) sent his agents to India, Basra and Aleppo, providing to each of them at least four million akces or a hundred purses to buy cloth for him. He needed the cloth for the uniforms of his soldiers and also for giving robes of honour to his nobles. Ibrahim Kunt, basing himself on the information provided by Naima, has written that Dervesh "sent agents to Iran and

India to import luxury items, pearls and other goods which he sent on to be sold in other parts of the empire. This trade in luxury goods alone is reported to have netted him forty million akces a year. He also made a profit on his sales of cloth to the merchants of Baghdad." Owing to the Governors position, the agents did not have to pay customs or transportation charges. After retaining the commodities that he needed, he sold the rest of the cloth to the merchants of

Baghdad to retail. The money that he so obtained covered the initial capital that he had invested.

284 At the turn of the seventeenth century we find Turkish merchants operating in a number of places in especially India - Gujarat. From the English

Factory records we come to know that in 1624, the English had plundered Turkish merchants traveling on a junk to Chaul, as a result they were apprehensive of trading to Mokha."^ These Turks demanded at Surat, 85,000 Rials of eight as compensation on the ground that the ship carried an English pass. The governor

Safi Khan was said by the English to have been promised a bribe of half of the amount recovered and hence these Turkish merchants had his backing as well as of other important merchants. The English in turn had to bribe Safi Khan with an amount as high as 70,000 niahmudis, mainly to defend them against the Turks,

The amount looted from the Turkish merchants must have been much higher.

On the Turkish merchants appeal to Jahangir, the latter asked the English to answer the charges. The judgement v/hich the Mughal Emperor pronounced, is very interesting. He was of the opinion that as the robbery was committed out of his territories and as both parties were foreigners, he could do nothing about it.

The English claim that Asaf Khan and Safi Khan were responsible for swaying the King in their favour. This seems quite possible as the governor of the important port of Surat did play an important part in the affairs of the merchants."*

285 Some time later, in a similar incident, the Mughal admmistration took a

view contrary to the above, mentioned one. A fiilly laden ship of Osman Chelabi

was captured by the Portuguese while returning from Jeddah. The Mughal

administration took up the cause of the Turk merchant, though in this case also,

the piracy was committed outside the Mughal territory.

The Governor after consulting other nobles summoned the Parsi broker

Rustogi and requested him to get the ship released from the Portuguese. As the

Portuguese had approached the Mughals through Rustogi who was their broker,

the latter was asked why the ship of Osman Chelabi was attacked when strict

conditions had been laid out against such acts. Ultimately the ship was released

and handed over to Osman Chelabi, This Turkish merchant was reported to be the

owner of a number of ships. The ship captured had aboard it goods and four lakhs

in cash. Further it was well armed and gave a good fight to the Portuguese. "'

The presence of Turkish merchants in the Mughal Empire can be attested

from a number of contemporary sources, like the Ain of Abul Fazal, the Tiizuk

Jahangiri, European factory records and travellers' accounts like those of

Thevenot, Chardin and Tavernier.

According to "Ashin Das Gupta the Turks were much better organized them Arab or Persian merchants, and were a very closely knit community.

286 Muhammad Challebi and later on his son Ahmad Challebi were leaders of these

merchants in the latter half of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth century."

It is in the latter half of the seventeenth century that we come across the

names of Turkish merchants in Gujarat, Earlier we had references to Turkish

merchants and we knew that they were pretty much involved in the trade of India

but they were generally nameless figures whereas by the end of the century we

come across names like Muhammad Saleh Challebi, Ibrahim Challebi, Ibrahim

Kodsi, Osman Challebi, Sulaiman Challebi, Ahmad Challabi and so on.

Muhammad Challebi was a very important ship owning merchant in

Gujarat whose ships regularly plied to the Red Sea and South East Asia.'^'' He was

a contemporary of Khwaja Minas and Abdul Ghafuor. These three merchants

dominated the Surat mercantile world in the sixties and seventies of the

seventeenth century. In 1672, the English factories note with regret that these

merchants were successfully trading with South East Asia whereas they had not

been able to send any ships to these areas in that season.' The Dutch also

considered Muhammad Challebi to be their rival because both were competing in

the carrying trade to Mokha.

"The English regard him as an eminent old merchants who knew our affairs and customs" A parcel of his was also taken to Gombroon on an English

287 ship, for which no freight was taken. In 1683, this great Turkish merchant was

also instrumental m getting a dispute resolved which concerned the President of

the English East India Company and one of his factors. ^''

In the Anisiil Hajjaj also we find that the author boarded a ship of

Muhammad Challebi in 1676-77 while returning to Surat from Mocha [Jeddah].

This Baghdad ship was called the Salamat Ras. There were rumours that this ship

had been sold to an Afghan by Muhammad Challebi, but the author was doubtful

about this rumour because Muhammad Challebi himself was on the ship and

asking people to board it. This ship had five hundred passengers and reached

Surat a week ahead of all other ships.^^

From the shipping lists of the Dutch records pertaining to the arrivals at

the port of Surat in 1683 we learn that out of nine ships, three belonged to

Muhammad Challebi, three to Abdul Ghafur, two to Shaikh Hamid and one to a

private British merchant. An idea of the importance of Muhammad Challebi can

be gauged from this break up."

Muhammad Challebi and Abdul Ghafiir, the Bohra merchant, were better rivals as both were competitors in the lucrative Red Sea trade. Surat witnessed a number of quarrels between the supporters of Abdul Ghafur and the Turkish merchants. These quarrels generally arose out of small mercantile disputes,

288 especially in the customs house. The Turks whole heartedly supported

Muhammad Challebi.^'

The Turks were so well entrenched at Surat that when Shivaji attacked

their Sarai in 1670, they were successful in repulsing him."^"

In 1670, Turkish merchants claimed that they were not Mughal subjects

and freighted the ship of Osman Challebi so as to bypass the ban of the Dutch

who were blockading Surat. This should not be taken to literally mean that the

Turkish merchants considered themselves an alien merchant community. It was just constraints imposed on mercantile activities that prompted them to employ

this ruse.^'

Usman and Ibrahim Challebi are regularly mentioned in the shipping lists

of the early eightheenth century taken from Dutch records. From Gujarati chhithis

also we come to know that the Turkish merchants were important at Surat. Further that Saleh and Ibrahim Challebi ships were active on the Surat Bengal route.

Ibrahim's ship chartered by the Dutch plied from Surat to Bengal and Batavia.'

In the eighteenth century Haji Ahmad Challebi the son of Muhammad

Saleh Challebi was a touring figure in the polities and trade of Gujarat, second only to the merchant prince Mulla Muhammad Ali. He owned a fleet of light ships which usually plied on the lucrative Red Sea route, i.e. to Mokha and

289 Jeddah. Basra also was a favoured destination. Persian and Dutch records have

chronicled in detail the saga of this Turkish merchant who was operating in

difficult times at Surat when this city was in turmoil, and the administration had

practically collapsed. '

According to the Mimt-i-Ahmadi, Ahmad Challebi's mercantile activities

were on the same level as Mulla Muhammad Ali, the famed merchant prince of

Surat. About 2000 Arabs and Rumis are said to have been maintained by him.'

From the diary of I'timad Khan, we come to know that he traded in sugar,

rosewater tobacco and Egyptian willow. It surprising that no mention is made of

textiles, which was the major export to Red Sea.^^ Ahmad Challebi played an

important part in the politics of Surat. His rivalry with Mullah Muhammad Ali

and his relationship with the Mughal administration are vividly described in

contemporary Persian and Dutch sources. Both he and Muhammad Ali were

competitors in the Red Sea trade." This feud seems to have been handed over

from their respective fathers. Muhammad Ali tried his utmost to ruin Challebi, and even went to the extent of conspiring with the mutasaddi of Surat to get him arrested. But interestingly when it came to representations or agitations against the administration, both these leading merchants presented a combined front.

There were a number of agitations around this time at Surat, owing to the

290 extortions and oppressions of Muglia! officials/'^ The earliest one i.e. in 1723 and

1724 were led by Challebi. At this time Momin Khan was the inutasaddi of

Sural' The Miralul Haqaiq gives a list of the merchants demands, and their approval by Momin Khan. One such concession given was "To Ahmad Challebi,

Rustam Yar Khan and Sidi ' Ambar, an order be given that in case the government officials oppress the people without any cause [he wajah] they would report the matter to the mutassadi so that it may be remedied',''' In 1729 when Ahmad

Challebi was arrested by the Mutassadi, the entire body of merchants came out to support him, including the son of Muhammad Ali, though Muhammad Ali himself was to a certain extent involved in the conspiracy.''"

Challebi had his agents at the imperial court in Delhi. These agents came in useful when Suhrab Khan, the then Mutassadi, was at logger heads with

Ahmad Challebi. They were instrumental in getting orders from the Vazir, stating that there was no case against Challebi and henceforth the mutassadi should behave himself and also furnish a written letter of satisfaction from the Turkish merchant. ' In spite of this the Governor and Muhammad Ali made life difficult for Challebi and the latter had to take refuge at Basra for a couple of years. It should be noted that in spite effacing so much hardship, Challebi chose to return to Surat at the first opportunity, in 1732. By this time the partnership between

291 Muhammad AH and Suhrab Khan had broken down. Ahmad Challebi with

Muhammad Ali played a keyrole in removing Suhrab Khan from his office. When the new governor Tegh Beg Khan later on Tegh Beg Khan batched a conspiracy which led to the imprisonment of Muhammad Ali and to his death, Ahmad

Challebi had apparently a hand in it.'*'' After Muhammad All's death, Ahmad

Challebi reigned supreme at Sural The European records frequently lament that all power was now in his hands.

One of the objects behind the English blockade of the port of Surat in

January 1734 was to break the combination of Ahmad Challebi, Manakji Nouroji and Ghulam Muhammad who were virtually controlling all the affairs of this port

. 44 town.

In early 1735, after the English blockade of Surat in 1734, the Armenian

Khwaja Malik, an agent of the English Company noted that Challebi's men were out to suppress every independent set of merchants in the place, so as to enable him to monopolize the whole trade to himself

It is to be taken note that Armenians and Ahmad Challebi did not get along well. In 1729 in the tussle betvv'een Suhrab Khan and Ahmad Challebi, the

Armenian had taken the side of Suhrab Khan. They had signed on the governors petition against Ahmad Challebi. 292 During the course of the negotiations between the English and the

merchants, Ahmad Challebi emerges as the leader. The merchants also unvariably

assembled at his house for their meetings.

The English factors Robert Cowan and Lowther resented the influence

Ahmad Challebi had over the mutassadi Tegh Beg Khan and in the affairs of the

government. Lowther also calls him a rapacious man and 'an instant' Turk.

Peter Phoonsen, the Dutch Director was also fairly critical of Ahmad Challebi

whom he describes unscruplous, grasping and cunning. "Through the favours of the government and his own grasping nature he has become so proud that he had begun to decide important matters according to his own pleasure, much to the disadvantage of the parties concerned, and this is socially troubling the commonality. It was being publicly said that the Turks are ruling the town almost as its governor, just as the powerful merchant Muhammad Ali used to do under the previous administration.

The picture that emerges is that of an all powerftil Ahmad Challebi who thwarted all attempts of the English and the Dutch to gain the support of the administration. From Dutch sources as well as from the Mirat we gather the information that Ahmad Challebi had looted a considerable part of Suhrab Khan riches when the latters' Treasure was being conveyed away in carriages after he

293 had been dismissed his post of governor. Tegh Beg Khan could not digest this fact.

This episode and the fact that Ahmad Challebi was now disaffected towards the government of Tegh Beg Khan and was trying to incite the merchants against the latter, resulted in his murders in 1736.^° According to the Mirat this

Turkish merchant was a pleasure seeker who indulged in drinking and was killed in his garden where he was making merry with his mistress. His soldiers guarded it on the land side but the assassins got in from the side of the river. Muhammad

Ali clearly states that Tegh Beg Khan had a hand in it, Ahmad Challebi having become too powerful for Teg Beg Khan's comfort. ^'

The Challebis lived life lavishly at Surat, not less than any Mughal noble.

Muhammad Challebi as well as Ahmad Challebi always had a large number of

Turks at their command. When there were quarrels between Muhammad Challebi and Abdul Ghafur, the formers case was immediately taken up by a large number of Turks. In 163 in one such incident, the supporters of Muhammad Challebi contemplated on attack on Abdul Ghafur's house, who was no mean personality.

The latter had to enlist the support of French troops to keep the Turks at bay.

The Challebi had beautiftii gardens in the sub-urbs of this port city. Usman

Challebi's garden was adjacent to the English Company's garden. A number of

294 Mughal officials were guests at this garden. When Tegh Beg Khan was replaced

by another mutassadi he retreated to this garden where he spent twenty days.

Ahmad Challebi's garden was at Jangi port over-looking the river Tapti.''' There a

number of references m \\\Q Miratul Haqaiq to meetings and celebrations held in

this garden. A number of important personages were guests at this garden. In fact

every outgoing and incoming governor was entertained here. It was also the place

where Ahmad Challebi was murdered.'

The house in which the English Company had their factory had been rented from a Turkish merchant called Haji Hejaz Baig. A beautiful house and

Church at Surat built by the Capuchian Friare was also supposedly in the name of a Turkish merchant called Challebi. Tavernier who had contributed towards the construction of it holds the view that it was so because the Europeans were not allowed to own houses in their name.

These Turkish merchants were woven into the wrap and weft of Indian

Society. They were considered Mughal subjects in the true sense of the world, and not as an alien community settled in the Mughal Empire. Ahmad Challebi was as much an Indian as Mulla Muhammad AH. The trials and tribulations which

Ahmad Challebi faced ai Surat was not of a result of his being a foreigner, but

295 because of the sheer cut-throat competition in the mercantile world of this port town.

As far the commodities dealt with by the Turkish merchants they were not just meant for the Ottoman market but also for onward transportation to Europe,

We may assume that the assume Turkish merchants in carrying on the trade, they must have followed the same pattern as the other Asian groups.

A contemporary traveller has given a very clear description (for the latter half of the seventeenth centur>') of the imports into the Ottoman - controlled port of Basra for onward transportation to other parts of Turkey and to Europe, "Over forty ships from India come to that port every year loaded with fine clothes, iron, timber, chillies, sealing wax, amber, cinnamon, cloves, walnut and manioc, benzoen and other stuff which flow into Turkey and from there into Italy and

France, through the ships of foreigners trading in Aleppo, Tripoli and Smyrna . . .

. , . The merchants established there are so wealthy that, if 200 ships arrive there, they will lead them all within a month.

Fryer also observes that at Surat, in February the Basra ships and in

August the Jeddah fleet from the Red Sea exported great quantities of indigo, cotton, cotton yam and silks, and 'send them to the caphalays waiting on them overland.'

296 In the sixteenth century, spices were important, but gradually from the seventeenth century onwards, textiles became the predominant export from India.

The other important exports included indigo.^^ steel''", and timber ^'\

After the 1620's the spices seem to have been reaching Europe across the

Atlantic because of the Dutch monopoly. In spite of this Braudel feels that spices could not have been just been eliminated from the overland trade across West

Asia."

Gilles Veinstein has given a very comprehensive list of Indian fabrics mentioned in Ottoman documentation. The entries number of more than a hundred and include cottons, muslins, chintzes, woolens, silk etc. They mainly belong to the seventeenth century. In the seventeenth century Tavernier also observed that the coloured calicoes of Sironj called 'chintz' were very popular, and all the common people of Persia and Turkey were clad in it. '

In 1690 it was estimated by the English that "the movement of chintzes to the Red Sea and of the Armenians, Persians, Arabs, Kurds and other people from

Basra normally represented five times those of the English and the Dutch.

The English factors also frequently noted vv'hat textiles were in demand in

Turkey. For example, in the 1620's large quantities of white sashes such as

297 guidars [guldars] ferhautance [Farhat Khani], kushkushee [the colour of poppy heads] and Sursalles," were transported to Turkey.'

Suraiya Faroqhi links the import of Indian Textiles into Turkey with the

loss of the dynamism of the Turkish textile industry. She feels that the low wages of the Indian artisans made it difficult for the Ottoman cloth to compete favourably with the Indian.'' Gilles has contested this theory.' She has suggested that the rise in Indian textile production should be seen in the context of increased

Ottoman demand. Giles, indeed, argues that that the India textile imports never hindred domestic production by depriving it of domestic and foreign outlets, but on the contrary gave it a stimulus by providing it with patterns. Number of imitations of the Indian varieties were made in the Ottoman Empire.

As for imports, horses have remained the favourite item of import down the ages. In fact, apart from horses, the other imports were hardly of any consequence. As India hardly needed anything from Turkey, apart from horses, the balance was made up of silver. This state of affairs made the Turkish historian

Naima to lament that "we spend enormous seems merchandise from India, but the

Indians do not buy anything from the Ottoman territories; and they find nothing they need here and so the wealth of the world gets concentrated in

India.

298 Thevenot has also expressed a similar sentiment, "ail the gold and silver

which circulates throughout the world, at last centres here. It is well known that as

much of it as comes out of America, after running through several kingdoms of

Europe, goes partly into Turkey, for several sorts of commodities; and partly into

Persia, by the way of Smyrna for silk. Now the Turks not being able to abstain

from coffee , nor Persia, Arabia and the Turks themselves to go without the

commodities of India, send vast quantities of money to Mokha on the Red Sea near Bahel Mandel, to Bassora at the bottom of the Persian Gulf; and to Bander

Abbas and Gombroon, which is afterwards sent over in ships to Indostan." "

An idea of the volume of silver coming to India can be gauged from the fact that when a Basra ship coming, laden to India was confiscated at Bandar

Abbas, it had 24 metric tons of silver in Spanish reals aboard it which mainly belonged to Armenian and Turkish merchants. This is a staggering figure if you keep in mind that the total imports of India around this time were reckoned to be

32.2 metric tones, Shireen Moosvi has estimated it to be 2.5 to 3 million rupees

77 for the first quarter of the seventeenth century.

We hardly have any information regarding commercial techniques like types of partnerships, loans, interest rates and so on, apart from the use of the bills of exchange by Turkish merchants. There is a significant passage by Tavemier 299 which shows how these exchange went from Surat to Turkey and onwards to

Europe.

"There are Turkish and Armenian merchants who borrow money at Surat to return it an Gombroon, and they take it otherwise {from three} for Isfahan, and they do likewise at Isfahan for Erzeixim and Babylon, paying the old by the new that borrow at each place. Money taken at Erzerum was paid at bursa or at

Constantinople or Smyrn, that taken at Baghdad was paid at Aleppo, and as there are many Armeninan and even some Turkish merchants, who being at

Constantinople and Smyrna, wanted to move to {go to} Leghorn of Venince, take money first at these two towns to pay the earlier loans, and return to these tow when they are at stay. I have always taken account in my journal, that taking money at Golconda for upto Leghorn or Venice, change by change comes back at the lowest 95% but more often it goes to ] 00% and this is all have to say on this matter". "'

It is difficult to locate the regions from where the Turkish merchants in

India came from. We just know that they were from territories within the Ottoman

Empire. According to Dr. Refai the Challebies were from Mosul in Iraq. He has cited the evidence in xhtAlna-i-Manusfi Ehwal-i-Idris to prove this. Muhammad

Challebi also described himself as Baghdadi and his ship was called the

300 auspicious Baghdadi ship by the author of Anisul Hajjaj. Apart from this we have

interesting infonnation in a couple of documents found in the Bengal Public

Consultations. One document pertains to the year 1720. A Turkish merchant

called Haji Muhammad Obdeen had died at Fort William Calcutta in Dec. 1719.

On the request of a number of Turks, the deceased merchant's effects were taken

in safe custody by the officials of the English Company, untill the family friends

of the deceased claimed it. It is clearly mentioned that the family and friends of

Haji Obdeen lived in Jeddah.

The accounts of this Turkish merchant Haji Mehmed Abdul alias Obdeen were audited by the Company. Payments were made by the Company's officials to the servants of the said merchant, including their wages and petty expenses. To have servants working for him shows that the merchant was a substantial one. The rent of the house was also paid from his account and it came to Rs.l 1/-. A very interesting point which comes to light is that the Turk was being treated by an

English physician called Dr. Coults. Under the debit charges there is listed a payment of Rs.l 00/- on account of this doctor's bill. The cash found in the chest of the deceased merchant was in the shape of abbasis (Rs.5,891.26), sequins

(Rs.l,488.12) and Mahmudis (Rs.l54/-). Apart from this amount, cash was also received on his account after his death. It was from Haji Mahmud Bagdatee

301 {Baghdadi} and Coja Abdul Careem. The first name is in itself suggestive of the nationality of the person. As for Cojah Abdul Careem, from the testimony presented by Haji Abdul Wahab (brother of the deceased merchant), it is clear that the amount was sent from Gombroon by Haji Careem's son, Haji Camlatt, through an English captain to be deliverd to Haji Muhammad Obdeen at Calcutta.

By the time the money was delivered, the merchant had died. Haji Careem's son testified in Aleppo that this money was to be treated as that of Haji Obdeen's and, handed over to his heirs. The brother of the deceased merchant, Haji Abdul

Wahab came to Calcutta in Aug. 1722, with a certificate from the British Consul at Aleppo which certified that Abdul Wahab had produced two Turkish documents proving that he had been authorized by the heirs of Haji Obdeen (his mother Omina, his son Asad Challebi and daughter Fatima) to collect the effects of his brother, which had been deposited with the English for safe keeping. The amount which came to Rs.l 1,771/- was handed over to him on 25 August, 1722.

Another such document concerns Syed Mustafa, a Turkish merchant who died at Calcutta in Feb. 1722. President Deene and John Surman were his trustees.

The deceased merchants brother-in-law arrived from Jeddah on an English ship,

Prince George, in 1725 to claim the amount left by the deceased. He brought a letter from Abraham Hanyan "Ambassador extra-ordinary at the Ottoman port",

302 which stated that Omran Challebi was appointed by the relations and heirs of

Mustafa AH to collect what belonged to the later. The sum amounted to

Rs. 11,222/- 8 annas and 6 paisas. Theletter from Hanyan was drafted at

Constantinople on 25' July 1724. It clearly states that Mustafa Ali was 'a Turk merchant born here'. Te relatives and heirs of the deceased merchant had in his presence authorized Haji Omer, his son-in-law to collect the effects belongmg to

Mustafa Ali which were in the custody of the English Officials at Calcutta.

Hanyan wrote that "The Vazir havmg desired me to recommend this man to your justice and favour, I could not, but comply with his request and accordingly beg you to put him m possession of what belongs to him, which 1 shall take as a favour shown [to me]". The Vazir and the English Ambassador taking a personal interest in this matter leads one to the conclusion that the Turkish merchant and his heirs had some status at the capital of the Ottoman Empire.

From the Miratul Haqaiq, we came to know that Ahmad Challebi also acted in the capacity of the (agent) Vakil of the Sharifs of Makkah. In 1725 he was replaced by a person called Haji Ahmad Abdul Alhad. We unfortunately do not know for how long Challebi had functioned as Vakil, Earlier in 1652-53 also it had been one Ali Challebi to be precise who was sent to the Mughal Empire as the Vakil of the Shareef

303 The Shanfs of Makkah ruled under Ottoman sovereignty over Makkah and

Madinah, focal points of the Haj Pilgrimage. Jeddah, an important port for the

trade of the Red Sea was also under the Shanfs jurisdiction. The revenues from it

were divided between the Sharif and the Ottoman rulers. The sharifs were further

exempted from all taxes and dues.

The Mughal Emperors out of religious fervour and piety apart for gifts,

sent large amounts of money to the Sharifs of Makkah. From 1622 onward these

royal donations were laid out in commodities for the Red Sea trade and the capital

and the profits accruing were to be disturbed amongst the poors and needy.

During the time of Shahjahan there are numerous reference to this commerce, hi

1645 Rs. 100,000 worth of goods were sent by the Emperor which fetched a cent

percent profit on the Makkah markets. Apart from this a cash gift of Rs. 50,000

77 was sent to the Sharif After this mission we find that this standard practice was to send commodities worth the amount of gift to the Sharif instead of cash. By the time of Bahadur Shah (] 707-] 2) these grants took the shape of annual subsidy of Rs. 100,000/-to the Sharif In 1 716-1 717 Haji Saleh was sent by the Sharif to request Farrukhsiyar to continue the subsidy as was done earlier. The king ordered that the amount should be paid annually out of the Surat treasury. The 78 agent was handed over the subsidy which was due for the current year. The

304 agents of the Sharif could now procure commodities at Surat itself i.e. they now

become a part of the maritime trade being earned out between Surat and the Red

Sea. It was so lucrative that sendmg an envoy to collect the subsidy was no longer

sufficient; the Sharif appointed a permanent representative in Surat whose main

job was to look after the commercial interests of the Sharif, apart from collecting

the subsidy and remitting it to Makkah.

A number of missions were sent by the Sharifs to the Mughal Emperors

during the period of our study. Apart from gaining advantage of the Emperors

generosity, these missions gave the agents and the people associated with it a

chance to carry on trade on a privileged basis. Being agents of the Sharif they

would have been accorded preferential treatment regarding customs, transport,

etc. on both sides the Ottoman and the Indian. As Bernier has so rightly observed

(of the Sharifs Embassy in 1665), the chief object was to obtain money in return

for the presents which the Ambassador got and to "gain still more considerable

sums by means of numerous horses, and different articles of merchandise which

they introduced into the kingdom free of duty, as property belonging to all

Ambassadors".

1. See Gilles Vein.stein: Commercial Relations between India and the Ottoman Empire and S. Farooqui,i4ri Economic a)\d Social History of the Oloman Empire, Merchmits, V.2, pp.5!6-7./l»i Econ and Social Dietary of the Olloman Empire V.2, 1600-1914. CO. p. 1994, pp.516-7.

305 ^ Sec Ashin Das Gupta "India and the Indian Ocean in the eighteenth centuPi'" India and the Indian Ocean 1500-1800 ed. Ashin Das Gupta and M.W. Pearson, PUP, 1987. " Van Hinsehoten; The Voyaj^cnfJolm Huyghen van Unscholen to ihc East Indies, 2 Vols. cd. Buntcll London 1885, V.l,pp.47-50. Tavemier, p.200. We have to consider not only lire trade carried by Turkish merchants from India to the Ottoman Empire and vice-versa, but also take into consideration, the exchanges which the Ottomans were making at the port towns of the Persian Gulf and Red Sea. as well as in the frontier towns such as Alcpjx) and Ereerum. Tavemier, Travels in India, V.l, p. 19. The merchant.s tried to con\ey the mone\' through Per.sia without being diseovered because conversion to Abba.sis and then to llie refrees in India inejint a loss of 10'/4% to the merchimt on account on coverage and dues which he has to j^ay in Persia. Thevenot; Indian Travels P. Chaidin, V.3, p. 128-135. According to both Charden and Ta\'ernier the ta.\ in nnnting (Slegiieo\'agc Tax) was 7'/;% m Iran. Charden said it was the highest in tlie world. Chardin has st;iled that the linglish and Dutch in the last quarter of the seventeenth Centuri' gave debased coins to Turkish merchants who they thought were simple and could easily be incked. The coins called Timmins were specially debased for trade in the Levant. They had flooded the Ottoman marks before being detected. Ina McCabe is of the opinion that this factor should be borne in mind when debasement of silver in Iran is talked about, because both these were ver,' closely interlinked. See Ina McCabe, p.163. Francois Martin, V.l, p.220. Godinho, p.122. It is thickly populated by a hundred thousand inhabitants namely Siaks, Turks who gather there on the account of the trade with India. Tavemier, Travels to India, V. 1, p.73. See Six Voyages, I, pp.69-80.

'Purchas,V.4,p.273. 10. Tuzuk,p.237-8. In the list were mentioned good turquose and mumiya (bitumen) from Isfahan. '" Riazul Islam, CaI.I.p.l78,J.70. ''' Ibid,p.l87,J.78.

^'^ EFI. 1624-29, p.36. '' Ibrahim M. Kunt, Darvis Mehmed Pa,sa, Turcica V)ll. pp. 197-214. "^Ibidp.58.

" Ibid. p.59. '** J.J. Modi "Rustom Mannock" JBRRAS 1930 p.38 and p.! 57. ''Ibid. 20 Ashin D'is Decline ofSurat, p.76. 21 Muhammad Chelabi has aLso been called Muhammad Chclabi Baghdadi in Dutch records, Ashin Das Gupta, p.85. Ill addition to the Anisul Hajjaj Muhammad Chelabi's ship is called the auspicious Baghdadi ship. Anisul Hajjaj, p.53. Dr. Rejai Basin I himself on Aina-I-Manus fi Ehel-I-Idrees says that the Challebis came from Mosul in Iraq came to Indu during the reign of Aurangzeb. Refai, pp.301.See Ashin Das Gupta. Decline ofSurat, EFL 1670-77, pp.226-6, p.76 and p. 100.

306 iV/iraliil 1 laqaiq 1.211 a, Anisiil 1 iaxjaj, p,53,

EFI 1670-77, pp.225-6. Muhainmad Challebi's ship (('V/fyme was trading to Qucda in 1672.

'''lbid,p.226. ^'Ibid. V.3,168.3, p.311. ' Ani.sul Majjaj p.53. 27. See Ashin Das ''Decline of Sural" p. 100 28. "Decline of Surat^'p.78. 29. r-Fl 1670-77. pp. I 95-6. (Location ofSeniir) 30. Ashm Das, Decline of Sural p.77, All Muhammad KLhiui, V.2, Calcutta, 1927. 3 1. These chitliis me presen'ed ni llie bibliotheque Nationalc, Pans They ate catalogued under M.S.Indian Gujtu'ati, 979. Dilbagh Singh and Rajshirkc: "The Merchant communities at Sural " Ports and llieir Hinterlands in hidia 1700-1950 ed. Indu B;uiga. p. 1 88. 32. .I.S.Modi, Oisseh Rustom Mannock. Taveniier. v. 1, p.6-7. 33. Mirat-e-Ahniadi, v.2, p. 176. 'iA.Mirat-e-Haqaiq, ff. 287b-427b. 35. Mtra(-e-Haqaiq.ff. 192b,258b,259a,287a,287a. 36. Miral-I-Ahmadi. v.2, Calcutta, 1927. M.S. Bdol. Fraser, No. 124 I'tmad Ah Khiin, ! have used the microfilm m the Department of the AMU. Doulch sources have been quoted from Ashin Das Gupta, Dechne of Sural. 37. Miral-i-Ahmadi, vol. 2, p. 176 Phoonsen, The Dutch Company at Sural noted that Ahmad Chellabi always had 1000 Turkish soldiers in his employment. 3^.MiratulHaqalq S. 21 la-402b. 39. Miralul Haqaiq ff. 269b, 270a, There was a severe clash between the groups of thse two at Kachri Jhapat. Ashin Das Gupta has beautifully etched out the enemily betwen these Xwo inerchantile giants in his book "Decline of Sural". 40. Miralul Haqaiq 11 235a-236b, 64a, 362a-363a-64a, 419b,421a-b, 422a-b, 455a. 41.M.H -f23Sa,263a-64b. 42. M.H. 237a. 43.M.H. 419b. 44. See "Decline of Sural" p.208. 45. Ibid., There were a number of attempts to haw him arrested in 1730. Me probabl\- left at the end of 1730 and relumed on Pebruaiy 1732. See "Decline ofSuirii". 46. Alirai II p.ll6. 47. See 'Decline of Sural" p.208. 48.1bid.,p.251-254. 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid,, p.254. hi a letler from Lowtlier to Cowim. S.F.R., 18, p. 109. 51. Ibid., p.241, hi the Council Minutes of 24 .Ian. 1735, K.A. 2185. pp.563-4.

307 52. Ivlirat-i-Ahmadi, pp. 1 76-177 53. Ibid. SA.MiratullIaqaiq f.287b.,.365b,37Sb,,185b,8r)a,; Minit-i-Ahm:icli, pp. 1 76-7. 55. Miral-i-Ahmadi, p.204, (l()63a). 56. I am not dcaliny. in detail witli commodities because they have already been dealt witli Ihc second chapter. 57.Godinhop.I24. 58.FiyerV.l,p.282. 59. Indigo was essential for tlie Ottoman textile industr)' and wa.s the costliest dye in the seventeentli ccntuiy. 60. The steel fi'om India reached Europe in such quantities through Turkey in came to be called Damascene steel. See the second chapter for details. 61. There was a great shortage of timber at Basra because of non-availabilil)' of good timber in Turkey and Persia. Indiiui timber was veiy constly and sold by the merchants. See Godinlio, p. 123. 62. Braudel, The Perspectives of the World, p.479. 63. F. Faroqhi,,4n Eco)wmic and Social Histoiy of the Ottoman Empire, C.U.P. 1 994. p.476. 64. Gilles Veinslein Mercliants, Companies and Trade, p. 107. 65. Ibid., pp.113-15, 66. Tavemiero, I, p.46. 67. K.N. choudhari, Trading World of Asia, ]i.246. 68. EFI (1625-29) p.102. 69. Naima... 70. Thevcnot, p.240. 71. Sanson, pp 159-61. 72. S. Moos\-i 73. Tanemies Des six Vavagcs. 74. Bengal I'ublic Con.sultations f. 1 16 9/16 f 226 n. i/4; f 95 p.l/5;j 96 P/1/5. 75.1bid^, f 116p/16. 16. EFI 1622-23 pp. xx, 144, 171, Jahangir m 1620 sentRs.200,000 to Canbay to be mvested m goods for the Red Sea Trade. The proceeds were to be sent to Mecca. 77. Ibid., 1637-4f pp.99-100 Badshahnama vol.1, p.I. HakimSadra and Khwaja Jahan were intrusted witli merchandise worth Rs.240-000, to sell goods at Mecca and to distribute the profit there. See Naimur Rahmad Farooqi Mughal Ottoman Relations, pp 107-14. 78. See Naimur Rahmad I'arqoqi Mughal Ottoman Relations, pp. 107-1423. 79. Ibid.

308

Conclusion

Having offered detailed studies of the three major groups of the West Asian merchants operating in Mughal India, we are in a position to mark some of the specific characteristics of each group. The Armenians, the group on which our information is so considerable, were, perhaps, the most ethnically narrow-based group of the three, being defined by their language (Armenian) and religion

(Christianity). The geographical locale from which they came was even more restricted - not Armenia itself, but the Armenian settlement near Isfahan ('New

Julfa') and Shiraz, the two well-known Iranian cities. Beyond this they were marked by a worldwide commercial network based on their fraternity - small in numbers but most widely spread. This very network seems to have been their source of capital. Their trading capital did not clearly originate out of fiscal revenues, for they held practically no political power, but out of commercial profits alone. They were in a true sense, a really independent commercial group.

At times, as individuals or family firms they started with a small capital, but then went on to build up a substantial amount of capital, ploughing it back into commerce.

309 The Persians were also an ethnic group, who like the Annenians had a religious identity (Shi'ism). But they came from various places in a much larger country, their mutual ties being, therefore, less strong. They did not possess a worldwide commercial network, and their credit and commercial practices were far less advanced than those of the Armenians. Their advantage lay in their deep roots in Safavid administration and an important position in the Mughal administration unlike the Armenians, they were able to acquire much capital from their earnings as officials of government in both Iran and India. In such cases commerce was a supplementary source of income in return for capital invested in it out of their politically acquired wealth. Very largely, they operated as individuals rather than as family firms. The Persians easily mingled with the nobility and in Iran, married into high families, and assimilated into the aristocracy so that the commercial classes shaded into the ruling classes. Their participation in trade depended upon their position in Iranian and Mughal aristocracy, on the one hand, and the economic strength of the Safavid Empire, on the other. In this case, therefore, commerce was closely dependent upon the prosperity of these two Empires.

As far as Turkish merchants are concerned, they are called Turkish by us because they belonged to the Ottoman Empire. They could belong to Egypt,

310 Syria, Iraq or Kurd areas, as well as Turkey, and so be speakers of Arabic,

Persian, Kurdish or Turkish. Thus they were not linguistically or ethnically

homogenous. They were probably largely Sunnis, though one may not be

surprised if some, at least, were actually Shias. Their trade was largely restricted

to that between India, on the one hand, and the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea on the other. They were not important in Bengal or the Coromandel. How well they were connected to the government is not veiy clear. There were certainly too few of them in official Mughal administration to give them support. Within Ottoman

Empire, they might initially have enjoyed income from official posts (like the

Chalebis), but in most cases they are found to be devoting themselves exclusively to commerce.

From a study of the operation of the groups it is forcefully brought home to us that trade in hidia was largely open and free. There was no obstruction to foreign merchants either on ethnic or religious grounds. Even if one hears of local monopolies here and there, the essential principle which the Mughal government tended to accept, was that trade should be unfettered and even the taxes reasonable. This was the reason why the Armenians in spite of being Christian, had such a free range of activities.

31 Foreigners could easily make use of India's own indigenous commercial and

banking institutions that castes like Banyan, Khatris and Chitties had so much

developed. The system of brokerage {dallali) so well established in India made

collaboration between foreign and Indian merchants and financiers a smooth and

routine process. These two factors were to a major extent responsible for these foreign groups to operate with such success in Mughal India.

The question of the "Asiatic Trade Revolution" first posed by Steensgaard is very relevant to the circumstances in which these foreign merchants could attain such success. Steensgaard argued that the European Companies with their greater command over information and communication were able in course of time to drive out the Asian merchant.s, who though numerous, were basically 'peddlers', moving more like herds than as calculating - commercial firms. We have seen, however, that no such eviction of Annenian, Iranian and Turkish merchants at all came about during the seventeenth century, clearly, this was because through brokers and the community networks such as the Armenians built up, these seeming peddlers had access to information as well as very sophisticated credit and insurance instruments. In many ways, they were in a more entrenched position than the factors of the European Companies. Illustrative of their resilience is the manner in which, in the latter seventeenth century, the

312 Armenians, Iranians and Turks appear as ship-owners whose vessels were not

only important in the Arabian Sea trade, but were also bent on opening up South-

East Asia for Indian commerce.

One must remember too that the West Asian merchants operated with low

overhead costs and were often satisfied with lower profit margins than the over­

staffed European Companies. In any 'Free Trade' situation the European

Companies could hardly compete with them; and this was particularly the reason why force had to become the major economic weapon of the Companies. The fortunes of commerce shifted in the eighteenth century, not because of any organizational weaknesses of these Asian merchants but because of the use of force by the European Companies. The great days of the West Asian merchants in

Indian seas were, practically over by the time the nineteenth centur}' began.

313 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Persian Sources:

Abul Fazl, Ain-i- Akha^ed. Blochman, 2 Vols, Bib, Ind. Calcutta, 1867- 77, tr. V.I. Blochman, Vols. 2 and 3 H.S. Jarett, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Cal. 1927.

Safibin Wall Qazwini (Mulla) Safiuddin) Anis-ul Hijaj 1 have used a transcript of the manuscript available in the Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh.

Fatiha-i-Ibriya, M.S. Bodl or 589, in the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, A.M.U., Aligarh

Riazul Islam, A Calendar of Documents on Indo-Persian Relations, (1500- 1750) Tehran/Karachi, 1982.

Ali Mohammad Khan, Mirat-i- Ahmadi (1761), ed. Nawab Ali, Baroda, 1927-28-2 Vols. & Supplement

Itimad Ali Khan, Miratul Haqaiq, Bodleian Library, Oxford, Fraser no. 124 (account dated 14 lulHijya, 1138 A.H.)

Amin Qazwini, Badshah Nama transcript of the Reza Library, MS (Rampur) is in Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh. Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ed. S. Ahmad, Gazipur and Aligarh 1863-4.

Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh, ed. Zafar Hasan, Delhi, 1918.

Abdul Hamid Lahori, Badshahnama, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1866-72.

Mohammad Waris, Badshahnama, formerly vol. 3 of Lahori's work transcript of Raza Library (Rampur) MS. in the Deptt. of History.

Mohammad Salih Kamboh, Amal-i-Salih, ed. Ghulam Yazdani, 3 vols. Calcutta, 1932. European Sources:

Tome Pires, The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires (1512-15), 2 Vols. Ed. & tr. Armando Cortesao, Hakluyt Society, London, 1944.

J.H. Van Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten to the East Indies, from the old English translation of 1598, ed. A.C. Burnell (Vol. II), Hakluyt Society, Vols. 70-1, London, 1885.

Early Travels in India (1583-1619), ed. W. Foster, London, 1927. Gives the narratives of Fitch (pp. 1-47), Mildenhall (pp. 48-59), Hawkins (pp. 60- 121), Finch (pp. 122-87), Withington (pp. 188-233) Coryat (pp. 234-87), and Terry (pp. 288-332).

Letters Received by the East India Company from its servants in the East, 1602-17, 6 vol. I, ed. Danvers; Vols. II-VI ed. W. Foster, London, 1896- 1902. Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrims (orig. pub. 1613-26). James Machochose & Sons, Glassgow, 1907, 20 vols.

The English Factories in India & c. 1618-69, ed. W. Foster, 13 Vols., Oxford, 1906-27.

Sir Charles Fawcett, The English Factories in India; New Series, 4 vols. Oxford, 1954.

Pietro della Valle, The Travels of Pietro Delia Valle in India (1623-24), 2 vols., Hakluyt Society, No. 94 (LXXXIV) tr. G. Hovers (1664) ed. Edward Grey, London M.D. LLLXCII (1892).

Francisco Pelsaert, "Remonstrantie", c. 1626, tr. Moreland and Geyl, Jahangir'sIndi,; Cambridge, 1985; Reprint, Delhi, 1972.

Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, Vol. II; Travels in Asia, ed, R.C. Temple, Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, No. XXXV, London, 1914.

F.S. Manrique, Travels of Fray Sebastian Manrique, 1629-43, tr. C.E. Luard, Hakluyt Society, London, 1927.

Jean de Thevenot, Accounts of India, in Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri, tr. & ed. S.N. Sen, National Archives of India, New Delhi. Fancois Bernier, Travels in the Mughal Empire, 1656-68, tr. A. Constable, revised V.A. Smith, London, 1916.

Collections of English records compiled by C.R. Wilson, Early Annals of the English in Bengal, 2 Vols., London, 1900.

The Abbe Carre journal, Englsih tr. lady Fawcett, The Travels of Abbe Carre in India and the Near East,\612-4, ed. Sir Charles Fawcett and Richard Burn, 3 Vols,, Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, XCV-XCVIl, London, 1947 and 1948.

John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia being Ninteen Tears Travels, 1672-8, ed. W. Crooke, 3 Vols., Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, XIX & XXXIX, London, 1909, 1912 & 1915.

Nicolao Manucci Storia do Hogor, 1656-1712, tr. W. Irwin, 4 Vols. Indian Text Series, Government of India, London, 1907-8.

Streynshan Master, The Diaries of Streynshah Master, 1675-80 & other contemporary papers relating therets, ed. R.C. Temple, Indian Records Series, 2 Vols., London, 1911.

Alexandar Hamilton, A New account of the East Indies, ed. W. Foster 2 Vols, 2 Vols., London, 1930.

Bengal Public Consultations (BPC), Mocrofilm, National Archives, Delhi

J. Chardin, Sir John Chardin 's Travels in Persia, London, 1927.

Thomas Coryat, Early Travels in India 1583-1619, ed. Foster, London, 1921 Robert Coverte, A True and Almost Incredible Report of an Englishman... London, 1612

Forrest, ed. Selection from the Letters, Despatches and other State Papers Proceed in the Bombay Secretariat, Bombay, 1887

William Foster, (ed.). The Embasy of Sir Thomas Roe to Indian 1615-19, London, 1926.

ni Anthony Jenkinson, Early Voyages and Travel to Russia and Persia,Qds. Morgan and Coot, 2 vols., London, 1886.

Records of Fort St. George, Diary and Consultation Book of J 690, Madras

George Roques' Memoir MS., Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Fond Francies 14614.

Denison Ross and Eleen Power Jahangir and the Jesuits from the Relations ofFr. Rernao Guerriro, tr. Payne, London, 1930

Paul Schwartz, Printing on Cotton at Ahmadabad, India in 1678, Ahmedabad, 1969

J.B. Tavernier, Les Six Voyages de Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Paris, Microfilm a the Indian Council of Historical Research Library, New Delhi (The Research Library of the Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh has a Xeroxed copy of it.

Jean Baptist Tavernier, Tavernier's Travels in India (1640-67), (1) trans. John. Philips, London, 1677; facsimile reprint, Calcutta, 1905; (2) trans. V. Ball, 2 vols. London, 1889; (3) Ball's trans., revised and ed. W. Crooke, London, 1925.

Lucas anandesi. Treasure of Measures, Weights, Numbers and Currencies of the entire ^or/c/(translated title), Amsterdam, 1699

Modern Works:

S. Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companies and Commerce on the Coromondel Coast 1650-1740, Delhi, 1986

^Maritime India in the Seventeenth Century, Delhi, 1994.

Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the latter Middle Ages, Princeton, 1983.

Fernand Braudel, Wheels of Commerce, tr. Renolds Sondon, 1982.

John Bruce, Annals of the Honourable East India Company for the year 1688-1689, 3 vols. London, 1810.

Anjali Chatterjee, Bengal in the Reign ofAurangzeb, Calcutta, 1967. iv K.N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the EngUsh East India Company, 1660-1760, Cambridge, 1978.

Sushil Chaudhury, The Rise and Dedine of Hugh - A port in Medieval Bengal Bengal Past and Present, Vol 86, 1967, P. 33-67.

-, Trade and Commercial Organisation in Bengal, 1650-1770, Calcutta, 1975.

, "Merchants, Companies and Rulers in Bengal in the Eighteenth Century", Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XXIX, No. 2, 1988.

, " Khwaja Wazid in Bengal Trade c. 1740-60' on Indian Historical Review, Vol. XVI (1-2), July 1989 & January 1990.

Philip Curtin, Cross Cultural Trade in World History, Cambridge, 1984.

Naimur Rahman Farooqui, Mughal Ottoman Relations. 1556-1748, Delhi, 1989

S. Farooqui, An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Vol 2, 1600-1914, 1994.

Holden Furber, rural Empires of Trade in the Orient 1600-1800, Delhi, 1990

S. Gopal, Indians in Russia in the 17th and 18th Centuries, New Delhi/Calcutta, 1986.

^ 'Some Treding Activity of Indian in Russia in the Eighteenth Century', Indian History Congress, Delhi, 1992

, Armerian Traders in India in the 17^^ Century, ed. A Guha, 1980.

Ashin Das Gupta, Indian Merchants and the Decline of Surat, C 1700-1750, Wiesliaden, 1979.

Ashin Das Gupta and M.N. Pearson, ed. India and the Indian Ocean 1500- 1800 Calcutta, 1987.

V , "India and the Indian Ocean in the Eighteenth Century" in Ashin Das Gupta and M.N. Persion, eds. India and the Indian Ocean, 1500- 1800, Delhi, 1987.

Irfan Habib, 'Banking in Mughal India', Contributions to Indian Economic History, I, ed. Tapan Raychaudhari, Calcutta, 1960.

, 'Usury in Medieval India', Comparative Studies in Society and ///5tory Vol. VI, No 4. 1964.

, 'The System of Bills of Exchange (Hundis) in the Mughal Empire', P././/.C 1972

—, Atlas of the Mughal Empire, Delhi, 1982.

Najaf Haider, "Global Networks, of Exchange, the India Trade and the Mercantile Economy of Safavid Iran" in Irfan Habib. Ed. The Growth of Civilizations in India and Iran: A Shared Heritage, Delhi, 2002. Jackson and Lochart, ed. Canbridge History of Iran, Cambridge, 1968.

Farhat Hasan, ' Persian Records on the English East India Company', read at I.C.H.R. Seminar on Historiography in Mughal India and Central Asia, March 2005.

Lvon Khachikian, The Ledger of Hovhannes Joughayetsi, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1966.

Ibrahim M. Kunt, 'Dervis Mehmed Pasa', Turcica, 1977.

Encylopedia of Islam, ed. Gibb. Kramers, Levi-Provincial and Shaeht, London, 1960

M. Aghassian and K. Kevonian "The Armenian Merchant Network" in Merchants Companies and Trade ed. Sushil Chaudhury & M. Marineau, Cambridge, 1999

M.M. Postan, Medieval Trade and Finance, Cambridge, 1973.

Om Prakash, 77?^ Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, Princeton, 1985

VI D.S. Richards, Islam and the Trade of Asia: CoUoquim, Oxford, 1970

J.M. Seth, Armenians in India: from the earliest times to the present day, Calcutta, 1937.

N. Steensgaard, Carracks, Carvans and Companies. The Structural Crisis in the European-Asian Trade in the early 17* Century, Copenhagen,

1972.

Scott Levi, Central Asia and its Trade 1500-1900, Brill, Leiden, 2002

J.J. Modi, " Rustom Mannock' J.B.B.R.A.S., 1930

Ina B. Mc Cabe, The Shah's Silk for Europes Silver, Pennysylvania, 1999.

S. Moosvi, The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595, Delhi, 1987 , 'The Silver Influx, Money Supply, Prices and Revenue Extraction in Mughal India', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, XXX, 1988.

, " Travails of a Mercantile Community", Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Delhi, 1992

, 'Armenian Trade in the Mughal Empire, during the Seventeenth Century, read at an international seminar on ' Armenians in Asian Trade le**" to 18* Centuries, Paris, 1998

M.M. Postan, "Credit in Medieval Trade", in M.M. Postan, Medieval Trade and Finance, Cambridge, 1973

S. Arasaratnam and Aniruddha Ray, Masulipatnam and Camhay, (1500- 1800), Tapan Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel, 1605-1690, Gravenhage, S 1962.

S. Ali Nadeem Rezavi, "The Mutasuddis of Surat in the 17* century", P.I.H.C, Burdwan, 1983.

J.N. Sarkar, Private Traders in Medieval India British and Indian, Calcutta, 1991

vu Dilbagh Singh and Rajshirke in Indu Banga, ed. Ports and Their Hinterland, 7 700-7950, New Delhi, 1992

O.P. Singh, Surat and its Trade, Delhi, 1977

Niels Steensgaard, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century: The East India Company and the Decline of the Caravan Trade, Chicago, 1973

Niels Steensgaard, ' The route through Quandahar: The significance of the overland trade from India to the West in the Seventeenth Century', in Sushil Chaudhuri and Michel Morineau, eds.. Merchants, Companies and Trade Europe and Asia in the Early Modern Era, Cambridge, 1999.

Sanjay Subrahmanyam, 7he Political Economy of Commerce Southern India 1500-1650, Cambridge, 1990

Sanjay Subrahmanyam, 'Persian, Pilgrims and Portuguese; The Travel of Masulipatnam Shipping in the Western India Ocean, 1590-1665', Modern Asian Studies, 22 (3), 1988

James Tracy (ed.). The Rise of Merchant Empires, Cambridge, 1990

Udovitch, ' Commercial Techniques in Early Medieval Islamic Trade' in Islam and the Trade of Asia, ed. D.S. Ricard, Oxford, 1970

Gilles Veinstein, ''Commercial relations between India and the Ottoman Empire, (late fifteenth to late eighteenth centuries): a few notes and hypotheses", trans. Cyprian P. Blamires, in Sushil Choudhury and Michel Morineau, eds., Merchants, Companies and Trade Europe and Asia in the Early Modern Era, Cambridge, 1999.

George Watt, Dictionary of the Economic Products in India, Calcutta, 1809.

Vlll