Nation-Building from Fdr to George W. Bush
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George Bush and the End of the Cold War. Christopher Alan Maynard Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 2001 From the Shadow of Reagan: George Bush and the End of the Cold War. Christopher Alan Maynard Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Maynard, Christopher Alan, "From the Shadow of Reagan: George Bush and the End of the Cold War." (2001). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 297. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/297 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI fiims the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Views with Most of the Key Players, Including the President
BOB WOODWARD Legendary Pulitzer Prize-Winning Investigative Journalist Author and Associate Editor, The Washington Post • With Carl Bernstein, Woodward uncovered the Watergate scandal • Author, twelve #1 bestsellers – more than any contemporary nonfiction writer - 18 bestsellers in all • Iconic investigative journalist; winner of nearly every American journalism award, including two Pulitzers • Reporter-historian with an aggressive but fair and non-partisan reputation for digging deep to uncover Washington’s secrets. Gives audiences unvarnished look at Washington politics and leaders • "Woodward has established himself as the best reporter of our time. He may be the best reporter of all time." – Bob Schieffer, CBS News Face the Nation Former CIA director and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates wished he’d recruited Woodward into the CIA, “His ability to get people to talk about stuff they shouldn’t be talking about is just extraordinary and may be unique.” Therein lays the genius of Bob Woodward – a journalistic icon who gained international attention when he and Carl Bernstein broke the deeply disturbing news of the Watergate scandal. The book they wrote - All the President’s Men - won a Pulitzer Prize. Watergate’s theme of secret government is a common thread throughout Woodward’s career that spawned 18 books – all went on to become national bestsellers – 12 of them #1 - more than any other contemporary nonfiction author. In the process Woodward became the ultimate inside man. No one else in political investigative journalism has the clout, respect, and reputation of Woodward. He has a way of getting insiders to open up - both on the record and off the record – in ways that reveal an intimate yet sweeping portrayal of Washington and the budget wrangling, political infighting, how we fight wars, the price of politics, how presidents lead, the homeland security efforts, and so much more. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
New Report ID
Number 21 April 2004 BAKER INSTITUTE REPORT NOTES FROM THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY BAKER INSTITUTE CELEBRATES ITS 10TH ANNIVERSARY Vice President Dick Cheney was man you only encounter a few the keynote speaker at the Baker times in life—what I call a ‘hun- See our special Institute’s 10th anniversary gala, dred-percenter’—a person of which drew nearly 800 guests to ability, judgment, and absolute gala feature with color a black-tie dinner October 17, integrity,” Cheney said in refer- 2003, that raised more than ence to Baker. photos on page 20. $3.2 million for the institute’s “This is a man who was chief programs. Cynthia Allshouse and of staff on day one of the Reagan Rice trustee J. D. Bucky Allshouse years and chief of staff 12 years ing a period of truly momentous co-chaired the anniversary cel- later on the last day of former change,” Cheney added, citing ebration. President Bush’s administra- the fall of the Soviet Union, the Cheney paid tribute to the tion,” Cheney said. “In between, Persian Gulf War, and a crisis in institute’s honorary chair, James he led the treasury department, Panama during Baker’s years at A. Baker, III, and then discussed oversaw two landslide victories in the Department of State. the war on terrorism. presidential politics, and served “There is a certain kind of as the 61st secretary of state dur- continued on page 24 NIGERIAN PRESIDENT REFLECTS ON CHALLENGES FACING HIS NATION President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Republic of Nigeria observed that Africa, as a whole, has been “unstable for too long” during a November 5, 2003, presentation at the Baker Institute. -
Presidents Worksheet 43 Secretaries of State (#1-24)
PRESIDENTS WORKSHEET 43 NAME SOLUTION KEY SECRETARIES OF STATE (#1-24) Write the number of each president who matches each Secretary of State on the left. Some entries in each column will match more than one in the other column. Each president will be matched at least once. 9,10,13 Daniel Webster 1 George Washington 2 John Adams 14 William Marcy 3 Thomas Jefferson 18 Hamilton Fish 4 James Madison 5 James Monroe 5 John Quincy Adams 6 John Quincy Adams 12,13 John Clayton 7 Andrew Jackson 8 Martin Van Buren 7 Martin Van Buren 9 William Henry Harrison 21 Frederick Frelinghuysen 10 John Tyler 11 James Polk 6 Henry Clay (pictured) 12 Zachary Taylor 15 Lewis Cass 13 Millard Fillmore 14 Franklin Pierce 1 John Jay 15 James Buchanan 19 William Evarts 16 Abraham Lincoln 17 Andrew Johnson 7, 8 John Forsyth 18 Ulysses S. Grant 11 James Buchanan 19 Rutherford B. Hayes 20 James Garfield 3 James Madison 21 Chester Arthur 22/24 Grover Cleveland 20,21,23James Blaine 23 Benjamin Harrison 10 John Calhoun 18 Elihu Washburne 1 Thomas Jefferson 22/24 Thomas Bayard 4 James Monroe 23 John Foster 2 John Marshall 16,17 William Seward PRESIDENTS WORKSHEET 44 NAME SOLUTION KEY SECRETARIES OF STATE (#25-43) Write the number of each president who matches each Secretary of State on the left. Some entries in each column will match more than one in the other column. Each president will be matched at least once. 32 Cordell Hull 25 William McKinley 28 William Jennings Bryan 26 Theodore Roosevelt 40 Alexander Haig 27 William Howard Taft 30 Frank Kellogg 28 Woodrow Wilson 29 Warren Harding 34 John Foster Dulles 30 Calvin Coolidge 42 Madeleine Albright 31 Herbert Hoover 25 John Sherman 32 Franklin D. -
The Hon. James P. Rubin Speaker Profile
The Hon. James P. Rubin Asesor de Política Exterior de EEUU y Profesor de la Universidad de Columbia de la Escuela de Asuntos Internacionales y Públicos CSA CELEBRITY SPEAKERS James Rubin actualmente es profesor visitante de la Universidad de Columbia de la Escuela de Asuntos Internacionales y Públicos y asesor de política exterior de los EE.UU. de la senadora Hillary Clinton y el Presidente Barack Obama. De 2000 a 2007, Sr. Rubin vivió en Londres, trabajó como presentador radio, profesor, comentarista y consultor comunicaciones. Desde 2005 a 2007, fue comentarista internacional de noticias y comentarista de asuntos del mundo en Sky News. Sr. Rubin sirvió bajo el Presidente Clinton, como Secretario Adjunto de Estado en Asuntos Públicos y Portavoz del Jefe del Departamento de Estado de 1997 a 2000. "Autoridad en Asuntos Exteriores" En detalle Idiomas Durante las elecciones de 2004, el Sr. Rubin sirvió como Asesor Presenta en inglés. Superior de Seguridad Nacional para la Campaña de Kerry/Edwards. En las elecciones de 1996, fue Director de ¿Quiere saber más? Política Exterior para la campaña de Clinton/Gore. Estando en LLámenos o envienos un e-mail para saber exactamente lo que Londres, fue profesor visitante de Relaciones Internacionales de el puede aportar a su evento. la London School of Economics de 2001-2004, socio en el Grupo Brunswick; empresa de asesoría financiera, del 2001 a 2004, y ¿Como reservarle? del 2002 y 2003, fue anfitrión de la serie de PBS Wide Angle, Simplemente llame, envie un fax o e-mail. Mire detalles a programa semanal de asuntos internacionales. -
World Bank Document
I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Policy,Planning, and Research WORKING PAPERS Debtand International Finance InternationalEconomics Department The WorldBank August1989 Public Disclosure Authorized WPS 250 Public Disclosure Authorized The Baker Plan Progress,Shortcomings, and Future Public Disclosure Authorized William R. Cline The basic strategy spelled out in the Baker Plan (1985-88) remains valid, but stronger policy efforts are needed, banks should provide multiyear new money packages, exit bonds should be guaranteed to allow voluntary debt reduction by banks, and net capital flows to the highly indebted countries should be raised $15 billion a year. Successful emergence from the debt crisis, however, will depend primarily on sound eco- nomic policies in the debtor countries themselves. Public Disclosure Authorized The Policy, Planning. and Research Complex distributes PPR Working Papers to disseminate the findings of work in progress and to encourage the exchange of ideas among Bank staff and all others interested in development issues. T'hese papers carry the names of the authors, reflect only their views, and should be used and cited accordingly. The findings, interpiciations. and conclusions are the authors' own. They should not be attnbuted to the World Bank, its Board of Directors, its management, or any of its mernber countries. |Policy, Planning,and Roenorch | The. Baker Plan essentially made existing multilateral development banks raised net flows strategy cn the debt problem more concrete. by only one-tenth of the targeted $3 billion Like existing policy, it iejected a bankruptcy annually. If the IMF and bilateral export credit approach to the problem, judging that coerceo agencies are included, net capital flows from forgiveness would "admit defeat" and cut official sources to the highly indebted countries borrowers off from capital markets for many (HICs) actually fell, from $9 annually in 1983- years to come. -
Washington, DC June 1, 2016 Dear Mr. President, We Are Writing, As
Washington, DC June 1, 2016 Dear Mr. President, We are writing, as Americans committed to the success of our country’s Afghanistan mission, to urge that you sustain the current level of U.S. forces in Afghanistan through the remainder of your term. Aid levels and diplomatic energies should similarly be preserved without reduction. Unless emergency conditions require consideration of a modest increase, we would strongly favor a freeze at the level of roughly 10,000 U.S. troops through January 20. This approach would also allow your successor to assess the situation for herself or himself and make further adjustments accordingly. The broader Middle East is roiled in conflicts that pit moderate and progressive forces against those of violent extremists. As we saw on 9/11 and in the recent attacks in Paris, San Bernardino, and Brussels, the problems of the Middle East do not remain contained within the Middle East. Afghanistan is the place where al Qaeda and affiliates first planned the 9/11 attacks and a place where they continue to operate—and is thus important in the broader effort to defeat the global extremist movement today. It is a place where al Qaeda and ISIS still have modest footprints that could be expanded if a security vacuum developed. If Afghanistan were to revert to the chaos of the 1990s, millions of refugees would again seek shelter in neighboring countries and overseas, dramatically intensifying the severe challenges already faced in Europe and beyond. In the long-term struggle against violent extremists, the United States above all needs allies—not only to fight a common enemy, but also to create a positive vision for the peoples of the region. -
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution Introduction In his poem, The Second Coming (1919), William Butler Yeats captured the moment we are now experiencing: Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. As we see the deterioration of the institutions created and fostered after the Second World War to create a climate in which peace and prosperity could flourish in Europe and beyond, it is important to understand the role played by diplomacy in securing the stability and strengthening the shared values of freedom and democracy that have marked this era for the nations of the world. It is most instructive to read the Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy, in which he encouraged Americans not only to do good things for their own country, but to do good things in the world. The creation of the Peace Corps is an example of the kind of spirit that put young American volunteers into some of the poorest nations in an effort to improve the standard of living for people around the globe. We knew we were leaders; we knew that we had many political and economic and social advantages. There was an impetus to share this wealth. Generosity, not greed, was the motivation of that generation. Of course, this did not begin with Kennedy. It was preceded by the Marshall Plan, one of the only times in history that the conqueror decided to rebuild the country of the vanquished foe. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Sending a Letter
August 18, 2015 ! 1156!15th!St.!NW,!Suite!1250! Washington,!D.C.!20005! Steve Stenger, County Executive (202)!795<9300! www.rcfp.org! Peter Krane, County Counselor Bruce!D.!Brown! Steven Robson, Assistant County Counselor Executive!Director! [email protected]!!!(202)!795<9301 41 South Central Avenue Clayton, MO 63105 STEERING!COMMITTEE! ! STEPHEN!J.!ADLER! Reuters' SCOTT!APPLEWHITE! The'Associated'Press' Dear Sirs: WOLF!BLITZER! CNN' DAVID!BOARDMAN! The undersigned coalition of news organizations writes to object to your Temple'University' CHIP!BOK! office’s recent decisions to pursue criminal charges against a number of Creators'Syndicate' JAN!CRAWFORD! journalists arrested or detained last summer during the protests in Ferguson. CBS'News'' MICHAEL!DUFFY! Time' The fact that these journalists were kept from doing their jobs was RICHARD!S.!DUNHAM! Tsinghua'University,'Beijing' troublesome enough. But the fact that your office – after having had time to ASHLEA!EBELING!! reflect on police actions for a full year – has chosen to pursue criminal Forbes'Magazine' SUSAN!GOLDBERG! prosecution now is astonishing. National'Geographic' FRED!GRAHAM! Founding'Member' Last summer, after hearing that journalists were being arrested in Ferguson, JOHN!C.!HENRY! Freelance' then-U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, Jr. said in a statement, “Journalists NAT!HENTOFF! United'Media'Newspaper'Syndicate' must not be harassed or prevented from covering a story that needs to be JEFF!LEEN! told.” That statement should not have to be made. It is difficult to The'Washington'Post' DAHLIA!LITHWICK! understand what interest the county is defending by charging these Slate' TONY!MAURO! journalists, when they were clearly engaged in newsgathering. -
In the Shadow of the Oval Office
In the Shadow of the Oval Office The Next National Security Adviser Ivo H. Daalder and I. M. Destler Nowhere in U.S. law is there a provision establishing the position of the assistant to the president for national security aªairs. The job is the creation of presidents, and its occupants are responsible to them alone. The position gained prominence after John F.Kennedy’s election nearly half a century ago and since then has become central to presidential conduct of foreign policy. Fifteen people have held the job during this time. Some proved successful, others less so. But the post of national security adviser is now an institutional fact. By all odds, it will remain so. National security advisers have a tough job. They must serve the president yet balance this primary allegiance with a commitment to managing an eªective and e⁄cient policy process. They must be forceful in driving that process forward to decisions yet represent other agencies’ views fully and faithfully.They must be simultaneously strong and collegial, able to enforce discipline across the government while engaging senior o⁄cials and their agencies rather than excluding them.They must provide confidential advice to the president yet estab- Ivo H. Daalder is a Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution. I. M. Destler is Saul Stern Professor of Civic Engagement at the University of Maryland’s School of Public Policy. They are the co-authors of In the Shadow of the Oval Office: Portraits of the National Security Advisers and the Presidents They Served—From JFK to George W.Bush (Simon & Schuster, 2009), from which this article is adapted.