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"ANYTHING YOU ARE SHOWS UP IN YOUR ;" MARY LOU WILLIAMS AND THE SANCTIFICATION OF

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial FuUfiUment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Tammy L. Kemodle, B.M., MA.

*****

The Ohio State University 1997

Dissertation Committee: Dr. Charles Atkinson, Advisor

Dr. Lora Dobos or

Dr. Daniel Avorgbedor School of Music UMI Number: 9731653

Copyright 1997 by Kemodle, Tammy Lynn

All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 9731653 Copyright 1997, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 copyrighted by Tammy L. Kemodle 1997 ABSTRACT

From the 1920s until her death in 1981, Mary Lou Williams was one of the premiere jazz pianists. She is perhaps best known for her recordings with and the Twelve Clouds of Joy, her for and , and her extensive body of solo compositions. While many people are aware of these contributions, however there is one area of Mary Lou's work that is not well known, even to jazz connoisseurs-namely, her religious compositions. In 1954, during a stressful tour of Europe, Mary Lou Williams walked off the stage of a nightclub, and was not heard again for three years. During that period she underwent a process of conversion to the Catholic faith. Her return to jazz in 1957 was followed by her first religious composition in 1962. She went on to compose over a hundred works on religious themes, of which six form the primary focus of the present dissertation. From the post-Civil War years until present, jazz has been deemed, in many sectors of society, the "devil's music. " Rejection of the music during these early years was based primarily on the places the music was performed than the actual music. These negative notions regarding jazz, included crime, violence, and promiscuity, and continued as blacks began migrating to urban centers in the North. This work examines the separation of sacred and secular music in the black community and how the church, and the Renaissance influenced public opinion. Through discussion of the life and selected sacred works of Mary Lou Williams, this document will show how the changed notions about jazz through the use of sacred text Through analysis of original manuscripts coupled with personal commentaries, this work traces Mary Lou's use of jazz related forms in a sacred context and the reception to such compositions. The primary function of this document is to bring awareness to this genre of works and indicate how notions of music is formed not by analysis of those works but by public opinion.

ui Dedicated to my sister circle

and

The memory of John Williams

IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This work would hardly have been possible without support from several resources. Among them I would first like to thank my advisor, Dr. Charles Atkinson, for his intellectual support, encouragement, and enthusiasm. My sincere thanks also goes to the other members of my dissertation committee, Drs. Daniel Avorgbedor and Lora Dobos, and to Dr. Burdette Green for "pinch hitting in the bottom of the ninth" for Dr. Dobos, whose baby arrived the day before my defense. I should also like to express my gratitude to the stafiF of the Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University in Newark, and Father Peter O'Brien for providing numerous scores and recordings of Mary Lou's works.. A special word of thanks goes to the late John Williams, who opened his heart and house to me. (May he rest in peace.) Gratitude and much love is expressed to Carren Moham, my sister in the struggle. You go Girl!!!!!! Thanks to Dr. Guthrie Ramsey for his insight and brotherly advice. I am grateful to the PEG Society who not only fimded my research monetarily hut also gave me emotional support. Mrs. Rachel Archelus and family for taking me into her home and encouraging me. My family members who have supported me throughout my educational journey. And most of all to my Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, who teaches me everyday that "no weapon formed against me shall prosper." (Psalm 27:3) VITA

September 30,1969 Æom - Danville, Virginia 1991 ...... B. M. in Music Education, Virginia State University, Petersburg, Virginia

1993 MA. in Music History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1991-1993 ...... Teaching Assistant, School of Music, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1993-present ...... Graduate Administrative Associate, Minority Advising Program, University College, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Music History

VI TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

A bstract...... j i Dedication...... iv Acknowledgments ...... v Vita...... vi List ofExamples ...... ix ListofTables ...... xix

Chapters: 1. Introduction ...... 1 2. Jazz and theBlackChurch...... 9 3. TheEarlyYears ...... 26 3.2 MusicalBeginnings ...... 30 3.3 T.O.BAYears...... 34 3.4 Life withJohn Williams ...... 40 3.5 Years in Oklahoma and Tulsa (1928-1929) ...... 45 3.6 Kansas City, ...... 48 3.7 TheFirstRecordings ...... 53 3.8 Years with Andy Kirk (1931-1942) ...... 58 4. TheSoloYears ...... 65

Vll 5. The Hazards of the Business ...... 73 5.2 Europe(1950-1954) ...... 81 6. Spirituality versus Jazz ...... 86 7. The Second Vatican Council and the Beginning of the SanctificationProcess ...... 103 7.2 The in Honor o fSt. Martin De Porres ...... 109 7.3 TheDevil and Amina Christi ...... 127 8. TheM asses ...... 151 9. Mass (Also known as The Mass)...... 159 10. Mass for Lenten Season ...... 2(X) 11. Mass for Peace...... 234 12. Mary Lou's Mass ...... 262 13. Conclusion...... 316 Bibliography...... 327

VllI LIST OF EXAMPLES

Examples Page

1 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A (mm. 1-4) ...... 113 2 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A' (mm. 4-8) ...... 114 3 "St Martin de Porres" Bridge Section (mm. 8-9) ...... 114 4 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A" (mm. 9-13) ...... 115 5 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A" (mm. 14-18) ...... 116 6 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of B (mm. 18-22) ...... 117 7 "St. Martin de Porres" Second phrase of B (mm. 22-26) ...... 118 8 "St. Martin de Porres" Third phrase of B (mm. 26-30) ...... 119 9 "St Martin de Porres" Last phrase of B and modulation to A minor (mm. 30-34) ...... 120 10 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A"" (mm. 35-38) ...... 120 11 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A leading into C (mm.39-44) ...... 121 12 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of C (mm. 45-46) ...... 122 13 "St Martin de Porres" Short episode (mm. 66-70) ...... 123 14 "St Martin de Porres" Restatement of A in G minor (mm.89-95) ...... 124 15 "St Martin de Porres" Sequences sung by 1st and 2nd sopranos (mm.96-98) ...... 125 16 "St. Martin de Porres" Ascending figure/final cadence (mm.99-100) ...... 126 17 "The Devil" Primary melodic material A (mm. 1-4) ...... 130

IX 18 "TheDevil" Statement ofA'(mm. 4-8) ...... 130 19 "The Devil" Bridge containing figure similar to "fan motive" fi-om "St M artin de Poires." (m. 8) ...... 131 2 G "The Devil" Repetition of A' and modulation (mm. 13-16) ...... 132 21 "The Devil" First phrase of B (mm. 16-18) ...... 132 22 "The Devil" Second phrase of B (mm. 18-20) ...... 133 23 "TheDevil" Third phrase ofB (mm. 20-22) ...... 134 2 4 "The Devil" Fourth phrase of B (mm. 22-24) ...... 134 2 5 "The Devil" Descending scalar passage.(m. 28) ...... 135 26 "The Devil" Second phrase ofA (mm. 28-32) ...... 136 27 "The Devil" Statement of B'(mm. 38-40) ...... 137 2 8 "The Devil" Statement of A in A flat minor (mm. 41-45) ...... 138 29 "The Devil" Last phrase of A/Final cadence (mm. 45-51) ...... 139 30 "Anima Christi" Introductory motive in bass/b-flatclarinet ...... 144 31 "Anima Christi" First statement of A (mm. 8-21) ...... 145 32 "Anima Christi" Second statement of A (mm. 8-21) ...... 146 3 3 "Anima Christi" Third statement ofA (mm. 8-16) ...... 147 34 "Anima Christi" New thematic material altered bass figure (mm. 23-30) ...... 148 3 5 "Anim a Christi" Final statement of "Lord Have Mercy" ...... 149 36 Mass "Kyrie" First statement of "Lord Have Mercy" (m. 1) ...... 161 37 Moss’Kyrie" episode(m. 2) ...... 162 38 Mass "Kyrie" Second statement of "Lord Have Mercy" (mm.3-4)...... 162 39 Mass "Kyrie" Statement of "Christ Have Mercy" (mm.5-8) ...... 163 40 Mass ’Kyrie" Second statement of the "Lord..’’ (mm. 9-11) ...... 164 41 Mass "Gloria" Primary melodic idea A (mm. 1-17)...... 166 42 Mass "Gloria" Fill (mm. 19-20) ...... 167 43 Mass "Gloria" New melodic idea "B" (mm. 21-34) ...... 168 44 Mass "Gloria" Statement of "C" (mm. 35-48) ...... 169 45 Mass "Gloria" Statement of "D" (mm. 49-56) ...... 170 46 Mass "Gloria" Modulation of "D" to E major (mm. 57-64) ...... 171 47 Mass "Creed" First section of primary melodic material(mm. 1-7)...... 174 48 Mass "Creed" Second section of primary melodic material(mm. 8-11) ...... 174 49 Mass "Creed" First section of A' (mm. 12-18) ...... 175 50 Mass "Creed" Second section ofA (mm. 18-24) ...... 176 51 Mass "Creed" First section of B (mm. 24-28) ...... 177 52 Mass "Creed" Second section ofB (mm. 29-31) ...... 177 53 Mass "Creed" Statement ofB' and modulation to B major(mm. 32-36) ...... 178 5 4 Mass "Creed" First section ofB" (mm. 36-39) ...... 178 5 5 Mass "Creed" Second phrase ofB" (mm. 39-40) ...... 179 5 6 Mass "Creed" Statement ofB'" (mm. 40-43) ...... 180 57 Mass "Creed" Repetition of ascending chord pattern fromB'"(mm.44-52) ...... 180 58 Mass "Creed" Statement of A" (mm. 56-64) ...... 181 59 Mass "Creed" Final statement of A (mm. 77-86)...... 182 60 Mass "Sanctus" First and Second phrase of "Holy" (mm. 1-2) ...... 184 61 Mass "Sanctus" Statement ofB (mm. 3-5) ...... 184 62 Mass "Sanctus" Statement ofB' (mm. 6-9) ...... 185 63 Mass "Agnus Dei" Statement of "A" (mm. 1-4) ...... 187

XI 64 Mass "Agnus Dei" Statement ofA' (mm. 4-7) ...... 187 65 Mzss "Agnus Dei" Statement ofB' (mm. 7-10) ...... 188 66 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Piano (mm. 1-3) ...... 192 67 Mass 'Thank You Jesus" Statement of A (mm. 4-8) ...... 192 68 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A' (mm. 8-12) ...... 193 69 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A" (mm. 12-16) ...... 193 7 0 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A'" (mm. 16-20) ...... 194 71 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement ofB (mm. 21-24) ...... 194 7 2 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement ofB' (mm. 25-28) ...... 195 73 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Bridge (mm. 65-67) ...... 196 74 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of C (mm. 69-82) ...... 197 75 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of B in B-flat m^or (mm.83-86) ...... 198 7 6 Mass 'Thank You Jesus" Coda (mm. 87-90) ...... 198 77 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Introduction (mm. 1-4) ...... 203 7 8 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" First section of chorus (m.21)...... 203 7 9 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Second section of chorus (mm.22-23)...... 204 80 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Third section of chorus (mm.23-25)...... 204 81 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Statement of B (mm. 5-13) ...... 205 82 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" First section ofB' (mm. .. 29-32) ...... 206 83 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Third section ofB' (mm. 36-39) ...... 207 84 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Fourth section ofB' (mm. 40-43) ...... 207 8 5 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A (mm. 1-2) ...... 209 86 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A (mm. 3-4) ...... 209

XII 87 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A' (mm. 5-6) ...... 210 88 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement ofB (mm. 7-9) ...... 211 89 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of C (mm. 10-11) ...... 211 90 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of C (mm. 11-13) ...... 212 91 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statem ent of A" (mm. 14-15) ...... 212 92 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A'" (mm. 16-17) ...... 213 93 Mass for Lent Kyrie" Statement of A"" (mm. 17-22) ...... 214 94 Mass for Lent "The Lord is my Light" Ad lib section (mm. 1-8) ...... 216 95 Mass for Lent "The Lord is my Light" First section of B (mm.9-12) ...... 216 96 Mass for Lent "The Lord is my Light" Measures 13-15 ...... 217 97 Moss Leaf "The Lord is my Light" Statement ofB (mm. 17-25)...... 218 98 Mass for Lent "OflFertory" (mm. 1-23) ...... 219 99 Mass for Lent "Holy Holy" First phrase (mm. 1-2) ...... 220 100 Mass for Lent "Holy Holy" Second section (mm. 3-4) ...... 220 101 Mass for Lent "Anemnesis" F irst phrase (mm. 1-6)...... 222 102 Mass for Lent "Anemnesis" Chorus (mm. 6-9)...... 222 103 Mass for Lent "Amen at End of Canon" First phrase (mm. 1-4)...... 223 104 Mass for Lent "Amen at End of Canon" Measure 5-6 ...... 224 105 Mass for Lent "Amen at End of Canon" Measures 7-8 ...... 224 106 Mass ft)rLent "Amen at End of Canon" Measures 9-10 ...... 225 107 Moss Lenf "Agnus Dei" Measures 1-6 ...... 226 108 Mass for Lent "Agnus Dei" Optional Coda (mm. 11-18) ...... 227 109 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Statement of the chorus (mm. 12-16) ...... 229

xiu 110 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" First section of primary melodicmateriaKmm. 1-2) ...... 230 111 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Second section of primary melodicmateriaKmm. 2-4) ...... 230 112 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" First section of A' (mm. 5-7) ...... 231 113 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Second section of A' (mm. 7-11) ...... 231 114 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" First section of A" (mm. 17-20) ...... 232 115 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Statement of C (mm. 21-26) ...... 233 116 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Aid Ub section ...... 235 117 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Vamp ...... 236 118 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Primary melodic material (mm. 1-4)...... 236 119 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Second phrase of chorus (mm.5-8) ...... 237 120 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Statement ofB (mm. 9-15) ...... 238 121 Mass for Peace 'Peace Makers" Bridge (mm. 16-18) ...... 239 122 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" First phrase of C (mm. 19-22) ...... 239 123 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Second phrase of C (mm.22-25)...... 240 124 Mass for Peace 'Peace Makers" Statement of D (mm.26-35)...... 241 125 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Coda (mm. 36-42) ...... 242 126 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Introduction (mm. 1-3) ...... 243 127 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Statement of A (mm. 4-6) ...... 244 128 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Statement ofB (mm. 7-10) ...... 245 129 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" New accompaniment figure (mm.23-28) ...... 245 130 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Final phrase of the antiphon(mm.29-36) ...... 246

XIV 131 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Introduction (mm. 1-4) ...... 247 132 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Primary melodic material (mm.5-8) ...... 248 133 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Second phrase of primary melodicmaterial (mm.9-12) ...... 248 134 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Third phrase (mm. 13-16) ...... 249 135 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Fourth phrase (mm. 17-20) ...... 249 136 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Statement of Psalm 121 (mm.23-30)...... 250 137 Mass for Peace Psalm "In His Days" (mm. 1-7) ...... 251 138 Mass for Peace "Peace I Leave with You" (mm. 8-11) ...... 252 139 Mass for Peace "Alleluia" Introductoiy figure ...... 253 140 Mass for Peace "Alleluia" (mm. 4-7)...... 253 141 Mass for Peace Offertory "Turn Aside fi'om Evil" (mm. 1-4) ...... 254 142 Mass for Peace "Our Father" First phrase (mm. 1-5)...... 255 143 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Second phrase (mm. 6-13) ...... 256 144 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Third phrase (mm. 16-25) ...... 257 145 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Fourth phrase (mm. 29-31) ...... 258 146 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Final phrase (mm. 31-36) ...... 258 147 Mass for Peace "Blessed are the Peacemakers" (mm. 1-8) ...... 260 148 Mary Lou's Mass "Act of Contrition" Accompaniment figure ...... 264 149 Mary Lou's Mass "Act of Contrition" Statement of A (mm. 5-10)...... 264 150 Mary Lou's Mass "Act of Contrition" Statement of A' (mm. 11-15)...... 265 151 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Introduction and Primary melodicmateriaKmm. 1-6) ...... 267 152 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Statement of A' (mm. 9-10) ...... 268

XV 153 Mary Lou 'sMass "Kyrie" Bridge (mm, 11-12) ...... 268 154 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Statement ofB "Christ Have Mercy" (mm. 12-15)...... 269 155 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Statement ofB' (mm. 16-19) ...... 269 156 Mary Lou's Mass 'Kyrie" Return of the "Lord Have Mercy" (mm.20-24)...... 270 157 Mary Lou's Mass 'Kyrie" Measures 25-27 ...... 270 158 Mary Lou's Mass 'Kyrie" Measures 28-31 ...... 271 159 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Last statement of the movement(mm.41-48) ...... 272 160 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Ostinato from intro (mm. 1-4) ...... 274 161 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of A (mm. 5-6) ...... 275 162 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Bridge (mm. 7-8) ...... 275 163 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of A' (mm. 9-12) ...... 276 164 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Bridge (mm. 13-14) ...... 276 165 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Ostinato in A-flat major (mm. 15-18) ...... 277 166...... Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement ofB (mm. 19-24) ...... 278 167...... Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of C (mm. 31-34) ...... 278 168 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement ofB' (mm. 35-40) ...... 279 169 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of C (mm. 41-49) ...... 280 170 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement ofB" (mm. 53-58) ...... 281 171 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Vamp ...... 284 172 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" First phrase (mm. 1-4)...... 284 173 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Second phrase (mm. 5-10) ...... 285 174 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Third phrase (mm. 11-14)...... 286 175 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Fourth phrase.(mm. 15-18) ...... 286

XVI 176 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 27-32...... 287 177 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" First phrase ofB (mm. 42-46) ...... 288 178 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 46-50...... 288 179 Mary Lott's Moss "Lazarus" Measures 59-65 ...... 289 180 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 82-87 ...... 290 181 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 114-121...... 291 182 Mary Lou's Mass "In His Days" (mm. 1-7) ...... 291 183 Mary Lou's Mass "In His Days" Bridge (mm. 8-9) ...... 292 184 MaryLou'sMass "Peace I Leave" (mm. 10-13)...... 293 185 Mary Lou's Mass "Alleluia" (mm. 16-19) ...... 293 186 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Accompanying figure ...... 295 187 Mary Lou 's Mass "Credo" Statement of A (mm. 8-15) ...... 295 188 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Measures 16-21 ...... 296 189 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Statement of B/Bridge (mm.25-30)...... 296 190 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Statement of C (mm. 31-40) ...... 297 191 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Measures 43-46 ...... 298 192 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Measures 47-51 ...... 299 193 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Last phrase (mm. 52-59) ...... 300 194 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" First statement (mm. 5-6)...... 301 195 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Statement of D (mm. 15-24) ...... 302 196 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Statement of D' (mm. 25-30)...... 303 197 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Discant-like figure (mm.40-44)...... 303 198 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Last phrase (mm. 56-64) ...... 304 199 Mary Lou's Mass "AgnusDei" ...... 305

xvu 200 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Accompanying figure ofthepiano ...... 307 201 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of A (mm. 9-16) ...... 308 202 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of A' (mm. 17-24)...... 309 203 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Modulatory figure (m. 24) ...... 310 204 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Bridge (mm. 25-28) ...... 310 205 Mary Lou 's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of A in F major (mm.29-36) ...... 311 206 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Modulation to G m^or (m.44)...... 312 207 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of A" (mm.45-52)...... 312 208 Mary Lou's Mass Praise the Lord" Statement of A' in GmEyor(mm. 53-60) ...... 313 209 Mary Lou's Mass 'Praise the Lord " Bridge in E-flat msgor (mm.61-64)...... 314 210 Mary Lou's Mass Praise the Lord" Final statement of A (mm.73-80) ...... 314

xvm LIST OF TABLES

Table Page 1 Chart of Chord spellings used in discussion ...... xxi 2 Composition's form and harmonic structure ...... 110 3 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 129 4 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 142 5 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 165 6 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 173 7 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 183 8 Outline oftextural and melodic form ...... 186 9 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 191 10 Comparison of Mary's text with King James' Version ...... 201 11 Outline ofform ...... 202 12 Outline oftextural and melodic form ...... 208 13 Comparison of Mary's text with King James' Version ...... 215 14 Outline oftextural andmelodicfbrm ...... 228 15 Comparison of Mary's text with King James' Version ...... 243 16 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 262 17 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 266 18 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic materid ...... 273 19 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 283

XIX 2 0 Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material ...... 306 21 Chart ofform of Mass following Vatican n...... 320

XX The following table provides the chord spellings used in this discussion. There are several factors that should be considered when using this chart. First, major (MA) is never used by itself, but only to indicate when the m^'or

seventh, ninth, or eleventh are included in the chord. Second, minor (MI) is the only indication for a minor chord. It should also be noted that Mary Lou Williams frequently spells chords enharmonically rather than functionally.

Chord Symbol: Explanation: B B major triad

B® B major triad with added sixth

B^ B mqjor triad with added seventh

B mi B minor triad

B mi"^ B minor triad with added seventh

B ma'^ B mqjor triad with added major seventh

XXI B ma^ B major triad with added mtyor ninth

B ma^i B mfu'cr triad with added mfyor eleventh

B msgor triad with augmented seventh

B+9 B m^'or triad with augmented ninth

B13 B mggor triad with added thirteenth

Table 1. Chart of Chord Spellings used in discussion

xxii CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

"Anythingyou are shows up in your music-jazz is whatever you are, playing yourself, being yourself, letting your thoughts come through"- M ary Lou Williams

Her name may not immediately bring to mind who she is or the importance of her contribution to the development ofjazz. From the 1920s until her death in 1981, however, she was one of the premiere jazz pianists. She has been referred to as "The Lady who Swings the " and "The History of Jazz," yet she is excluded from many jazz discussions or mentioned only in passing. Her name: Mary Lou Williams. In the later years of her career, she was recognized as perhaps the greatest female jazz . Today, students ofjazz history know about Mary Lou Williams through her recordings with Andy Kirk and the Twelve Clouds of Joy, her arrangements for Benny Goodman and Duke Ellington, and her extensive body of solo compositions. But while many people are aware of these contributions, there is one area of Mary Lou's work that is not well known, even to jazz connoisseurs—her religious compositions. Little discussion has been devoted to this body of work, which Mary began in the after a short hiatus ft'omjazz. These compositions are worthy of attention, both for their intrinsic worth and for what they can reveal to us about the pianist's ability to create diverse forms of music. Mary Lou's path to religious compositions was a circuitous one. Bom in 1910, Mary Lou Williams (née Mary Scruggs) began her musical career performing in the city of Pittsburgh. She spent the majority of her teenage years traveling throughout the Midwest with various bands. She married John Williams during the 1920s, and moved with him to Oklahoma City and eventually to Kansas City. In the 1930s she became the pianist for Andy Kirk and the Twelve Clouds of Joy. She left the Clouds in 1940 and began playing solo engagements in the clubs along in New York. From the late forties until 1954, Mary traveled extensively in Europe and made a number of recordings. 1 The death of close friend Garland Wilson and the changing jazz scene led Mary to reassess her career during the 1950s. Feeling that something was missing in her life, she decided that leaving the music business was best. In 1954 Mary Lou Williams walked off of a stage in a Paris nightclub and was not heard from for almost three years. As we now know, these three years were a turning point in Mary's life. The death of fiiend in 1955 led to the worsening of an already serious depression. She spent the mtgority of her time praying, meditating, and looking for ftilfillment outside of music. During her absence the pianist converted to Catholicism and vowed never to play again. Recounting her conversion experience, Mary asserted in 1979 that she had "never gotten or felt a conscious desire to get close to God before," In 1954,

^ For more detailed biographical discussion see below, chapter 3. however, Mary Lou felt convinced that walking away from music would be her road to peace.2 Similar to the experiences recounted by several black women in late nineteenth-centuiy spiritual autobiographies, Mary Lou Williams' conversion brought many changes to her life.^ Feeling an unexplainable need to be closer to God, Mary decided to concentrate her efforts toward helping ailing . She not only turned her apartment into a soup kitchen and halfway house, but also started the Bel Canto Foundation to finance her efforts. It was only after much persuasion that she returned to an active career as a perform er in 1957.4 In order to meet financial responsibilities during the late 1950s and early 60s, Mary played in many of the small clubs in . While performing in one of these clubs, Mary Lou met seminary student Peter O'Brien. O'Brien not only became her fnend b u t also served as Maiy*s manager until her death in 1981. In the 1960s Mary became concerned about the direction that jazz seemed to be taking. Like many pioneers of the art form, she believed that jazz was on the verge of dying. At the time she was traveling back and forth between Pittsburgh and Harlem, spreading the word of her crusade to save jazz. Father Anthony Woods, a close fi*iend and jazz fan.

^ James R. Mitchell, "The Legacy of Mary Lou Williams," Jazz Listeners/Musicians Newsletter vol.l, issue 3,6.

^ For additional information on spiritual autobiographies see Henry Louis Gates, Jr., ed.. Collected Black Women's Narratives (New York and Oxford: , 1988); Marilyn Richardson, ed., Mflna W. Stewart. America's First Black Woman Political Writer: Essays and Speeches, (Bloomington and : University Press, 1987); Frances Smith Foster, Written by Herself: Literary Production by African American Women, 1746-1892 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1993).

4 For further discussion on Mary Lou's return to the music business, see discussion in Chapter six. took interest in her campaign to "save" jazz and introduced her to the Bishop of Pittsburgh. Bishop Wright, like many Catholics, associated jazz with drugs and drug addiction, along with other societal ills. During her first meeting with Bishop Wright, Mary Lou managed to convince him that jazz was not the root of society's problems, but was instead one of the most important art forms created in America. She pointed out, for example, that many of the evils he associated with jazz were actually not connected with jazz, but with the commercial world of .^ Convinced of jazz's importance, Wright hired Mary to teach music in one of the Catholic high schools in the city. While Mary was teaching in Pittsburgh, Peter O'Brien and other friends discussed with her the possibility of composing religious jazz works. At first Mary laughed at the idea. She knew that the church had ignored jazz, and had at various times condemned it strongly.® But over time the interaction with her students, coupled with her own spirituality, inspired her to write music with a hopeful religious message. In 1964 she composed her first such work, "Hymn in Honor of St. Martin de Porres." She followed it with several other before writing her first large-scale rehgious work, simply titled "Mass" (also known as the "Pittsburgh Mass.")^ Mary discarded this work, claiming that it was too traditional, but she did not give up the idea of writing religious works entirely. In 1968 she wrote another mass entitled "Mass for the Lenten

® D. Antoinette Handy, "Conversation with Mary Lou Williams: First Lady of the Jazz Keyboard," Black Perspectives in Music 8: n2 (1980), 206.

® For further discussion see chapter two.

^ For more information on this mass, see chapter eight. Season," which was performed for six Sundays during Lent at St. Thomas the Apostle Church in Harlem.^ This mass indicated to the church that Mary's work deserved attention. Following a two-month engagement in Copenhagen in 1969, Mary visited the Vatican. An audience with Pope Paul led to a commission to write a new mass for peace.® The result was the "Music for Peace," which was later rescored and became "Mary Lou's Mass."i® These compositions, especially "Mary Lou's Mass," were performed extensively throughout the United States and re-estahlished Mary's popularity in the jazz scene. But more importantly, these works opened the doors for the use of jazz in churches. Until the early 1960s, jazz was heard only in nightclubs, halls, and cabarets. But with the performance of Mary's religious pieces, especially the "Pittsburgh Mass" and "Mary Lou's Mass," in well-known cathedrals, jazz was brought to an audience that would otherwise have rejected it. Gaining acceptance for this music was not easy however. The , like many other denominations, was negative in its views toward jazz and jazz musicians.il Setting biblical texts to singable melodies, Mary Lou managed to change these conceptions about jazz. Although the harmonic and formulaic nature of the music did not change, the esthetic behind it did. Mary Lou Williams' bringing of jazz into the church brought with it a respectability that

® Mitchell, ‘The Legacy," 7.

® Ibid. For more detailed discussion on the mass and commission see chapter eleven.

1® For more detailed discussion on "Mary Lou’s Mass" see chapters eight and twelve.

11 See discussion in chapter two below. jazz had never before enjoyed and a new role to play as a part of worship services. I refer to this phenomenon as the "sanctification" of jazz. "Sanctification" is a concept identified with several sectors of the Black Church. Each denomination that makes up the Black Church has salient features that make its worship experience a little difierent from the others. These differences can be as simple as musical repertoire, but can also range to preaching style, and overall philosophy toward worship. The term sanctification is associated primarily with the Holiness Church, one of the many denominations that were created in the 1920s and 30s because of the expansion of black population into the North. According to E. Franklin Frazier, the Holiness church's goal was to "restore a purer form of

through sanctification of their members."!^ Frazier describes how sanctification is manifested as follows:

At these services there is singing and the clapping of hands after which there are testimonies. These testimonies tell of God's having guided those witnesses to the power of Holy Spirit in healing ills of the body. The sermon by the bishop which consists of attacks upon the sins of the world, which is approaching its end, results in the rising of individuals who become fi*enzied as they speak in tongues and engage in 'shouting.' The most important aspect of worship in these churches was the concept of "true praise," described as unrestricted movement and singing, as people

12 E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church in America (New York: Schocken Books, 1974):60- 62. I experienced this type of worship as a child while attending the Bethlehem Temple Pentecostal Holiness Church in Danville, Virginia. There was no choir or pianists but a guitarist. Most of the songs were led by a song leader, in this case, the preacher’s wife, who relied heavily on participation from the congregation, (call-and-response) Congregationers shouted or did the holy dance and testified during which they claimed to be clean, holy, sanctified and filled with the holy spirit.

13 Ibid. praised God with such fervor and freedom that outsiders would gawk with amazement. This type of behavior or freedom came through sanctification, through God's touching individuals and changing every aspect of their lives from the way that they talked to the way they sang and danced. The religious compositions of Mary Lou Williams may be seen as a manifestation of the sanctification process in jazz. The fundamental concept of this new music, which I call "," was the expression of black life in the most basic black musical forms. The music combines elements associated with jazz and with sacred text, thus creating a type of music different from existing genres. Sacred jazz extends the boundaries of and other religious forms. It relies heavily on its connection with blues and jazz, and does not attempt to separate itself from them. At its origins this genre also had the potential of reaching audiences that could not relate to early gospel music, such as that by Edwin Hawkins and Thomas Dorsey, i'* But most importantly it could venture into "questionable" venues without major concern. The traditional painful messages of the blues and jazz were now elevated to hopeful and spiritual ones. In essence, the music was "sanctified." Mary Lou Williams wrote almost one hundred works that could be classified as sacred jazz. Of the many compositions that make up this corpus, I have chosen to discuss six in the present study; Mass (Pittsburgh Mass), Mass for Lenten Season, Mass for Peace (Mary Lou's Mass), Anima Christi, The Devil, and Hymn in Honor ofSt Martin Be Porres. is These compositions were

1^ The development of gospel music and its relation to jazz is discussed in chapter two.

IS These compositions are located in The Uncatalogued works of Mary Lou Williams; The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University: Newark, New Jersey. Iiütially the focus of this research was not these compositions, but some of Mary Lou’s better-known works. The lack of scholarly research and the belief that many of the scores of the compositions no longer existed selected because they illustrate an important fusion of jazz and sacred music. Moreover, they allow us to trace with special clarity Mary Lou Williams' path from performer to composer, and the concomitant sanctification of jazz that her music helped bring about.

also contributed to the skepticism about this topic The discovery of such scores at the Institute of Jazz Studies at Rutgers University prompted me to research the history behind Mary Lou Williams' sacred compositions. The collection at Rutgers not only contains the scores but also recordings of some of the hymns and of "Mary Lou’s Mass."

8 CHAPTER 2

JAZZ AND THE BLACK CHURCH

"Jazz has come to stay because it is an expression of the times, of the breathless energetic, super active times in which we are living, it is useless to fight against it. "—Leopold Stokowski

Jazz has not always been associated with the Black Church. ^ Long before Duke Ellington's packed the Cotton Club in Harlem, or Minton's Playhouse became the hotbed of the movement, the Black Church denounced jazz and deemed it the "devil's music. "2 Jazz was the

^ The Black Church consists of many different denominations and beliefs, but it defined social behavior for the Black community. Through this institution educational and economic gains were made during the Post-Civil War years. Many historically black colleges grew out of grassroots church movements. For additional information on the Black Church see Frazier, The Negro Church in America; C Eric Lincoln, The Black Church Since Frazier (New York Schocken Books, 1974); Hart Nelson, Raytha Yokley, and Anne Nelson, ed.. The Black Church in America (New York and London: Basic Books, Inc 1971).

2 Discussion of jazz as the "devil’s music " can be found in Neil Leonard, ]azz: Myth and Religion (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 3-18; James H. Cone, The Spiritual and the Blues: An Interpretation (New York TTie Seabury Press, 1972); Jon Michael Spencer, "Bluesman Adam and Blueswoman Eve: A Theology for the Blues," Protest and Praise: Sacred Music of Black Religion (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 107- 131. For additional information on the Duke Ellington Orchestra or the BeBop Movement consult Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Amencans, 2nd edition (New York and London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1983); Gunther Schuller, The Swing Era: The Development of Jazz 1930-1945 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); , Swing to music of the hell-bound, lost, and troubled soul. Religious blacks, especially those in the south, sometimes disowned family members who aspired to leam the art form. Given such restrictions many ambitious performers found it necessaiy to run away from the constraints of church, family, and rurallife.3 Chaos, immorality, vice, and public lewdness were all considered to be siblings of this new type of music. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Church and black and white intellectuals denigrated blues and jazz, denying their intrinsic value and connection to black religious music (e.g. and hymns). In retrospect, however, one can discern a latent connection between the secular and the sacred from the

very beginningof the Black experience in the New World. The debate concerning the distinction and conflict between sacred and secular is nothing new, but when applied to discussions centered upon the Black Church and black music, the subject becomes more complicated. Distinguishing sacred music from secular becomes difficult when the chord structures, instrumentation, and vocal inflections heard in the "juke joints" and cabarets on Saturday nights become the "shout" chords or gospel singing style heard on Sunday mornings. Each type grows out of the same musical tradition, yet each is perceived differently. During the period of slavery and the Post-Civil War years, music was essential to the identify and survival of blacks. The African slave, first

Bop: An Oral History of The Transition in Jazz in the 2940s (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).

^ Kathy J. Ogren, The Jazz Revolution: Twenties America and the Meaning of Jazz (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 112-113. Ogren quotes several jazz artists, including , Eubie Blake, and Lawrence Brown, who faced opposition from family members when it was discovered that they were playing jazz.

10 brought to America in the seventeenth century, had to adapt to changes in his or her culture and identity. William Banks describes these changes as follows;

Memories of Africa were erased. Family ties were destroyed. To safeguard against rebellion, members of the same tribe were separated, for without a common language there would be less chance for revolt. For economic reasons families were spht up: a father sold to North Carolina, a mother and baby sent to Georgia, an older child dehvered to a plantation owner in Virginia—never again to see one another.^ During the early years of slavery many slaves refused to break from their native African rituals. It was not until the early eighteenth century that many blacks became converts to Christianify.^ As the century progressed, however, with most white churches battling to achieve their freedom from the Enghsh Anghcan church, the conversion of blacks to Christianity slowed to a virtual halt,-this despite the fact that "conversion of the heathens" had been one of the earliest justifications for the European slave trade.® The slowing of Christianization in the South notwithstanding, free blacks in the North were creating their own churches and denominations. The creation of the Afiican Methodist Episcopal denomination in 1794 provided free blacks with their own source of worship without discrimination.^

^ William Banks, The Black Church in the U.S.: Its Origin , Growth, Contributions, and Outlook (: Moody Press, 1972), 13.

® Frazier, 14-15.

® Banks, 14.

^ The free black population of the North was composed of escaped slaves and those slaves who were freed because they were brought to Northern ports. Richard Allen and Absolom Jones decided to start the Free African Society after white Methodists began segregating

11 Blacks in the South (slaves) were oflfered three forms of worship: fîrst, they were sometimes permitted to attend church with their slave masters, but had to sit in specified areas; second, they could attend their own churches led by a black minister supervised by a white minister; or third, they could attend a church led by a white minister.^ Although the first black church of record was established in Silver Bluff, South Carolina between 1750 and 1777, the insurrections of Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner impeded the creation of other black churches in the South.9 Some slaves considered Christianity the "white man's religion" and continued practicing modified African traditions.^^ Many had secret meetings where they met, sang, and preached about their existence. These meetings were the place of origin for the main religious form of musical expression during slavery: the spiritual. The spiritual, a product of the displaced African's traditional musical idioms combined with his limited knowledge of Christianity, provided the

Black parishioners from the whites. Allen and Jones would later go separate ways when Allen decided to link the society with the Methodist Church. The African Methodist Episcopal Church would later grow out of this separation. For additional information see Richard Allen, The Life Experience and Gospel Labors of the Rt. Rev. Richard Allen: To Which is Annexed the Rise and Progress o f the African Methodist episcopal Church in the United States of America (Nashville: Abingdon, 1983); Carol V. R. George, Segregated Sabbaths: Richard Allen and the Emergence of Independent Black Churches 1760-1840 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973); Daniel Alexander Payne, History of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (New York: Amo Press, 1969).

® Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans,, 166.

® This was partly due to the belief that the black Methodist church had supported the insurrection of Vesey.

Banks, 10.

12 slave with a means of psychological release.!^ The institution of slavery did not provide the opportunily for the slave to voice his/her opposition, but through the spiritual the slave could voice his or her protest Spirituals such as "Didn't My Lord Deliver Daniel," "Swing Low, Sweet Chariot," and "Go Down Moses" serve as testimonies of the slave's belief that God would deliver him/her from b on d age.12 The spiritual "Go Down Moses," for example, does not argue the slave's sociological or economic status. It simply says that God does not condone slavery and that "with what judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged: and with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again." (Matthew 7:2, KJV) So the spiritual became the language of protest and aspirations of freedom from slavery. On January 1,1863, the Emancipation Proclamation freed aU slaves, except those living in states and areas of states that were not in rebellion. 13 The spiritual, which had described the experiences of the slave, could no longer fulfill this need, given the social changes resulting from Emancipation. Secular music, especially the blues, provided freed slaves with a voice. The spiritual expressed the Negro's experience in religious terms; the blues concentrated on the secular world. While the spiritual exclaimed "Nobody Knows the Trouble I've Seen," the blues personalized it by figuratively asserting that "Nobody knows that I don't have any money.

For information on the spiritual, its function, etc. see John Lovell, Jr., Black Song: The Forge and the Flame: The Story of How the Afro-American Spiritual was Hammered Out, (New York Paragon House Publishers, 1972).

12 Jon Micheal Spencer, "Promises and Passages: The Exodus Story told through the Spirituals," Protest and Praise, 3-34.

13 Tom Cowan and Jack Maguire, TimeZmes of African-American History: 500 Years of Black Achievement (New York Roundtable Prœs/Perogee Book, 1994), 87.

13 my man is gone, and my dog bit me." The spiritual remained the most accepted form of vocal music for blacks who sought heavenly, rather than earthly guidance, but the church and religious blacks protested against the blues.

The Church's main problem with the blues was its apparent disregard for God. The lyrics of the blues spoke primary of the pleasures and pains of the world and rarely, if ever, addressed spirituality. It also did not advance the Church's cause of promoting Godly behavior. The Church believed that blacks could assimilate into society through adoption of acceptable behavior. That meant that drinking, promiscuity, and violence were inappropriate. In the eyes of many blacks, the blues provoked such behavior. Thus the music was rejected by most church-going blacks. Many blacks were unable to deal with the changing financial and social changes in the South after Emancipation. In order to find equality and financial stability, many left for Northern and Midwestern cities. What began as a trickle, however, eventually became a flood. From 1916 to 1930, thousands of rural blacks left the South and migrated to the North in what became known as the Great Migration, Although the migratory patterns of Southern blacks can be traced back to the period immediately after the Civü War, it was not until World War I that the population shifts became statistically significant. Hoping to escape forced labor, poverty.

Cone discusses how these secular songs or what he calls "devil songs" were not accepted by religious slaves.

15 See Cone, The Spiritual and The Blues, chapter six.

1® Burton W. Peretti, The Creation of Jazz: Music, Race, and Culture in Urban America (Urbana and Chicago: University of Press, 1994), 43.

14 and most importantly the Klu Klux Klan, blacks answered the North's call for unskilled laborers. Ironically, Northern blacks as well as whites were not receptive to these uncivilized, uncultured people. Many southerners were unfamiliar with the culture of the North and found themselves in embarrassing situations. These instances not only increased racial tensions between blacks and whites but also created issues of divisiveness within the black community. Kathy Ogren quotes the Chicago Defender, which in 1917 described the reaction to these migrants as follows;

It is evident that some of the people coming to this city have seriously erred in their conduct in public places, much to the humiliation of all respectable classes of our citizens, and by so doing, on account of their ignorance of laws and customs necessary for the maintenance of health, sobriety and morality among people in general, have given our enemies cause for complaint. The black churches of the North were not prepared to accommodate the influx of thousands of parishioners. Furthermore, many of these churches, in an effort to complete the assimilation into white America, condemned tJie lifestyle of Southern blacks. Hence migrators, not feeling accepted in these established churches, set up their own.i® With these

For additional information on the Great Migration see The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington and Indianapolis: hidiana Press, 1990); Peretti, The Creation of fazz, see discussion in chapters 3 and 4.

1® Ogren ,/<222 Revolution, 114. Also quoted in Nancy J. Weiss, The National Urban League 1910-1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 117.

Leroi Jones, B/ues People: Negro Music in White America (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1963), 125-126.

15 displaced blacks also came their culture and music. Although jazz had been introduced to the North by many white and black bands, the North was not ready to deal with the effects this new music would have. Blacks, as well as whites, posed opposition to the advancement of jazz and blues. The blues was specifically thought of as vulgar and indecent. Its lyrics spoke explicitly about sex, drinking, and violence. Perhaps even more important in shaping the public attitudes toward blues and jazz were the places where the music was cultivated—primarily brothels, dives, and nightclubs. These places and their patrons were considered "low class" by many respectable blacks. Leroi Jones describes these attitudes as follows:

You could only hear the blues and real jazz in the gut bucket cabarets where the lower class went. The term "gut bucket" came from the chitterlings bucket Chitterlings are the gut of a hog and the practice used to be to take a bucket to the slau^terhouse and get a bucket of guts. Therefore, anything real low down was c ^ e d gut bucket .20

Northern blacks dismissed this music, claiming that it was "backwards." But migrants felt that blues and jazz were a link to life in the South, and in many instances the cabarets and clubs were full of Southerners seeking reminders of home. Thomas Dorsey, the blues pianist who would later be known as "the father of gospel music," was amongst the wave of migrating blacks. Arriving in Chicago in the later teens, he found that "his down-home

20 Ibid. ,110. Quote originally appeared in "Garvin Bushel] and New York Jazz in the 1920s,” Jazz Review January 1959), 12.

16 soft and easy blues found an audience only among recent migrants from the South like himself."2i In New York another venue for the music was in what were called "rent parties." As the name suggests, these parties were usually held in an effort to pay bills. In Harlem, in the elite black neighborhoods of Sugar Hill and Strivers Row, lower-class blacks attempted to move in and live among the upper class. Many were unable to continue living above their means, so

they took in roomers and threw Saturday night rent p a r tie s .22 The food and music provided for partygoers contributed strongly to the popularity of such gatherings. According to David Levering Lewis, these rent parties generally began after midnight:

Howling and stomping sometimes well into dawn in a miasma of smoke, booze, collard greens, and hot music You would see all kinds of people making the party scene: formally dressed society folks from downtown, policemen, painters, carpenters, mechanics, truckmen in the workingman's clothes, gamblers, lesbians, and entertainers of all kinds.^

Many middle-and-upper class blacks, however, saw these rent parties as

being "sinfiil."24 In 1926 Fred Moore, the editor of The New York Age, a

Michael W. Harris, "Conflict and Resolution in the Life of Thomas Andrew Dorsey," Bernice Johnson Reagon,ed., We'// Understand it Better By and By: Pioneering African- American Gospel (Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992), 172.

22 Jervis Anderson, This was Harlem : A Cultural Portrait, 1900-1950 (New York: Farrar Stratus Giroux, 1982), 342. For additional information about these elite neighborhoods of Harlem , see chapter "On Strivers Row and Sugar Hill."

23 David Levering Lewis, When Harlem was in Vogue (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1981), 104.

24 Ibid. ,9.

17 black newspaper, spoke out against rent parties and the culture surrounding them.

A growing evil of the Negro community was the rent parties' at which an admission of from 25 cents to several dollars was charged to help pay the rent. All manner of debauchery was engaged in.25

He continued by stating that "Negroes wanted to maintain a 'high class of responsibility' in their neighborhoods. "^6 Rent parties and the music associated with them (boogie-woogie and stride piano) were not accepted by Moore and other middle-class blacks, who attempted to separate themselves from their lower class counterparts. As conditions changed in the North, however, bringing race riots and the Great Depression, many blacks began to soften their views. Now forced into unstable financial situations of their own, those blacks who had formerly preached against the "sinful" rent parties now supported them. The effect of social change in this period was quite evident in the black churches. E. Franklin Frazier describes the changingviews of Black Northern churches as the "secularization" of the churches. According to Frazier, secularization occurred in the late 1920s and 1930s when "the Negro churches lost their predominantly other-worldly outlook and began to focus attention upon the Negro's condition in this world. "2? This

25 "Negroes Support Dance-Hall Policy" A/ew York Times, 21 June 1926,5.

26 Ibid.

27 E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church in America, 56. Storefront church is a church in which services are conducted in an unrented or abandoned store. The majority of storefront churches were Baptist but there also were Apostolic, Holiness and Pentecostal.

18 secularization became evident in the liberal stance toward certain social practices. Card playing, jazz, dancing, and drinking were no longer considered sinful by all churchgoers. Secularization, however, did not affect all sections of the black community in the same way. For many upper-middle class and upper-class blacks, church attendance was socially motivated. The larger black churches in the major metropolises, were "vast social organizations with a number of departments concerned with many aspects of Negro life other than the

religious."28 Liberal as they may have been in certain areas, however, many of these churches maintained their stance against secular music, particularly jazz. For example the pastor of the Cavalry Baptist Church in New York, Dr. John Roach Straton, denounced jazz during a luncheon in 1926. He asserted that jazz was the stimulant for deviant behavior and an "agency of the devil." In his words:

I have no patience with this modem jazz tendency, whether it be in music, science, social life or rehgion. It is part of the lawless spirit which is being manifested in many departments of life, endangering our civiHzation in its general revolt against authorily and established order. Jazz music is just as much a revolt against the standards of modesty and decency as is the jazz tendency in dress.

Jazz, with its discord, its appeal to the sensuous, should be stamped out. The jazz hound is an outlaw and a musical bandit Like the gunman, he is running a muck and should be a relentlessly put down. Jazz is bootleg music.29

28 Ibid.,57.

28 "Straton says Jazz is 'Agency of Devil " New York Times 7 May 1926,10. Also found in Jazz: Resistance to the Diffusion of a Culture-Pattem," Jourml of Negro History (October 1947), 465.

19 A minister fi*om the First Emmanuel Church in Harlem "commended the city’s announced policy of restricting disreputable' dance halls in 1926. The socially motivated secularization of the Black Church was countered by the birth of church groups stressing "holiness," such as the Church of God in Christ, the Holiness Church, and the Pentecostal Church. According to Frazier, for many of these churches membership was determined by a "period of testing which is known as sanctification, and an experience, usually speaking in tongues, which is the sign that one has been filled with the Holy Spirit. Most of the members refused to compromise with the sinful ways of the world and condemned smoking, cursing, dancing,

and listening to the r a d i o .3 2 Although jazz and blues were rejected in the black church, as a whole these new "holiness" denominations moved away fi*om the rigid worship practices of the Baptist, Methodist, and Afiican Methodist Episcopal churches. This made it quite difficult, in many cases, to distinguish both the music and accompanying behaviors from "unholy" ones. The Church of God in Christ (COGIC), Pentecostal Churches, and Church of Christ Holiness offered parishioners the fi'eedom to dance (shout), speak in tongues, and

Ibid.

31 Ibid., 61.

32 According to Frazier the Holiness church condemned divorce and marriage to outside the circle of members. Men and women could show sentiment toward each other only when they planned to marry. Women were required to dress in a "holy" manner which meant wearing plain black or white dresses and stockings, preferably of cotton and if men wore neckties they had to be plain white or black. Black Church in America, 62.

20 worship God with a ll instruments.^^ Yet these churches maintained their negative attitudes towards jazz and blues. As strong as such views were, it is ironic that black intellectuals were perhaps even more instrumental than the churches and the middle- class in fueling views against jazz and blues. In the 1920s, the Harlem Renaissance ushered in a new age elevating black art Leaders of the Renaissance were concerned with dismantling racial stereotypes and encouraging racial pride. Yet jazz and blues were not viewed by the leaders of this movement as viable art forms. Many of them devalued jazz and blues, and preferred symphonic arrangements of popular tunes and spirituals. The only exception was Langston Hughes, who periodically used both jazz and blues as themes in his works.34

Harlem intellectuals promoted Negro art, but one thing is very curious. Except for Langston H u ^es, none of them took jazz~the new music-seriously. Of course, they aU mentioned it as background, as descriptive of Harlem life... But none thought enough about it to tiy and figure out what was happening. They tended to view it as folk art-like the spirituals and the dance—the unrefined source of new art. Men like James Weldon Johnson and Alain Locke expected some race genius to appear who would transform that source into high culture... The promoters of the Harlem Renaissance were so fixed on a vision of high culture that they did not look very hard or well

Horace Clarence Boyer, How Sweet the Sound: The Golden Age of Gospel (Washington, D.C.: Elliot and Clark Publishing, 1995), 6-28. Shouting (holy dance) is best described as frenzy-like dancing accompanied by drums, trombones, and foot stomping. Testifying was the act of standing and confessing what God had dome for the individual.

Works of Hughes’ that include references to jazz and blues include "Jazz as Communication;” The Weary Blues (New York Knopf, 1926) and The First Book of Jazz (New York F. Watts, 1955) For additional information on the literary output of Hughes, see Langston Hughes,77te Langston Hughes Reader (New York G. Brazillen, 1958) and Thomas A. Mikolyzk, Langston Hughes: A Bio-Bibliography (New York Greenwood Press, 1990).

21 atjazz.35

Most damaging to jazz and blues was not what these intellectuals said about the music, but rather what they did not say. Whereas "acceptance by assimilation" seems to have been the goal of the black middle class and the black church, leaders of the Harlem Renaissance wanted to stress black achievement. Common to both was the belief that as long as jazz and blues were associated with vice and profane activity, then the music could not be accepted as a signifier of black culture. Society's views about secular and sacred music began changing during the 1920s. Okeh records was introducing its new line of jazz recordings, and Thomas Dorsey and his associates in the National Baptist

Convention U.S.A. were altering concepts of black sacred m u s i c . 3 6 Dorsey combined the sacred traditions of his rural background with jazz and blues harmonies to create gospel music. Just as jazz had become the testimony

Nathan Huggins, Harlem Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 9-11. Also quoted in Ogden, Jazz Revolution ,117. Alain Locke and other writers discuss jazz in the New Negro (New York Atheneum, 1974) These black intellectuals did find artistic value in the spirituals and wrote about them extensively. W.E.B. DuBois devotes an entire chapter to the subject in The Souls of Black Folks. (Chicago: A.C McClurg and Co., 1953). Huggins also talks about spirituals in chapters 2 and 5. Many of these blacks adopted their beliek about jazz from the white community, which was adamant about its dislike for jazz.

Thomas Dorsey (1899-1993) also known as "Georgia Tom" coined the term "gospel music" to distinguish his music from existing forms of sacred music Gospel music became the vehicle by which twentieth century blacks could express their life experiences in sacred forms. ITie National Baptist Convention U.S.A., the largest black Baptist organization in 1895, was instrumental in showcasing Dorsey’s music For additional information see Horace Clarence Boyer, How Sweet the Sound: The Golden Age of Gospel (Washington, D.C: Elliot and Clark Publishing, 1995); Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans , chapters 7 and 11; Bernice Johnson Reagon,Wie7/ Understand it Better Bye and Bye.

22 of the worldly experiences of migrating blacks, gospel became that for the saved. By the late 1920s the line separating acceptable and unacceptable music had been drawn.3? Pure or respectable music, for many blacks, included classics, spirituals, and—later-gospel music.^8 The impure was jazz and blues in whatever form. Jazz, as outlined above, was regarded by many respectable, well-to-do blacks as a "backward, low-class" form of expression. God-fearing, respectable blacks, modeling themselves after cultured whites, found in orthodox values a definition of what "good" music was and of how jazz should be "refined" in order to become acceptable.39 However what had been so visibly separate, the sacred and the profane, in the 1930s and 1940s became blurred. Many parishioners in Northern black churches were very critical of Dorsey, claiming that the composer had incorporated too much of the "world" into his songs. Despite the church's efforts to separate jazz, blues, and gospel, fi-om each other, gospel incorporated many jazz and blues traits. Not surprisingly, it had a considerable impact on the secular . Through gospel music the black church became the training

37 This imaginary line also became a means of separating the black community further by skin colory, and educational background. For further information see F. James Davis Who is Black?: One Nation's Definition (University Press, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University, 1991) and Kathy Russel, Midge Wilson, and Ronald Hail,TAe Color Complex: The Politics of Skin Color Amonng Afiican Americans (New York: Harcout Brace Jovanovich,1992).

38 Although gospel music became popular during the 1930s and 1940s, during the early years (1920s) churches spoke out against the art form, claiming that too much of "the world" was adapted into them.

39 Huggins,Hflr/cOT Renaissance, 18.

23 ground for many secular artists. According to Portia Maultsby, "the infectious rhythms, melismatic melodies, complex harmonies, call-response structures, and compelling characters of [gospel] appeared in various styles."'*^ It was through mass media that gospel music linked the sacred and the secular. The showcasing of gospel music in non­ religious settings led to its popularity among secular audiences. By the 1950s gospel music was a big business. According to Maultsby, "for whatever reason-its spiritual message, musical sound, or cultural aestbetic-gospel music had a magnetic affect on people, especially black people. "41 The popular-music industry would capitalize upon this by showcasing gospel singers in nightclubs and theaters traditionally reserved for jazz and blues performances.^^ In the 1950s several jazz artists took an interest in the sacred-music industry. Several artists released recordings bearing "church-related" titles. 's composition "The Preacher", Les McCann's "Mercy, Mercy" and "The Truth," and 's "The Sermon" are examples of this music. These works are among the first attempts on the part of jazz artists to write original music with a sacred connecrtion.43

40 Portia Maultsby, T h e Impact of Gospel Music on the Secular Music Industry," We'll Understand It Better Bye and Bye , 19.

41 Ibid., 23.

42 Ibid.

43 There are instances during the early years of jazz’s development in which spirituals were "jazzed up." But there is no indication that these musicians were trying to establish spiritual links with jazz. Horace Sliver's The Preacher," is found on the recording The Best of Horace Silver Blue Note BST 84325. Les McCann's T h e Truth" is on A Bag of Gold Pacific Jazz 1966 (ST-20107) and Jimmy Smith's "The Sermon " is on Blue Note BST 4011.

24 In the 1960s the secularization of gospel was in full swing. With many gospel performers leaving sacred music to sing "popular" music (e.g. , soul, blues, and jazz), the sacred was becoming "secularized." It was at this moment that Mary Lou Williams h ^ a n to bridge the gap between jazz and sacred music through her compositions. A jazz musician who had become a devout Catholic, Mary Lou combined the two things she loved the most and proceeded to create a body of work that neither sector had ever witnessed before. As she would later testify, Mary's conception of sacred jazz was a result of her early musical experiences. Her early exposure to spirituals and the blues proved to be the foundation for her later works. The first tunes she ever heard were the spirituals she heard her mother practicing for the church choir. These songs became her musical foundation. Some idea of the importance of the spiritual in her own works can he gained from her statement that "from suffering came the spirituals. Songs of joy and songs of sorrow. The main origin of American jazz is a spiritual. Because of the deeply religious background of the Black American, he was able to mix this strong influence with rhythms that reach deep enough into the inner self to give expression to outcries of censored joy which became known as jazz."44

Given an outlook such as this, it is clear that the music that Mary Lou Williams produced during the 1960s and 1970s was not just a "stage" she was going through, but rather a return to her own musical roots.

Joan Kufrin and George Kufrin, "Mary Lou Williams," Uncommon Women. (Piscataway, NJ: New Century Publishers, Inc, 1981), 157.

25 CHAPTERS

THE EARLY YEARS

Mary Lou Williams was bom Mary Elfrieda Scruggs in Atlanta, Georgia on May 8,1910.1 With her mother's two subsequent marriages, Mary bore the names Mary Winn and Mary Burley. Her early Ufe reads like the proverbial "rags-to-riches" story. Like most blacks in the South, Mary and her family lived in near-poverty. During an interview in 1979 Mary recalled that the family lived in what was called a "shotgun house," so called because "a bullet fired in the front would go straight out the hack. "2 When Mary's natural father, Joe Scruggs, disappeared during her early years, her mother remarried and moved to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Pittsburgh was one of the major destinations for many blacks moving northward from the rural areas of the South during the period in American history known as the Great Migration.^ There were many advantages for blacks settling there, especially the promise of consistent

^ J. Bradford Robinson, "Mary Lou Williams," The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz, ed. by Barry Kemfield (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), 1294-1295.

2 Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Melissa Mousouris, "Mary Lou Williams: Musician as Healer," Village Voice (July 23,1979), 82.

3 Peter Gottleib, "Rethinking the Great Migration; A Perspective from Pittsburgh," in The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 19%), 70.

26 employment and the chance for a better life. Many of the agricultural areas of the South had failed to supply financial stability for southern families. The threats of bad harvests, as well as the destructive forces of nature, constantly hung over the heads of southern share croppers.^ The North appealed to black southerners, in particular, with the possibility of a better life and excellent jobs. According to Peter Gottleib: "from 1916 to 1919, the Pittsburgh area's workshops, mines, transportation facilities, construction crews, hotels, and private homes badly needed employees to replace men going into the army and women shifting to new and better paying jobs."5 In the years prior to 1916, Pittsburgh's work force consisted largely of European immigrants. World War I, however, disrupted the constant flow of immigrant,workers settling in the city, so employers looked to the southern black male and female as an alternative work force. Employers dispatched news of job openings and housing to areas of the rural South in hopes of inspiring blacks to migrate. Good news and talk of the North being the "Promised Land" from relatives who had resettled there also spurred southerners to pack up and move. Black males heard stories of jobs that paid double, or even triple the amount they had made on the farms of the

South. Most of these male immigrants found jobs in the steel mills and foundries of the city. Most women found temporary positions at

^ Sharecropping, in which a tenant farmer gives a share of the crops raised to the landlord in lieu of rent, was widely practiced in the post-Civil War South.

5 Peter Gottleib, "Rethinking the Great Migration," 70.

27 department stores and factories, as well as domestic work. Work opportunities, however, were greater for men resettling than for women.® Despite the miles that separated most of these blacks from their roots, many were ahle to maintain their family and communal connections. For many it became a pattern of making at least one trip "home" to the South during the course of a year. While homesickness and family emergencies often played a part in these trips, the living conditions of the city of Pittsburgh as well as other northern cities spurred these displaced Southerners to return to their roots. One significant factor in what Gottleib calls the "circulation of migrants" between their places of origin and destination was the social structure of the city of Pittsburgh.'^ Many southerners found the city to be cramped, with little space for expanding families. Work was sporadic, especially during the 1920s, when there was a stagnation in the steel industry. Thus, many male workers experienced periods of layoffs and unemployment® What was perhaps more significant for southerners was the racial discrimination that many encountered. The black southerners' hopes for equality and prosperity diminished as whites' resistance to black progress increased. Obvious forms of racism were the herding of blacks into deteriorating housing districts and the refusal to rent to blacks in more attractive areas. Many of the southerners were seen as inferior or as

6 Ibid.

^ Ibid., 73.

8 Ibid.

28 outsiders. At any given time black areas could be swept by the police who suspected the resettled blacks of the increasing crime in the ciiy.9 For Mary Lou and her family, life in Pittsburgh offered experiences not very different from those in Georgia. Acts of racism and the ever­ present threat of poverty were nothing new to Mary Lou and her family, but life in the North differed from that in Georgia in one small way. hi addition to the poor conditions that the family lived in, in Georgia they had also witnessed the horrors and brutality of Jim Crow and racism, lo Mary's childhood memories of Atlanta were filled with lynchings and other acts of hatred against blacks. Recalling a scene from early childhood she remembers "seeing a man's head split open with an ax and running over to kiss him."ii Although Mary Lou and her family also faced racism and violence in Pittsburgh, theirs was one of the few migrant families that managed to secure housing in an area outside of the dilapidated black areas. It was in this all-white neighborhood that Mary learned how to overcome racial prejudice and intolerance. Many of her neighbors greeted her and her family with flying bricks and racial e p ith e t s .12 But when the hate-filled

9 Ibid.

^9 Jim Crow originally was the name given to an ante-bellum minstrel show character. In the late 19th century the term came to be associated with statutes passed by the legislatures of the Southern states, statutes that created a racial caste system by which two separate societies were created -one black and one white. This structure was maintained by denying blacks certain rights through devices such as grandfather clauses, poll taxes, and literacy tests. For additional information see John Cell, The Highest Stage of White Supremaq/: The Origins of Segregation in South Africa and The American South (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982) and C Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of fim Craw., 2nd rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966).

^ ^ Mousouris, "Musician as Healer, " 82.

Kufrin, Uncommon Women, 159.

29 neighbors realized that the threats and acts of violence were not going to turn the family away, the harassment stopped. During the early 1920s scores of blacks left Pittsburgh in the wake of impending unemployment. Despite class and cultural tensions, as well as racial discrimination, Mary Lou's family remained there and managed to make a better life for themselves.

Musical Begmnings From the very beginning Mary was exposed to music, primarily through her mother, Virginia. Virginia Burley served as organist of their church, and played the old pump organ there while holding Mary Lou on her lap. One day after listening intently to her mother play Mary sat down at the keyboard and played one of her mother's standards note-for-note:

My mother played for the church, and it seemed like I was always getting into trouble of some kind while she was practicing on the organ; so she used to hold me on her lap for quite a while. One day, when I was two or three, she stopped and sat me on the stool and I began playing. Picking out the melody, you know. She ran and got the neighbors to hear me. After that, she'd have professional pianists come to the house and listen to me.i^ And listen people did. Mary earned the appellation "the little piano girl." Through her music and childish innocence, Mary bridged the racial

Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

^4 Mary Unterbrink, Jazz Women at the Keyboard (Jefferson, N.C and London; McFarland and Company Inc, 1983), 31.

Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Leo Tomkins. "The Mary Lou Williams Story: A Great Lady of Jazz talks to Leo Tomkins." Crescendo International vol. 9 (July 1971), 6.

30 gaps between her and her neighbors. She began visiting her neighbors and playing for them. Surprisingly, her mother had no idea of what her daughter was doing. It was only after the child suffered a serious injury that Virginia discovered Mary's "secret." "I was never in the house," explained Mary. "Once when I broke my arm, the neighbors came to the house asking for the little piano girl.' And my mother said, 'What have you been doing? ' I said, Tlaying the piano at their house', Mary was infatuated with music, and spent hours each day at the piano. At an early age she was already earning a substantial amount of money through music. In an interview with James Mitchell, Mary stated: "By the time I was six or seven I was playing the piano in my neighbors' homes in the afternoon and evenings. My cousins and sisters would take me. Sometimes I came home with $20 or $30 wrapped in a handkerchief."!'^ By the age of eight, Mary was already considered a professional in many musical circles. Mary's musical development was encouraged by several family members. One of these was her stepfather, Fletcher Burley, who purchased Mary a player piano with the piano rolls of Jelly Roll Morton and James P. Johnson.!® Burley often took Mary out to play for others. As she later recalled, Burley would sneak her into nightclubs under his "huge scratchy overcoat" and arrange for her to play the piano.!®

!^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 159.

!"^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted in James Mitchell, The Legacy of Mary Lou Williams," 8.

!® Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 33.

!® Ibid.

31 Another family member also proved to be a force in Mary's musical development. Hugh Floyd, Mary's brotber-in-law, took her to theaters to bear and other pianists appearing in Pittsburgh. These musicians would often invite the young girl to join them in jam sessions.^o

Nobody encouraged me but my brother-in-law, Floyd, and especially Fletcher Burley, my stepfather. I loved that man. It was Fletcher who took me to the theater to hear good music. Fletcher and Hugh always took care of me, especially if there was a new show. In Pittsburgh, anything musical happened, they'd take me to see it. To expose me.^^ It was during one of these many adventures that Mary Lou met two pianists who would be the chief influences on her stylistic development- Jack Howard and . Jack Howard, a Pittsburg piano player, influenced Mary's left-hand styling. He was known around local musicians for his left-hand dominated compositions, as well as for playing so hard that many thought the piano would break. Mary adopted Howard's left hand, but from Lovie she took charisma and stage presence. She flrst saw Lovie at one of the many T.O.B A. (Theater Owners Booking Association) shows tiiat came through Pittsburgh. While sitting at the piano with legs crossed and a cigarette danglingfi*om her mouth, Lovie scribbled music for subsequent performances while with her

20 Ibid., 34.

21 Maiy Lou Williams as quoted in Joan Kufrin and George Kufrin, Uncommon Women, 159.

22 "Mary Lou Williams," Reading Jazz : A Gathering of Autobiography, Reportage, and Criticism from 1919 to Now, ed. by Robert Gottlieb (New York Pantheon Books, 1996), 88.

32 head, and playing with her left hand. This left an indelible impression on the young Mary Lou who knew one day she would be doing what Austin was.^ Mary's participation in practice sessions with hands such as Earl Hines' and McKinney's Cotton Pickers aided in her musical advancement.^ Word of her talent reached the rich and successful of Pittsburgh, including the Mêlions, who on several occasions invited the young girl to play for their parties.^ Mary was paid substantial amounts of money. The money and adulation made Mary feel important. She loved being ahle to contribute to her household, which was still not financially stable. Mary recalls these early years as follows: "When the Mêlions had a lavish party, they would send their limousine to East Liberty to fetch the little piano girl.' The first time, when I came home with a $100 bill, my mother went to call them because she thought there was a m istake. "26 Since Mary's talent provided financial stability in the home, she began working with local union bands on a regular basis. While working with these bands, Mary was spotted by a member of a band called the

Cotton Pickers.27 Mary's stint with the Cotton Pickers and other regional bands led her to becoming known outside the city of Pittsburgh. As she tells it: "When the Cotton Pickers and aU the fast bands came to town, my mother would allow them to take me out to play with them, to places like

23 Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 34.

24 Robert Gottlieb, Reading Jazz, 91.

26 Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

26 Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

2"^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Tomkins, "The Mary Lou Williams Story, " 6.

33 Memphis, Tennessee, and Kansas Ci 1y ."28 At a time in which many pre- pubescent girls were playing with dolls and playing dress-up, Mary Lou was traveling throughout the Midwest performing. This constant travel frequently interrupted her education and robbed her of her childhood. In fact, Mary Lou was forced to grow up quickly, when at the age of twelve, she became a member of a vaudeville show.

T.O.B^ Years During the 1920s vaudeville shows were quite popular with both black and white audiences. Unfortunately, many of the shows were plagued with drunkard performers who at any given time could fail to show up for performances. Fortunately for Mary, one such episode, in 1923, provided her with the opportunity to join the vaudeville show Hits and Bits. At first the proprietor of Hits and Bits scoffed a t the notion th a t a young girl could play the piano well enough to be considered for his show, but Mary's talent won him over. After much debate Mary's mother allowed her leave school months before summer vacation to travel with . She recalls the incident as follows:

The Hits and Bits show came to Pittsburgh, and their pianist was quite the drunkard; this particular time, he didn't show up at all. Someone told the manager of the show: "There's a little girl

28 Ibid.

34 out East City that can do the job.' Well, they brought him the six miles from, downtown out to East Libeiiy-and there I was outside on the sidewalk, playing hopscotch with the kids. He was disgusted: You're recommending Aer for my show—that's ridiculous.' However, he went in the house, and he had me sit down and play for him. Immediately, he wanted to sign me up. My mother had to arrange for me to have two-and-a-half months away from school to play with this show.^ Although Mary Lou gained the respect of audiences and of other musicians with her musical talent, she asserts, years later, that she did not take her music seriously. Many times antics, to please the crowds, dominated her playing. It wasn't until a discussion with a fellow musician that the young pianist began to approach her playing and music with zeal. "I had invented a specialty where I played "Milenburg Joys' by spreading a sheet over the keys and playing mostly with my elbows," said Mary. "Then I played a wild break while spinning around on the stool and brought the house down. I thought I was terrific until an older musician came up to me and told me he detected one special chord in my playing, and that because of that one chord, how ridiculous it was to clown. From then on, I settled down to play seriously, Mary's stint with Hits and Bits was short lived; after eight weeks she returned to Pittsburgh and resumed school. Two years later, in 1924, during a return engagement with the group, Mary met a man who would make a considerable contribution to her musical and personal development: John Williams.31 John Williams, known as Bearcat, was a young

Ibid. Story is also found in Robert Gottlieb, Reading Jazz, 89-90.

Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

John Williams was bom in Memphis, Tennessee in 1905. From 1923-1928 he led his own band. In 1928 the saxophonist joined Terence Holder’s band, which later became Andy Kirk and the Twelve Clouds of Joy. For additional information see A. McCarty, Jazz

35 saxophonist who was traveling, at the time with one of the many bands associated with the T.O.B A. circuit. The Theater Owners Booking Association, or T.O.B A. was the main booking agent for black entertainers during the 1920s. The organization was formed in 1920 by Sherman Dudley. Dudley wanted to create a vehicle through which vaudeville bookings for black performers could be handled efficiently. The T.O.B A. originally consisted of thirty-two theaters which the artists traveled to, but it eventually expanded to more than 80 theaters in m ^or cities in the North, South, Southwest and Midwest. John Williams describes T.O.B A as follows:

There was a black troupe every week playing a theater for black people to see. We would play here the first week. Then, whoever booked us, we would go to maybe Louisville, the next week. Then we'd get a telegram tellhig us. They sent us telegrams, saying well you open next week at such and such thing. Your salary is ... .That was the real T.O.B A. And we didn't make no money.33 John's experience with T.O.B A provided him with the opportunity to travel and see parts of the United States he had only read about in his geography textbook. T.O.B A., however, not only provided young musicians with adventures in booming industrial towns across the country, but also

(New York and London: G.P. Putnam's and Sons: 1974), 242-246. Mary joined a band that was traveling on the T.O.B.A. drculL When John Williams joined the band a teenage Mary Lou was already a member.

32 Thomas Riis, "Theater Owners' Booking Association," The New Grove Dictionary of jazz, ed. by Barry Kemfield (New York; St. Martin's Press 1994), 1197.

33 John Williams, transcript of tape recorded interview by author, Columbus, Ohio 4 February 1995,5.

36 served as a means of educating them as to how life was for blacks in other parts of the United States. While traveling with the band, John played plantations and segr^ated towns and counties, an experience that seemed foreign to him, considering he had led a 'free' existence in Memphis. Many of these experiences introduced him to discrimination on a level previously unknown to him, in the form of legalized slavery and extreme poverty. John describes his first encounter with blacks who were still considered slaves in the rural areas of Arkansas and Mississippi as follows:

Every year they would have picnics down in Arkansas, and down there where they were picking cotton and stuff like that. And they would send to Memphis for music. We would play in Arkansas and Mississippi around in there. I would play plantations and those picnics. We would start out about 12:00 in the day, play a few numbers and aU like that. You would see people coming from miles. Some would come on mule backs. Some was walking and all. Coming to Masta so and so's picnic, he's giving for his help. They wotdd play baseball, not on a baseball diamond, but on the ground where com and stuff would be. They'd go barefoot. Guys and girlfriends both comingin on a mule, both riding a mule. That was amazingto me. ^ Although John had some exciting times with the T.O.B A., there were also veiy disheartening times. There were many areas in which black performers who were booked were not allowed to stay within a town's limits or purchase supplies from stores. John describes such an incident*

There were some bad days like when we played Tipton, Indiana at a carnival for three days. They didn't sell nothing to black people. No black people were in that county. The white guy that booked us.

34 Ibid., 2.

37 we'd write out a list and he'd go downtown and bring a bushel basket of sandwiches and things. So we'd have for three days. For sleeping they had this big bam. We had to sleep in this bam on hay. We had about two bales of hay brought out there and you'd see each guy trying to get a whole lot of hay so he and his girlfriend could sleep soft. So we slept up there in Tipton, Indiana, in the bam for three days. We could come down to do the show and at night that's where we would sleep.^s Although John and Mary knew each other professionally, survival during bad days on the T.O.BA. helped foster a personal relationship. John describes how he came to join the show and how his relationship with Mary blossomed:

In 1924,1 was in Memphis [and] got a wire from the T .0 3 A show. Tm ju st 16, so I joined the show in Cincinnati in December 1924. Mary was with the band already. That's when I first met Mary in 1924. The guy, who was leader of the band, then put in his notice to quit, because he saw how scarce the money w as.. His name was Shirley Clay. He was out of Chicago. But I didn't know that, I was just meeting everybody. So after the first week we played in Cincinnati, his notice was out. They liked my playing so.. Harris, the owner of the show, made me the leader of the band. It was called John Williams' Syncopated Players. Mary was already there at 14. 36 Mary was attracted to Williams' playing and the two soon became a couple. Williams explains that during those tours, it was necessary for everyone to team up. Finances and resources were scarce and it was easier to live as one than as separate individuals.

You had a girlfiiend or your life. Two would live as cheap as one. That was the thing you had to do. Well, [there was] Mary and a girlfriend, who was a 35 Ibid., 6. 36 Ibid.,4.

38 little older than her. She was for Mary, because she was so young. Well, they lived together but after Mary got all enthused about my playing, my playing and all that, we teamed [up].. .This was my girlfiiend. Well, we lived tc^ether. And the other girl she started living with the s t r a i t man, and everybody, all the girls on there they had a man to protect her.

We weren't married we just lived [together]. That was happening at shows throughout all the big cities... Kansas City, Louisville, Chicago.^? One persistent problem of the T.O.B A. was that many times bookings would cease without notice. Bands would be stranded far firom their home base without any notion of when their bookings would resume. On one such occasion Mary and John found themselves stuck in Kansas

City, M issouri.38 They "caught a big break," however, when dancers Seymour and Jeanette came to Kansas City during the mid 1920s. 39 The duo was booked in the city for a series of dates and was looking for a band to back them. "They were playing one of those big theaters downtown," states John.

They wanted a because that was popular then. There were three or four acts around that had what you called a jazz band. And my drummer heard about this. He came to me and said John these people playing downtown want to hear us play. We might get hired.'

37 Ibid.

38 Kansas City, Missouri was the most westerly stop on the T.O.B.A. circuit. For many bands it was the turn around point on the tour, where acts disbanded, reformed and rerouted. This provided the dty with a constant source of talent.

39 Seymour and Jeanette were not booked on the T.O.B.A. circuit but the B.F. Keith circuit. B.F. Keith were biased against black performers and had only one other black performer. Bill "Bojangles" Robinson. Mary Lou discusses this briefly in D. Antoinette Hardy, "Conversation with Mary Lou Williams," Black Perspectives in Music , 8 n2 (1980), 200.

39 So we went down and I called all the guys together and we played for them. They hired us right there. We went to Chicago, rehearsed the act, and they bookW them in New York.^0 Mary and John were booked for forty-two straight weeks with Seymour and Jeanette.41 The tour got under way in Minneapolis. By the third week, however, Seymour grew ill, and he died soon thereafter. The remaining dates of the tour were canceled.

Life with John Williams In 1927 when the tour officially broke up. Mary returned home to Pittsburgh, while John joined Maime Smith's band. John soon returned to Pittsburgh to be with Mary, but remained there only a month before moving back to Memphis. By this time, however, the two were talking marriage. Maiy subsequently accompanied John to Memphis, to visit his family, and in 1927 the two were married. She recalls her visit to Memphis as follows:

My first real experience of the South came about the year 1927. In my earlier tours I had not crossed the Mason-Dixon line; now, domestic business rather than music took me there. John and I decided to get married and it meant going to Memphis, Tennessee, to meet his parents. Apparently they had saved for John to go to college and study law, and they didn't approve of his musical career. ^2

John Williams, 7.

41 Ibid.

42 Mary Lou Williams. "Mary Lou on The Clouds Of Joy." Melody Maker (April 17,1954), 5.

40 After a quiet wedding, Mary and John decided to spend some time in Memphis. Williams began forming a band with many of the free-lance musicians in the city. At first the band settled for whatever was available in the form of work, but soon John's keen sense of business secured the band not only a r^ u la r date at a prominent ballroom but also good wages. Maiy describes the forming of the band as follows:

John set about forming a band of local musicians of whom there were a good number, but, not many who could read music well. He soon maneuvered the new combo into clubs and hotels that ordinarily never employed a colored outfit, and dug up a job at the Pink Rose Ballroom, where we made quite a name. One thing I have to say for John: he Imew how to talk up salaries. Memphis musicians were getting a dollar and a half to two dollars a night when we went Aere. John kept working on it and by the time he left they were making five and seven bucks, and I was making ten. ^3 Shortly after the band was stable and working, John received a telegram from Terence T. Holder in Oklahoma City asking him to join his band, which would later become Andy Kirk's Twelve Clouds of Joy. In the 1920s there were several territorial bands that aided in the development of a st^de ofjazz in the Southwest; Holder's band was one such group. The Dark Clouds of Joy, headed by Holder, was one of the top two bands on Dallas.^ His band consisted of many of the best musicians that

43 Ibid.

44 From 1922 to 1925 Holder was the star soloist with Alphonso Trent. In 1925 he left to create the Couds. For additional information see A McCarty (see footnote 21); Andy Kirk and Amy Lee, Twenty Years on Wheels (Ann A rbor The University of Michigan Press, 1989); Nathan W. Pearson, Jr., Gain to Kansas City (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 54-63.

41 the region had to ofifer: Carl Tatti Smith, Lloyd Glen on piano and a tuba player from Denver named Andy K rk. The Clouds were a ten-piece band consisting of three brass, three saxes, and a of four. When Kirk joined in 1925 there was not an arranger associated with the band. Essentially, the band's sound was built around the improvisations of Holder and alto saxophonist Alvin "Fats" Wall. Kirk would write down exceptional choruses played by the two, and later add harmony for the other . This provided pieces that could be used for many purposes. According to Andy Kirk, the band usually played an introduction and two choruses of a tune, then an encore. The encore was the same tune with a slightly different sound. "We used a modulation for the introduction, then went into a special chorus, or featured a solo, then out."4S Playing such sets in ballrooms from Dallas to Tulsa and Kansas City helped establish the reputation of the band. According to Claude Williams, one of original Clouds of Joy, the band would play at the Louvre Ballroom for three months and then go to Oklahoma City and play three months. They mainly played what were called "jitney" dances.^® In his words, "that's where you buy a hunch of tickets and there'd be a gang of girls standing around and you just go and ask a girl for a dance and if she accepts.. .you give them one of the tickets. The girl was just there to dance, and the man had to pay for the dance."^"^

Andy Kirk .Twenty Year on Wheels, 56.

Pearson, Coin ' to Kansas City,, 56.

47 Ibid.

42 While an excellent musician and soloist, Terence Holder proved not to be a veiy good leader. In 1928 financial problems plagued the group, mainly because of Holder's squandering the money, and be was voted out. It was decided that IQrk would take over. According to John WiUiams:

T Holder bad a babit of using th e band's money. He just kept it. 'Cause be and his wife were having trouble. He went to Dallas, [ where she was]. We went to Oklahoma City, and so I learned later that be bad done that two or three times. You know just didn't show up on payday. We'd work and be waiting for the money. They {hand members] decided that didnt want T-Hol to run the band anymore. Andy was the oldest in age, didn't smoke or drink or nothing like th at So we voted into taking bis name and leading the band.^8 Andy K irk, a Colorado native, bad studied with the father of orchestra leader .^® By age twenty, the young man was working with the George Monison orchestra as a tuba player. His stint with the Denver-based orchestra proved to be the training be needed. Kirk joined the Holder band in 1925.®° With Holder gone, several of the original Clouds left and branched out, one of whom was "Fats" Wall. Kirk immediately began searching for musicians to fill the vacant spots. He replaced Wall with John WiUiams, who left Memphis to play baritone sax with the group.®! Mary recaUs Williams'baste in leaving Memphis: "They ofiered him a nice salary so be went, leaving me in charge of the band in Memphis.

John Williams, 8.

J R. Taylor, "Andy Kirk," The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz ed. by Barry Kemfield (New York St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 654-655.

®° Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Ross Russell, Jazz Style in Kansas City and the Southwest (Berkeley: University of California Ptess), 164.

5! Ibid.

43 Just a little girl, the leader of a band. I was sixteen. Meanwhile Mary Lou, Jimmie Limceford, and several other sidemen carried on as the Syncopators. The pair had met Jimmie when he first came to Memphis, as a candidate for a teaching job. Although he was a good Mend of the Williamses, he did not join the Syncopators officially until after John left. Mary added Lunceford to the band simply because "I had no alto player, so I asked Jimmy. The Syncopators played consistently around Memphis in 1927. Their success was primarily based on the fact that combos that played with a "beat, " identifying them as what were referred to as "jazz bands," were beginning to gain national attention. As in her early years with the T.O.B.A., Mary's stint as leader of this group was not without its own set of adventures. There were some instances in which the band would not get paid by club owners. Despite her youth, Mary often found herself the only member of the band willing to stand up to these "hustlers." She describes one such incident as follows:

After we finished playing, the man who hired us, one of those tough gangsters, said, Tm not going to pay you. I can get all the musicians I want, $2 a dozen." Jimmie and the others got in the car and ran back to Memphis. Left me! I yelled, T want my money, I WANT MY MONEY! ' The man's mother and wife stuck their heads out the window and said, "Little girl, go on run." Wife said, "Look at my eyes, he beat me up." But I said, I WANT MY MONEY!" I carried on so until he threw it down and said, "Somebody take her back to Memphis." It was $15 for each musician, and I got their money too!®^

Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Kufrin, Uncommon Women, 161.

Mary Lou Williams, "Mary Lou on the Q o u d s..," 5.

Mary Lou Williams as quoted in KuMn, Uncommon Women, 161.

44 In addition to playing with Lunceford and the Syncopators, Mary Lou also played many solo dates. Di many cases this proved to be just as dangerous as many of the dates with the Syncopators. Being a young, talented, and beautdhil black woman on the wrong side of the Mason-Dixon line proved to be quite an experience for the pianist. Once she was almost kidnapped by a "fan." While Mary Lou was working in a roadhouse outside Memphis, a white patron came night after night to listen attentively to the petite, almond-eyed pianist. One evening the cook tipped her off that the man was interested in more than just her piano technique. He had offered the cook $50 to help him take Maiy Lou to his place in Mississippi. When she learned of the kidnapping plot, a terrified Mary ran to the restroom, locked the door, and climbed out the window. She was too frightened ever to retu rn for her pay.55

Years in Oklahoma and Tulsa (1928-1929) In 1928 Mary finished her engagements in Memphis and left for Oklahoma City to join her husband. The 700-plus mile trip was quite taxing for the young Mary Lou. Most of the major roadways leading through the midwest were not paved or in good condition. So Mary Lou not only had to be concerned about being a woman traveling across the country without

Mary Lou Williams quoted in Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 36.

45 male companionship, but also about road hazards. Maiy describes her trip to Oklahoma as follows:

I worked off the outstanding engagements [of the Syncopators], then set out to join John in Oklâioma City, 700 miles away. He had left our Chevrolet for me to make Üie journey in, and with John's mother and a friend, I hit the highway. The Chev wasn't much of a 'short' to look at. It looked like a red bath tub in fact, but ran like one of those streamlined trains on the Pennsylvania Railroad, and was the craziest for wear and tear. Unfortunately we had miles of dirt and turtle-back roads to travel, and these excuses for highways were studded with sharp stones. To top all, it was August and hot as a doodle. Every 40 or 50 miles we stopped to change tyres or clean out the carburetor.^ When Mary arrived in Oklahoma she was surprised at the how successful the band had become. Andy Kirk and the Clouds had gained status as one of the leading territorial bands in the Southwest. At that time The Clouds considered itself a band which played mainly dance music, not jazz. Although jazz was becoming quite popular through the r%ion, Andy Kirk and the Clouds' repertoire emphasized romantic ballads, pop tunes, and both Viennese and popular waltzes.^? Mary Lou's husband, John, quite anxious to have his wife's talents displayed, immediately invited her to the band's next rehearsal after her arrival. The musicianship and showmanship of the band impressed Mary. Mary Lou recalls her first impressions of the group:

John was anxious to show me off musically, for he was

Mary Lou Williams, "Mary Lou on The Qouds," 5.

For additional information of the history of Andy Kirk and the Qouds see Gene Femett, "Andy Kirk and his Q ouds of Joy," Siving Out: Great Negro Dance Bands (Midland, Michigan: The Pendell Company, 1970), 77-82.

46 proud of my ability. Though out of my mind from the journey, I went without sleep to make rehearsal the next morning. Holder's boys rehearsed two days a week, beginning 11 am; and I was in the hall by nine. I don't know what Holder's band made of me, but I thought them the handsomest bunch of intellectuals I had seen so far.

They looked like collegians, all had beautiful brown complexions and wore sharp beige suits to match. Going out, they sported yellow raincoats with the instrument each man played illustrated on the back. Most came from good families and their manners were perfect.. They played jazz numbers, and better commercial things. They were all reading like mad, and I had to admit it was a good and different orchestra.: smooth showmanship (minus the Tom-ing') coupled with musical ability. Kirk's showmanship defied all of the stereotypes of the vaudeville bands. They entertained their audiences without compromising their sense of respectability. There was no black face and none of the comical antics that had diminished the talents of many musicians, who played on the T.0.BA59 One of the Kirk band's novelty acts was the composition Casey Jones. According to Andy Kirk, the Clouds "dressed up in engineers' black caps and tied red bandannas around our necks." Kirk would borrow a cigarette from one of the band members and blow smoke into the tubing of his horn. At the point when the entire band entered Kirk would appear with smoke billowing out of his tuba. "The crowds loved it, especially white audiences.

58 Ibid.

59 In his discussion on the T.O.B.A., John Williams talks about how he was called upon once to don black face, big shoes and big lips when the regular comic did not show up for a gig. Although he does not indicate that at the time the act was degrading, history has taught us that such images were later used to degrade and dehumanize the African- American's existence in America.

80 Andy Kirk, 62.

47 At that time The Clouds had managed to secure all of the best engagements in Oklahoma. The band competed with both the black regional bands and the white union bands, who were jealous of The Clouds' success. Rivalry with the white bands proved to be quite expensive and costly. The Clouds worked six days a week from Tuesday and Sunday throughout the year. Mondays were usually the off days and their opportunity to play for black audiences. During one of their Monday gigs, the union officials, apparently at the prompting of white union members, changed the pay scale without notifying Kirk. The band was unknowingly paid according to the original pay scale, placing it in violation of union rules. The band was fined as much as $1000: $100 per man and $500 for Andy.^i Meanwhile, Mary's stepfather died, forcing her to return to Pittsburgh while John and the other band members worked out their problems. The Clouds did not remain unemployed for long. The manager for the Pla-Mor, the main ballroom in Kansas City, came down to audition the band. He was impressed and moved the band to Kansas City, where they headlined at the Pla-Mor. After attending to her personal and family business. Maryjoined her husband in Kansas City in 1929, and found the city to be musically "a heavenly city." "Music everywhere in the Negro section of town and fifty or more cabarets rocking on Twelfth and Eighteenth Streets. Kirk's band was drawing them into the handsome Pla- Mor Ballroom when my husband, John Williams, had me return to him in

John Williams, 9.

48 Kaycee. This was my first visit to Missouri's jazz metropolis, a city that was to have a big influence on my career."

Kansas City, Missouri Major cities in the Southwest had opened up to jazz musicians and their craft since the turn of the century.®^ The closing of the red light district of , starting in 1917, led to a decline in employment opportunities for many jazz musicians. While many turned to part-time, blue-collar jobs, others joined minstrel shows and traveled throughout the South. There were, however, many who migrated Northward to urban cities like Chicago and Kansas City. With artists such as Joe "King" Oliver, Johnny Dodds, Sidney Bechet, and relocating to the North, new centers ofjazz began developing. Many of these musicians continued advancing New Orleans style jazz, and it became the foundation for a Chicago style ofjazz.®^ However, this style did not directly influence John Williams, Andy Kirk, or other

Maiy Lou Williams "Mr. 5x5 had a Ten Block Voice, " Melody Maker 30 (April 24, 1954), 5.

Additional information on the jazz scene in the Southwest is found in Franklin S. Driggs, "Kansas City and The Southwest," Jazz : New Perspectives on the History of Jazz by Twelve of the World’s Foremost Jazz Critics and Scholars ed. by Nat Hentoff and Albert McCarthy (New York and Toronto: Rinehart and Co., Inc, 1959), 179-230; Gunter Schuller, Early Jazz : Its Roots and Musical Development (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), 279-318.

Gunter Schuller discusses the development of the Southwest jazz style and the popularity of its bands in Early Jazz: Its Roots and Musical Development," (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), 279-317.

49 Southwest jazzmen.^ Kansas City became the crossroads for many musicians and bands, leaving New Orleans heading North. Because many of the best-paying jobs were in Chicago, very few of the premiere players remained in Kansas City. From 1920 to 1940 the Southwest fostered a new style that grew out of a grass-roots movement amongst territorial bands. Ih this region music and creativity could be fostered without the politics and woes that faced musicians in New York or Chicago. Because of its distance from the larger urban centers, Kansas City had no easy access to music publishers or record companies. Subsequently, artists, talent scouts, and booking agents in New York and Chicago gave very little thought to Kansas City. This situation allowed the music scene there to flourish without the same types of constraints that existed in larger metropolises such as Chicago and New York. Kansas City or Southwestern jazz expanded the instrumentation and musicality of New Orleans Jazz. New Orleans Jazz essentially used the comet, , trombone, tuba, snare and bass drums, bapjo and piano as the basis of its instrumentation. Kansas City musicians added to this th e saxophone.66 This new style ofjazz was built around individual jazz musicians and the urbanized country blues. The three part improvised polyphonic style that defined New Orleans jazz was reduced to simple repeated phrases in .®"^ These repeated phrases, also

In chapter one of Russell, Jazz Style in Kansas City and the Southwest , the development of Southwestern jazz is discussed.

Eric Hobsbawn, The Jazz Scene (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 78.

67 Ibid., 78-79.

50 known as riffs, became the foundation for the melody, harmonies and rhythmic pattern of a composition. Once this was established, solos were later added. Most sections of improvisation were based on popular songs or the twelve-bar blues. The blues was the primary musical foundation for both fast and slow numbers. Riffs were usually played between and behind solos. It was Kansas City style's inherent characteristics, however, that increased its popularity. According to Eric Hobsbawn, there were three m£gor musical features that distinguished Kansas Cityjazz. 1) It provided a flexible framework for big band jazz. 2) Kansas City style was the only style which used unspoiled blues singers as band vocalists and integral parts of the orchestra. 3) It allowed and encouraged the utmost technical inventiveness and adventurousness among the players. For this reason Kansas Cityjazz, more than any other style, became the incubator of the musical revolution in jazz, even while its most radical innovators remained rooted in the blues.®® Kansas City, at the time when the Clouds were at the Pla-Mor, was under the control of Tom Penderçast.®® Politicians and gangsters managed most of the clubs, providing Missourians with free access to drinking, gambling, and other vices."^® Tom Pendergast and his passive

Ibid., 80.

Tom Pendergast served as boss of the Democratic Party in Kansas City from 1927 to 1938. He held a political office in the dty as early as 1902. He ran the hotel T he Jefferson" from 1907 and 1920. For additional information on Pendergast see Russell, Jazz in Kansas and the Southwest, chapter 2.

70 Ibid.

51 encouragement of corruption and gang rule in Kansas City provided the necessary backing for the growing musical culture of the dty. Most Kansas City natives enjoyed the blues, boogie-woogie, ragtime, and jazz bands, and many cabarets, show bars, and taverns were havens for such musical traditions. From ca. 1910-1938 there were at least twenty or thirty cabarets in operation and five legitimate theaters in Kansas City.^i The steady engagement at the Pla-Mor provided IQrk and the other Clouds with the revenue to pay off the fine they had been assessed in Oklahoma. According to John Williams, "we'd [the Clouds] play the Pla-Mor for four days then we'd go to Topeka and play three days. Then we'd [play] one day in St. Louis, Missouri to make up our wages. Each one would take our money each week until we paid off th a t fine."'^2 During the late 1920s Mary was still not an ofifidal part of the Kirk band, but would sit in occasionally. She spent the majority of her time in Kansas City going to the many cabarets and listening to other musicians. It was during one of these times that she met trombonist , who quickly became a good friend. With two young women, Lucille and Louise, Mary Lou explored the nightclubs of Kansas City. On many of these occasions she would meet other jazz musicians who then invited her to participate in jam sessions.73 During these early years, while she traveling with her husband and the Clouds, Mary learned how to compose and arrange music. Mary describes the process as follows:

Russell,/dzz in Kansas City, 11.

John Williams, 9.

73 Ibid.

52 Since I hadn't studied, I asked IQrk about voicing registers and memorized all I needed to know. I had some good ideas. Tdmet with Kirk an hour a day and watch how he was voicing, and one day after about two weeks, I came back with an . The band always showed patience with my arrangements, so I had the chance to experiment. When they tried my arrangement, of Tittle Joe fi*om CWcago,' the saxophone section sounded so funny, everyone went into hysterics. I was very sensitive and really got upset.74

Although those early attempts at composing were eventful, less than a year later, Kirk would rely heavily on her compositions.'^®

The F irst R ecordings In the 1920s many of the white-owned record companies took interest in blues and jazz. Their marketing strategy was geared primarily toward blacks.'^® Their intent was to create a recording industry based on recordings of blues singers like and bands such as Bennie Moten's. "Race records" was the term used to describe phonographic recording targeted for the black audience from 1921 to 1942. Okeh records was the first company to produce several series of these recordings. The success of Okeh's records led competing companies to release their own

Mousouris, "Musidan as Healer," 81.

Mousouris discusses how when Kirk was signed to a record deal, he brought Maiy to Chicago, where in one week she wrote 20 arrangements. These compositions were later recorded by the band.

Paul Oliver, "Race Records," New Grove Dictionary o f Jazz , ed. by Barry Kemfield (New York SL Martin's Press, 1995), 1011.

53 series of race records. Among these are the Paramount 12000s, Columbia's 14000s and the Vocalion's lOOOs.^? Kirk and the Clouds were

among the few territorial bands that made such recordings.^8 in 1929 Jack Kapp and DickVoynow, recording executives for Brunswick and Vocalion labels, came to Kansas City in hopes of signing black groups.^^ Kapp and Voynow heard about the Clouds' popularity, and approached the band about the possibility of recording for their label. They and Kirk quickly arranged a private audition for the band. On the day of the audition all of the members of the band had assembled except for pianist Marion Jackson.^o Concerned that this would be their one and only opportunity, IQrk asked John Williams to call in Mary Lou to fill in on piano. Mary's ability to play anything at any time not only helped the band gain a recording contract, but also impressed Kirk with her ta le n t He later stated th a t "no one had th e wildest idea she'd be a big

These 78 r.p.m. discs were listed according to their series. The Paramount 1300s series began in August of 1922 and continued until 1932. Vocalion’s 100 series was supervised by Jack Kapp and J. May Williams. Most of these recordings consisted of material by TCing" Oliver and Duke Ellington. The series officially started following the company's purchase by Brunswick in 1926. The 100 series continued until July 1933. Columbia’s 14000 series included recordings of Bessie Smith, Clara Smith and ., and was first launched in 1923 (13000). For additional information see the New Grove's articles on the respective record companies and race records.

78 Paul Oliver, "Race Records," 1011.

79 The Brunswick label was actively looking for a band that could rival the success of Bennie Moten's Orchestra, which was recording with a competitive label.

According to Claude Williams, he and Marion Jackson were in Topeka, Kansas, they had been drinking and partying and decided to drive back to Kansas City. Ten or fifteen miles outside of Kansas City, Williams grew sleepy. Jackson, at the time, seemed more coherent. So the two switched places. After five miles, Jackson fell asleep and the car went off the road. The car was totaled and Jackson shattered bones in both legs. Pearson, Coin' To Kansas City, 60-61.

54 factor in our landing an excellent two-year recording contract, or wilder yet, that she would make jazz histoiy."^^ Yet he still sought to retain Jackson, explaining that he believed the hard life of "one-niters" would be difficult for a woman. The Clouds' first recording session was set for November 7,1929, at radio station KMBC in Kansas City.^^ Jackson, the regular pianist, did show up for the session, but was replaced by Mary Lou when Kapp insisted that she play. Mary Lou not only played on the recording, but the band also recorded two of her original compositions: Mess-A-Stomp and Blues Clarinet S to m p .^ The next session, on November II, 1929, yielded another Mary Lou original,/’roggy Bottom, which had already proven to be quite popular with audiences. Although released separately, the tunes Froggy Bottom and Mess-A-Stomp proved to be quite successful in the retail market. Following the recording session, Kirk sat out to improve the overall sound of the band. The band's appeal rested mainly in its crisp brass section, the ability of the rhythm section to swing compositions, and its overall appeal to dancers. Kirk had managed to combine the jazz ideals of many of the bands of the Southwest with an easy and appealing beat.®^

Andy Kirk, Twenty Years, 70-71. Story also relayed in Russell, jazz Style , 164-166.

Ibid., 71. The story is also relayed in Russell, Jazz in Southwest, 165; Gunter Schuller, The Sm ng Era: The Development of Jazz 1930-1945, (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 350-351.

Blues Clarinet was significant in that it showcased the baritone saxophone of John W illiams.

84 RusseU, 165.

55 Unlike many of the territorial bands in the Southwest, Kirk's popularity spread beyond the region. happened by the Pla-Mor during a visit to the city and was impressed by the Clouds' sound. Upon returning to New York, Henderson recommended that the Clouds be brought in as his backup band at the Roseland Ballroom.^ Lou Brecker, manager of the Roseland took Henderson's recommendation, and in 1930 the band was booked for a six-week engagement. Located at West in New York, the Roseland Ballroom, following its opening in 1919, quickly became the center for dancing and hot music in the city. Although its clientele was mainly white during the early years, black bands were booked consistently. The club was made famous by Fletcher Henderson, whose orchestra served as the house band from

1 9 2 4 -1 9 4 2 . The New York audiences also loved Kirk's music, and the Clouds were able to provide them with solid rhythms suitable for dancing. The band's success at the Roseland lead to a sixteen-week stint at the famous Savoy Ballroom in Harlem. 8? By 1930 the Savoy had gained the reputation of being the largest and most beautiful ballroom in New York. It consisted of a 200x50-foot dance floor, two bandstands, and a retractable stage.88 The Savoy's popularity was established by the jazz dance craze that was started there.

85 Ibid., 166.

8^ "Nightclubs and other Venues: USA New York," New Grove's Dictionary of Jazz, ed. Barry Kemfeld. (New York: S t Martin's Press 1995), 901.

87 Russell, Jazz in the Southwest, 166.

88 "Nightclubs and other Venues.., " 901.

56 In a short amount of time it had become the most popular ballroom in Harlem.®® Although not ofiScially a member of the Kirk band, Mary Lou traveled with them to New York. Periodically Kirk would allow Mary to sit in and play tunes such as Froggy Bottom, or Mary's Idea, guaranteed to get crowds jumping. Mary knew from the moment the Clouds arrived in New York that the band was on its way. Their success at the Savoy led to a tour of other E astern states.®® With their new-found fame, Kirk and the Clouds were called in for three more recording sessions in Chicago with Brunswick in 1930. On their way to Chicago they played a series of one-niters in places like Columbus and Hannibal, Missouri, and LaSalle, Illinois.®^ When the band arrived in Chicago, in April of 1930, Mary Lou was not with them. She had returned to Kansas City. Both Kapp and Voynow wanted to know immediately where Mary Lou was, claiming that they "liked her style. "®® Mary was sent for immediately. Although tired when she arrived in Chicago, Mary went straight to the studio and recorded the tracks with the band. Once again the band recorded one of Mary's original compositions, as well as pieces made famous by other bands. The session consisted of Mary's Mary's Idea, 's Snag It and Henderson's Sweet and Hof.®®

®® ’s band became the popular attraction at the Savoy in 1931.

®® Mary Lou Williams, "Mr. 5x5 had a Ten Block V o i c e Melody Maker, 30 (April 24, 1954), 5

Kirk, 72.

®2 Ibid.

®® Russell, 166.

57 During these sessions Maiy Lou created two original compositions, "Drag 'Em" and "Night Life," which were marketed as solo recordings. At the time she was not aware of how popular these tracks would be, so the question of royalties was never discussed. Later she had to threaten legal action to stop the redistribution of the recordings. It was also during these sessions that "Lou" was added to her name, for the sake of marketing. Kapp thought that Mary was just too plain to put on the label, so he added "Lou" and it remained with her up until her death.94 When the Clouds returned to Kansas City, in late 1930, they found the music scene to be more exciting than ever before. Unlike many cities in the Midwest, Kansas City was one the Clouds found to be quite receptive to jazz. The city was not beset by many of the racial problems facing cities all across America. Musicians from all over the South and Southwest found their way to Kansas City, where they and their talents were accepted. 95

Years with Andy Kirk (1931 1942) In 1931, Kirk made Mary Lou an official part of the band. According to Mary Lou, those early years with Kirk were her "starvation days." The

9^ Mary Lou Williams, "The Battle of the Tenor Kings," Melody Maker 30 (May 1,1954), IL Later the recordings were redistributed in and were included in an of "barrelhouse piano" music during the forties.

95 Mary Lou Williams, "Mr. 5x5...". Across the river, in Kansas City, Kansas, jazz and its proponents were snubbed. This could be an indication of the boundaries of Pendergast's control and of the ethnic makeup of the two cities.

58 band spent the msuority of its time traveling and playing one-niters. Many times the band was not paid, leaving its band members to fend for themselves. According to Mary:

They would play long strings of one-niters, traveling perhaps 300 miles between cities after playing. You know those 20's cars didn't have heaters or windshield wipers. In winter, the roads were sheets of ice. There were some terrible accidents and delays. We'd arrive in town too late to play and we'd be stranded there without the money to buy gasoline to get to our next gig. Sometimes after we played. Kirk would come back with his head down and we'd know we hadn't been paid.^ Years later Williams would tell of the band's attempts to survive during these times. On many occasions they relied on raiding cornfields or upon local musicians to give them meals. Williams, at one time, made a dress out of hotel curtains after her clothes were worn out. She states that "it was pretty horrible now that I look back on it, but then we'd have fun, we were like a family." 9? Unlike many of the big bands in the thirties, Andy Kirk and the Clouds were able to stay together during the Depression. The unstable financial environment of America caused many of the theaters in the Southwest to close, thus affecting the finances of bands like the Clouds. For example in 1933 the band members found themselves stranded in the Southwest when theaters on the Malco Theatre tour closed. The Clouds finally managed to raise enough money to return to Kansas City. Kansas City was not struggling under the weight of the Depression. In fact, the city had managed to maintain itself rather well through the

96 Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

97 Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

59 financial dealings of Pendergast. The Kirk band played many of the dance halls of the ciiy, including the Vanity Fair, Pla-Mor, and Fairyland Park. 9® Despite their success with both black and white audiences, however the band was still unable to convince Brunswick and Vocalion to let them record music other than that marketed under race records. Since they were popular with all types of audiences, Kirk thought that the band's recordings should reflect their ever-changing musical style. Not only had he made Mary Lou an oflicial member of the band, but in 1933, he had added singer Pha Terrell. The addition of Pha changed the band's musical style. Before, the Clouds mainly played dance music, but with a vocalist it could now perform romantic ballads. Although dance music was quite popular, ballads could expand the Cloud's audience. In 1934, the Brunswick and Vocalion pre-1932 catalogues were purchased by the American branch of the British-owned Decca Record Company. With Jack Kapp at the helm, the company continued to issue "race series."®® The label had signed artists such as Fletcher Henderson, , and , and was interested in having Kirk record on that label as well. In the meantime Kirk had acquired representation fi*om Louis Armstrong's manager, Joe Glaser. In no time Glaser managed to book the Clouds at the Astoria nightclub in for two weeks.

Russell, jazz in the Southwest., 166. See also the New Grove's article on the record companies.

Russell, 166.

I®® Kirk, 84.

60 After the two week engagement, Kirk and the Clouds traveled on to New York to meet with Kapp about recording for Decca. Arriving at the Decca studios, Kirk pushed the subject of recording different and new material that the band had been working on. Kapp listened to Kirk's suggestion, but had no intentions of marketing the band for anything other than the race record outlet Kirk describes his conversation with Kapp as follows:

Andy, what's the matter with you?' Kapp said. You've got something good going for you. Why do you want to do what the white boys are doing?' Right then I saw his commercial motives, saw why he had originally wanted to record us in Kansas City. It was for the race market only. He told us that for that session Christopher Columbus was a must. Fletcher Henderson was already set with it on his label, but Joe Davis, who published it was Kapp's brother-in-law and had asked Kapp to have me do it.^°^ Andy decided to give in to Kapp's demands and record with Decca. In 1936, Andy Kirk and the Clouds of Joy recorded their first series of race records for Decca. The hand's personnel consisted of Paul King, Earl Thomson, Harry Lawson, ; Ted Donnelly, trombone; John Williams, John Harrington, Dick Wilson, reeds; Claude Williams, vioÜn; Andy Kirk, baritone saxophone; Mary Lou Williams, piano; Ted Robinson, ; Booker Collins, string bass; Ben Thigpen, drums; Pha Terrell, vocals. 102 The band did record Christopher Columbus, as Kapp requested, but Kirk did not give up trying to get their original compositions recorded.

101 Ibid., 85.

102 Russell, 166.

61 He was determined to have Kapp listen to the other compositions the band had worked on. Finally Kapp agreed, and the band played a ballad that they had picked up in Kansas City. According to Kirk, the song was based on a tune called A Slave Song, taken from the unsuccessful musical Blackbirds. According to Kirk, "three kids with ukuleles hustled from one club to another singing and playing it[the tune] and all the Kansas City bands picked it up. Harriet Calloway [no relation to Cab] put words to Kapp finally agreed to record the piece, but not without some alterations. Kapp called in Sammy Chan and Saul Chapman to write new lyrics. The tune, known as Until the Real Thing Comes Along, became the group's theme song, The recording of Until the Real Thing Comes Along opened up the door for other similar tunes to be recorded, including What'll I tell my heart and Lady who Swings the Band. The 1936 recording of ballads increased Kirk's record sales substantially. Kirk states that the ballads were selling. "We [the Clouds] jumped from 10,000 sales to 100,000. Real Thing was to widen our territoiy, open new areas for jobs and helped us reach people of all levels, "lo® From 1937 until the mid 1940's, Kirk and the Clouds played a series of one-niters throughout the South. The Clouds averaged some 50,000 miles a year which consisted mainly of one-niters. In the South the band

103 Kirk, 85

104 Ibid.

105 Ibid.

106 Ibid.,87.

62 was not allotted the same luxuries as white bands. Although the Clouds were denied lodging and service in many of the white establishments, it gave them the opportunity to interact with Southern blacks. Kirk describes those time as follows:

We couldn't stay in the white hotels where the white bands stayed. I'm glad now we couldn't We'd have missed out on a whole country full of folks who put us up in their homes, cooked dinners and breakfasts for us, told us how to get along in Alabama and Mississippi, helped us out in trouble and became our friends for life, There have been many stories regarding Mary’s tenure with Andy Kirk. Although Mary was still a part of the IQrk band in the early 1940s, she had started appearing on many dates as a solo pianist While her career seemed to be going well, her personal life was not. As early as 1938, Mary expressed unhappiness in her marriage to Williams. It is not until 1940, however, that the two legally divorce. By 1941, the camaraderie she felt with Kirk and the band had for the most part dissolved. Money issues and personality clashes were causing problems within the Kirk band.io® John Williams had left in '39, citing professional differences with the Cloud's manager Joe Glazer, but at that

time Maiy had opted to remain in the band. But like the changing atmosphere of the jazz scene, so went the atmosphere in the band. By 1939 many of the original Clouds had moved on, so Mary was contending

107 Ibid.,89.

108 por further information about personality clashes see John Williams interview; also Andy Kirk's autobiography. Twenty Years on Wheels.

63 with new musicians hired in New Mary recalls how things in the band gradually got worse: "Looking back, I can smile at our life on the road. Towards the end, though, there was no more brotherly love. I had lost so much through thefts that for a solid year I had to sleep with everything I owned. When someone broke in my trunk and took earrings, Indian head pennies and silver dollars which I cherished. I decided to leave."iio Mary later explained in broader terms her decision to leave : "Fame broke down the Kirk band. "People wanted to hear our hits exactly as we recorded them.' There were the predictable arguments over money and jealousies that splintered the band into cliques, One night in 1941, after 12 years with the band, she arrived in Washington, found 10 dead keys on the piano, took her bags off the bus, and left the band to make her way ,

Mary returned immediately to her hometown of Pittsburgh.

Many of these new musicians didn't treat Mary with the respect accorded her by the original Clouds, and that led to other problems.

Mary Lou Williams, "My Friends the Kings of Jazz: ." Melody Maker 30 (May 15,1954), 11.

^ ^ ^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Mousouris, "Musician As Healer, " 82.

112 Ibid.

112 Andy Kirk offered a different slant to Williams' leaving. He claimed that the addition of (vocalist) and (guitar) led to personality clashes. For Kirk's account see Tiuen/y years on Wheels, 110-11, and 168. The evident conflict between Mary's and Kirk's accounts draws on each other's interpretation of the environment of the band. Kirk, more concerned about the wide-spread fame that the band was experiencing, was probably less concerned about the personality clashes occurring.

64 CHAPTER 4

THE SOLO YEARS

Mary's drive back to Pittsburgh provided her with an opportunity to think about where her career would go. She decided that music no longer gave her the same excitement and she would never play again. During her stay in Pittsburgh, Mary met drummer . He convinced her to return to the "business." According to Mary she and a group of musicians Blakey had gotten together "went into a park in Cleveland in August."^ She continued:

It was supposed to close in September, but we stayed till November. The place was packed. Joe Williams, the blues singer, was working with us. All the musicians were stopping in, listening; it was really terrific. This was a big place—more or less like a night-club; tables and what not. They had a floor show out there with eight or ten girls, comedians-the old time vaudeville scene. Mary did not remain in Pittsburgh veiy long. In 1942 she married Harold "Shorty" Baker, whom she met while he was a member of the

^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Tomkins, "The Mary Lou Williams Story," 7.

2 Ibid.

65 Clouds. Baker swept her off to New York to work with Duke EIlington.3 During her tenure with Ellington, she arranged "Trumpet no End" and "Blues Skies" for the Ellington band, then known as the Washingtonians. After her six-month-tenure with Ellington, Mary began playing to capacity crowds in the Cafe Society Uptown and the Cafe Society Downtown.^ During this time she became acquainted with many of the pioneers ofBe- Bop, including Thelonius Monk, Charlie Parker, , and . Playing with musicians such as these strengthened Mary Lou's talent as both pianist and composer, but the influence was not just one way: according to Unterbrink and others, she also became a source of inspiration for the Be-Boppers, particularly for her originality in handling progressions and harmony.^ The music of the Boppers was nothing new for Mary Lou. During her years in Kansas City she would periodically play what she called "Zombie music." According to her, this style consisted of "mainly 'outré' chords, new 'out' harmonies based on off sounds."®

^ Mary Lou divorced John Williams in 1940. Details of the breakup will be discussed later in this chapter.

^ Cafe Society (Downtown) Located on 2 Sheridan Square. It opened in January 1939 under the direction of Barney Josephson. The list of musicians include , Meade "Lux" Lewis and James P. Johnson. Fletcher Henderson played his last engagement there, leading a sextet in 1950. Cafe Society (Uptown) located in 128 East 58th Street In October 1940, after the downtown venture was successful, Josephson opened the second club uptown. Mary Lou played extensively from 1944-8. For more information see the article on nightclubs and other venues in the Neip Grove Dictionary o f Jazz.

® Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 40.

® Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Kufrin, Uncommon Women, 166.

66 Mary Lou's interaction with the Boppers extended beyond the clubs in which they played. Her uptown apartment became a haven for the boppers. Many of them spent days and nights there asking for her advice or working out new tunes. "It was still like the thirties," she said. "Musicians helped each other and didn't just think of themselves. She also aided many of the Boppers in finding employment. She stated that "the older musicians put them down and they couldn't find work because of the crazy music they were playing. I put them to work with me."® One such musician was her Cleveland acquaintance Art Blakey, whom Mary took on as the drummer for her combo. Mary Lou not only worked on technique with these musicians hut also wrote and arranged tunes for them. She and Milton Orient, staff arranger at NBC, wrote "The Land of Oo Bla Dee " for Dizzy Gillespie and coarranged "Lonely Moments" and "Whistle Blues."® Her relationship with Thelonius Monk began even before the time in which he became famous. She first heard the teenage Monk in 1934 when he was touring with a tent show. She adopted his harmonic ideas and worked on improvising on them with Kirk's tenor saxophonist, Dick Wilson, When asked about her relationship with the Boppers, W illiams remarked "I considered myself luclq^ having men like Monk and Bud playing me the things they had

^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted by Sally Placksin, American : 1900 to the Present: Their Words, Lives and Music (New York: Seaview Books, 1982), 128.

® Mary Lou Williams quoted in Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 83.

® Unterbrink, /azz Women, 40.

^ ® Mary Lou Williams, "Mary Lou Williams Continues her Life Story: The Mad Monk.” Melody Maker 30 (May 22,1954 ), 11-12.

67 composed. And I have always upheld and had faith in the boppers, for they originated something but looked like losing credit for it. So the boppers worked out a music that was hard to steal. IH say this for the leeches,' though: they tried."^^ In the early 1940s Mary also donated her time and talent to the war effort. She composed music for a revue, "The Victory Bandwagon, " touring

the nation as a member of the cast.^^ Williams also recorded and composed some of her own works. For the first time in her career she had complete control over her recordings. In 1943 she started a series of solo dates at the Café Society Downtown. She also recorded several sessions with some all­ women trios and quintets. These sessions included Bridget OTlynn (drums), June Rotenberg (bass), Marjorie Hyams (vibes), Mary Osborne (guitar), Vivian Garry (bass). In 1944, she received a citation from Paul

Whiteman's NBC Philco Hall o f F a m e , In 1945, she started her own radio program, "The Mary Lou Williams Piano Workshop" on WNEW in New York. It was on this show that she introduced piano arrangements of her work Zorfioc Suite, twelve compositions, each of which was based on an astrological sign. She introduced a new pair each week until she had completed the cycle. When asked why she became interested in writing such as piece she remarked: "I read a book about astrology, and though I didn't know too much about it I decided to do this suite as based on musicians I knew bom under the

Ibid.

12 Unterbrink,/azz Women,

1^ Ibid.

68 various signs."^'* Later Williams scored the piece for eighteen instruments and presented it at Town Hall and . Mary recalls this time as follows:

During these New York years I had an idea I would like to hear an orchestra of sixteen or so pieces play my Zodiac Suite. Barney Josephson agreed to give the concert for me at Town Hall, and I decided to use , , horn, tenor sax, ten or twelve strings, piano, bass and drums. The concert attracted a pack of musicians, newspaper men, disc jockeys and theater people, and everything went all right until we got to the special arrangement of Roll 'Em, our only jazz number. The long drawn-out strings threw some of the other musicians; I think the conductor lost the place, and for a moment I thought we had it.

Everyone seemed to be playing a different page, and Til never forget ’s big eyes fixed on me. I thought I would blow a blood vessel any second. I remember yelling: "Count eight and play letter 'J.'" Somehow we got them out of'Roll Em.' is This imsuccessfiil venture proved to be quite taxing on Mary Lou; she was ül for about a week afterwards. But the crushing blow came several weeks later when she went to Town Hall to get the recordings of the concert that Josephson had paid to have made. "After the concert I was sick for about a week, could not work. Then I went down to the Town Hall for the records Barney had paid to have made of the concert. For the first time in the history of the hall, the records had been stolen, I never found them, and so never heard how my music sounded."!®

I'l Mary Lou Williams, The Zodiac Suite, Smithsonian/Folkways CD 40810, ed. by Dan Morgenstem, liner notes, 8.

1 ® Mary Lou Williams, "Mary Lou Williams writes: When those Paper men Dug jazz at Carnegie," Melody Maker 30 (June 5,1954), 11.

1® Ibid.

69 Despite the problems that hampered to first concert of the Suite, Mary planned another concert with the New York Symphony. At the urging of Norman Granz, Mary decided to schedule the concert at Carnegie Hall. Mary describes how Granz got her to do the concert:

Norman Granz had blown into town with fresh ideas on jazz presentation. He broke onto Carnegie Hall and took New York by storm. I had built up a nice solid following by now, and Norman invited me to do a concert for him. When I told him what I wanted in payment he blew his top, said I wasn't worth anything to him and that he knew a town where none of my records ever sold. First I was hot, then I laughed, and since that time I have learned to like Norman better. I couldn't get my price, so I took scale and compromised with a deal by which I coWd perform three of the Zodiac things with the New York Philharmonic Symphony work played by 100 paper men. Mr. Rybb, who booked aU in Carnegie, immediately started on the concert details. I had only eight or nine days to work, and a hundred pieces to score for, so I got an old friend, Milton Orient, to help out Mary found herself working diligently. Milton, however, left for a summer job the night before the first rehearsal. Mary, having completed copying out parts for the Suite, composed a blues for the orchestra. Mary describes this as follows:

The day before the big night Milton had to leave town for his summer job, I stayed up to best part of the night working on a blues for the orchestra. I had already arranged "Libra," "Sco^io" and "Aquarius," dedicating the last to President Roosevelt. The blues was an idea that came on that last minute. I called Milt, a hundred miles away, and asked "What about having the symphony play a jazz piece?" His reply was: "Don't do that. Pussycat" I took no notice. It was 6:30 p.m. when I began this piece of craziness.

17 Ibid.

70 Before I knew it, it was seven in the morning and I had just finished copying for the five basses. After grabbing a few hours' sleep, I made the 2 p.m. rehearsal. The rehearsal the next day proved to be quite rewarding. At first Mary was a little hesitant in presenting her new composition but finally decided to "go with it." The musicians earnestly practiced the music and the night of the concert managed to pull it off. Mary recalls the rehearsal and the concert as follows:

Everything went down, okay on the Zodiac, then Mr. Rybb asked "Anything else to rehearse?" Shakily I made preparations with the female conductor, who knew little of jazz, and anyway seemed scared of the hundred guys sitting in front of her. I think this was her debut, too; at the point we were both shaking like dogs with distemper. After the intro., I had four choruses of fast boogie, then oboe and trumpet playing, written solos; last, but not least, I gave the 36 violins two bop choruses, and I must say they taclded them bravely. At the concert that night the performance was quite sensational. The boys in the symphony applauded louder than the audience and, to prove they meant it, carried on like mad backstage. I went home much elated, and this time I did not forget my slides (recordings). In fact, I asked Inez Cavanaugh and her husband, the Danish Baron Timme Rosenkrantz to guard then for me. Riding the success of this concert Mary was contracted by certain record companies to make several records. In 1946 RCA Victor released the album Girls in Jazz?^ Williams was featured on six sides with guitarist Mary Osborne, vibraharpist Margie Hyams, bass violist June Rotemburg, and drummer Rose Gottesmas as sidemen. The success of this recording

Ibid.

19 Ibid.

20 Unterbrink, /azz Women, 40.

71 led to a subsequent recording with the Continental label .21 During the next five to six years Mary would perform in the small clubs on 52nd Street and

produce recordings for King, Atlantic and Circle labels .22 Despite her initial inhibitions, Mary Lou was quickly learning that for her there was life after John Williams and Andy Kirk.

These recordings were released by Victor as 27-0148 and 20-2174. Later Continental released a series of recordings by the group as 6021 and 6032.

22 Ibid.

72 CHAPTERS

THE HAZARDS OF THE BUSINESS

"People always ask me how it is to be a woman musician. I don't think about it so'much, and I guess that is because I am first of all a musician"-Mary Lou Williams

In a musical tradition that has always been male-dominated, the female jazz instrumentalist has faced many more barriers than that of the jazz singer. Many talented female jazz musicians have been excluded from discussions of the art form. This was due in part to the popularity of certain musicians during the early years of jazz. The New Orleans, Kansas City, Chicago and Swing styles of jazz that became popular during the early decades of the twentieth century were shaped mainly by brass and wind players. 1 Because women were encouraged to play more "feminine” instruments, this placed women at a disadvantage. The black com m unity, much like its white counterpart, encouraged women to become singers or pianists. Concerned that their daughters' ability to live happy and fulfilling

^ Players such as Joe "King” Oliver, Louis Armstrong, and Sidney Bechet defined the playing styles of these early styles.

73 lives would be diminished, many parents dissuaded them not only from playing wind instruments, but also from becoming professional musicians. Arranger and trombonist Melba Listen describes her family’s reaction to her choice of instrument as follows:

Well, now, my grandfather was my cohort with the trombone. He encouraged me. But my grandma and my aunts were very much against it They said it was going to make too cruel a life for me, and my mother should not do this thing to me. My grandmother said, "You're exposing that child to this and tiiat-dope and pips andthings."2 At the turn of the century there was only one professional outlet for black musicians: jazz. But the music was associated with the sex and crime that were rampant in the red-light districts. So no self-respecting woman would be associated with the music. Secondly, the precursors of jazz (i.e. Ragtime, blues. Dixieland) were mainly male-dominated fields. It is not until the early teens that blues singers, such as Bessie Smith and Ma Rainy, rose to prominence. The Great Migration, popularity of blues recordings, and other factors begin the black woman's association with jazz. And even then, these women were not considered weU-respected members of the black community. Mary Lou Williams was one of the first female instrumentalists to break the ranks of the male fraternity that governed the jazz scene. Through her talent and stage presence she created a persona that women years later would look to as a role model. Mary maintained throughout her career that she did not suffer from any discrimination because of her sex.

2 Melba Liston as quoted in Linda Dahl, Stormy Weather: The Music and Lives of A Century of Jazz Women (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), 252.

74 In an interview in 1980, she stated that "I've never had problems with being a woman musician. I was sought after by the men." ^ She also stated that "there have never been any problems performing because I was a woman. You ju st have to be as good or better than the man is. And if you get carried away in your work you really don't know if you are a woman or a man." ^ Mary did suffer from some discrimination, however. Why she may not have readily identified it as sexism, she dealt with situations that many of her male counterparts seldom faced. Speculation about her treatment during the early years of her career has caused many scholars to assert that she was not received well, and that she held menial positions with the bands she associated with. Unfortunately, many of these misconceptions may have been caused by Mary's inabihty to remember certain aspects of her life. There have been claims that she did not receive credit for her work with Andy Kirk's band, that she served as Kirk's chauffeur and was only allowed to play when the crowd needed a boost, and that she drove a hearse. John Williams states that contrary to popular belief, Mary "was the most respected lady of most of those women who traveled with those bands." He elaborates:

See there were women who were singers with those bands. Those guys treated them [singers] like [they were] another man. 'They'd cuss, tell them about their sex life. They'd think she was one of the boys. But that didn't happen in Andy's band atall.5

^ D. Antoinette Handy, "Conversation with Mary Lou Williams," 203.

^ Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Nina Winter, "Mary Lou Williams," Interview with the Muse: Remarkable Women Speak on Creativity and Power (Berkeley, California: Moon Books, 1978), 148.

^ John Williams, 29.

75 In reference to the claims that she drove a hearse, John says that "all of th at was imaginationin her mind "6 He admits that the two did live with an undertaker in Tulsa but Mary was never employed by him7 She also did not serve as Andy's chauffeur, Williams points out that Andy Kirk had a driver, and in any case Mary usually traveled with John.® Despite Andy's initial hedging on the decision to add Mary Lou to the band, Williams continues, Kirk and the Clouds respected and admired her. Kirk's decision not to make Mary Lou a member of the Clouds of Joy was initially based on the fact that the band had a regular pianist, and there was no need for two pianists. Mary's problems within the music business may have been due more to her lack of business sense than to her gender and musical ability. There were many instances in which the pianist was cheated because of her lack of business acumen. This was not a great problem during her years with T.O.B A, but as her skills increased and she began writing and arranging for the Clouds, as well as other artists, it became an issue. By the mid-1930s she was perfecting her skills as an arranger and composed arrangements not only for Kirk, but also for Duke Ellington and Benny Goodman. Her recordings and compositions became quite popular but she failed to receive

^ Ibid. Williams states that a lot of these incidences never happened because Mary was not an official member of the band until 1931, and she just traveled along as his wife. He asserts that many times Mary could not remember things from the past and would come back to him for clarification.

^ Many times Mary and the undertaker's daughter would steal the hearse for joy rides but she was never employed by the undertaker.

® John Williams, 29

76 any earnings, despite the fact that the average arrangers' fee ranged from $3 to $15. But as Mary states: "I didn't know about copyrights and lost half of my royalties. The best-documented case of her being cheated involved the melody line to her composition "What's your stoiy, Morning Glory?" The melody was used in a new tune "Black Coffee," and was recorded by several bands. Mary, however, never received credit or payment. 10 Many times she was so immersed in her music that she didn't reaUze that she had received only a new dress for an arrangement Mary contended that her mind was more on the music and not on business affairs. She stated that "when bad things happened to me, someone had to tell me. fd be lost in the music."H Regardless of Mary's justifications for these situations in her life, one cannot help but wonder if there might have been fewer of these occurrences had she been a man. Unfortunately, the situation with the tune of "Black Coffee" was not the only instance in which Mary was not given credit for a composition. During the 1950s Mary wrote a tune entitled "Satchel Mouth Baby. " Later it was recorded by a rhythm and blues group headed by Bill Johnson under the title "Pretty Eyed Baby, According to , in 1953 "there was a sudden revival of the tune as a result of a duet record by Joe Staffed and France Lane. Snub Mosey sued Mary and her publisher.

^ Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

10 Leonard Feather, "Mary Lou," Melody Maker 28 (December 6,1952), 2.

11 Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 38.

12 Leonard Feather, "Mary Lou," 2.

77 claiming that he, not Johnson, was entitled to an interest."^^ Mary summed up the experience as follows: "I finally had to compromise. There were a lot of meetings with lawyers, and Snub Mosey got one-third of the song."i4

Mary became more susceptible to the "bad" side of the business as her relationship with John Williams began to disintegrate. John asserts that the relationship was intact until 1938, when Mary Lou suddenly announced she was in love with tenor saxophonist Ben.^^ Respecting a promise the two had made to each other, John announced that he would grant her a divorce only if the other man, would marry her. Mary's first attempt to separate fi'om Williams was thwarted when John paid a visit to, a childhood fiiend, and found out that he had no intentions of marrying her. 16 Finally, in 1940, during a chance meeting in Chicago, John agreed to give Mary a divorce, ending a thirteen-year marriage. John asserts that he and Mary would probably have remained married had it not been for Joe Glaser, manager for the Clouds. Glaser convinced Mary Lou that he could make her into a star. Divorce was the only solution that would guard against John suing her for the use of his name, Glaser was also responsible for many of Mary's and the Clouds' money problems. Glaser's

13 Ibid.

I'l Ibid.

13 Ben Webster (1909-1973) played with many Southwestern bands including Bennie Moten's and Andy Kirk's. He joined Duke Ellington's orchestra in 1940.

1^ John Williams, 14.

1^ John Williams, 14.

78 mismanagement eventually led to Williams departure. John Williams describes the Kirk band's experience with Joe Glaser.

Glaser was booking Andy Kirk's band, Louis Armstrong's and Hamp's. [] Those three bands, plus a whole lot of dancers, black actors, and he was just stealing from all of them. But we were still doing better than the average black person, so you know what's happening but you can't do too much about it. I quit. Yeah I quit around Christmas of 1939. I really got disgusted because of the way Joe Glaser managed us, was stealing money from us, so he could slip Mary and Dick extra money. So I asked. Andy for a raise and he said John, you know I would give you one but I've got to ask my... Joe Glaser. See when he [Kirk] hooked up with this Joe Glaser, this white guy, he gave him ha^ of the band. 50% of our band. Before that it had been a commonwealth band, if we made $50, we split it 12 ways. And I was always the fix-it-guy. Sometimes we would drive 300 miles in weather like this (snow) and they would cancel the dance and such few people would come that we wouldn't make but say $15 or $20 and I'd split up as much as $.75 a piece after we'd come 300 miles. And I was the one to keep the boys happy while they wouldn't quit and all that. This was before 1936 before we got Joe Glaser. So the minute Andy got Joe Glaser to sign us up on Big Time. It was called Big Time. He signed up as half owner of our band. See all the stuff we had done during the late 20s and early 30s that went for nothing because now we began to make big money and they put me on salary $10 a night and the boys $8.60 a night That was our salary instead if we had a big crowd we would be splitting the money, where each might make $15 or $20.18 Money and fame would eventually break down the Clouds, and led to Mary’s departure. The ending of the marriage with John Williams not only symbolized the breaking of marriage vows but also a strong musical relationship. John had been quite instrumental in advancing Mary's career. Mary stated in an

18 John Williams, 16.

79 interview with Whitney Balliett that John never allowed her to get a swelled head.

He trained me. Once I developed an introduction I liked so much I played it and played it until he finally knocked me right ofif the piano stool: You don't play the piano that way. Just because you did that "Twinklin"'- that was another of my numbers— 'you think you're something.' He said unbelievable things to me, but they worked,

According to both John and Mary, she primarily fell in love with the music and not the man. In an interview with Ebony magazine Mary insisted she "didn't marry men. I marry horns. After about two weeks of marriage, I was ready to get up and write some music. I was in love with Ben Webster longer than anybody and that was about a month, As mentioned in the preceding chapter after divorcing John Williams, Mary married Harold Baker, a trumpet player with Duke Ellington, in 1942. Both toured with Ellington for about six months, but Baker was abusive to her and the marriage lasted only a y e a r .21 ghe then dated Don Beiter, who was also abusive. According to John Williams: "he [Beiter] put scars all over her arms. "22 Fortunately, she never married Beiter and soon left him. Williams states that Mary "found out that no man had treated her like I had and the boys in the band. " He continues:

Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Whitney Balliet, "Out Here Again," American Musicians: Fifty-Six Portraits in Jazz (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 100.

20 Story is relayed in Kufrin, Uncommon Women, 165.

21 John Williams, 14.

22 Ibid.

80 She was the type of person.,. that need[ed] male,.. fatherly guidance. Well after these other guys, these other horns, treated her like so many men treat women. Fight 'em,.. cuss 'em and run them off, she hadnt been use to that. So then she tried to fight it alone. 23

According to Williams, Mary tried several times to return to him but John would not take her back, stating that she had left him and he was moving on with his life. Musically, Mary's life was becoming more successful, but her personal life became increasingly chaotic.

Europe (1950-1954)

"My life turned when I was in Europe. I played in for eleven months, and spent money as fast as I made it. But I was distracted and depressed. " - Mary Lou Williams

Mary Lou continued to perform in the smaller nightclubs in New York in the late forties and early fifties. Frequently there were extended engagements, such as the three months she performed at the Downbeat Club in 1952, but the mfgority were one-niters. Following the Downbeat

23 Ibid., 14-15

81 engagement, in December of 1952, Mary left for Europe on a goodwill tour. 24 "I was sent to England to break the ban that prevented American musicians from playing in England or English musicians from playing here" stated Mary. "I was supposed to stay there for nine days and I wound up in Europe for over two years. "25 In Denmark, Germany, , England, and France, Williams played in theaters and clubs. 26 Mary Lou formed a close friendship while in Europe was fellow pianist Garland Wilson. When Wilson died in Paris, in May of1954, it affected Mary profbundly.2? She had broken the cardinal rule taught to her by the musicians of the thirties: "never be that close to anyone. Otherwise, if somebody dies what happens is that you can't play. Do everything by yourself, they told me. "26 The combination of Wilson's death and inability to deal with the lack of professional guidance caused Mary to reassess the jazz scene and her own life, and to conclude that something was amiss.26 The ultimate result of Mary's personal turmoil was an emotional breakdown. During a performance at the club Le Boeuf sur le Toit in Paris, Mary Lou walked off the stage, leaving her purse behind and vowing never

24 Mary Lou Williams, "Britain Has some of the Best Jazz in Europe," Melody Maker 30 (December 12,1954), 11.

25 Mary Lou Williams quoted in Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 40-41.

26 Mary Lou Willians quoted in Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 41.

27 Garland Wilson (1909-1954) was a pianist who played at various clubs in Harlem in the late 1920s and early 1930s. In 1932 he traveled to France and toured other parts of Europe. He played throughout Europe until his death in 1954.

28 Mary Lou Williams as quoted by Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 82.

29 Max Jones, "Mary Lou Feels the Spirit" Me/ody Maker 44 (December 6,1969), 10.

82 to play again. Life and the jazz scene had taken their toll on the pianist Mary stated in 1979 that "I left my purse on the counter and walked away. Haven't you ever walked outside your life when you weren't planning to?" Mary's statement suggests she did not think that her behavior was out of the ordinary. Although many speculations have been raised about Mary’s departure ftom music, one thing is certain: In 1954, the music that had consumed Mary's life since she was three years old stopped, and it was not known if she would ever work again. Mary Lou made money in Europe than she had ever made, before, but her financial success did not lead to personal satisfaction or contentment. She had allowed Joe Glaser to convince her to divorce John Williams, left her country of citizenship and was working constantly, but she had no one to confide her fears in. In essence she lacked the fatherly guidance she received from Williams. Despite her success, Mary had failed to find a man who respected her emotionally and musically. This created a void in her life that the pianist attempted to fill with expensive dresses and back-to-back bookings.^i Mary's "breakdown" was not something that came upon her suddenly. Early in 1954 there were various signs that her life and career were shifting downward. Her return to England finm Germany and other

Mary Lou Williams as quoted by Mousouris, Musician as Healer," 82.

John Williams felt that she started associating with people who only wanted to use her in Europe, and that distressed the pianist. All of the money, which she gave away freely, could not fulfill her emotional needs. In his own words: "she started fooling with, at different times, those guys over there [Europe] with her talent and friends would latch on to some black performers over there making money. They were pimps. That’s really what they were. They were pimping her. Everybody’s raving about her, she’s making money but she has no money because she’s good hearted. ”

83 parts of Europe was met with disappointment when she was refused a work permit that would have enabled her to join the variety show "Jazz Wagon." The show was starting rehearsals in London, and Mary Lou was to have a significant role. The Work Commission refused the permit, stating that a six month period must elapse before Mary could play again in England.^2 Despite her disappointment, Mary remained in England. During her stay she still traveled in popular and exclusive circles. Once, while attending the party of a high ranking official, she met a young soldier who sensed the pain and anguish she was in, although he had never met the pianist before. He recommended a passage from the bible as a form of solace. In Mary's words "at a party given by Gerald Lascelles, I met this G.I. He noticed something was wrong and he said. You should read the ninety-first Psalm.' I went home and read a//the Psalms. They cooled me and made me feel protected. Then I went to France and played theaters and clubs, but I still didn't feel right. Dave Pochonet, a French musician, asked me to his grandmother's place in the country to rest. I stayed there six months, and I just slept and ate and read the psalms and prayed. "^3 While Mary's own account of her departure fi'om the music business was somewhat sedate, her leaving had an impact upon many individuals. Newspapers and magazines described how she walked off the stage leaving behind her purse and paycheck, vowing to never play again. This lack of money later deferred the pianist's return to the United States. It was not until fiiends in the U.S. got together and sent money that she could return

32 "Brit Nix Work Permit for Mary Lou Williams," Variety 193 (February 17,1954), 46.

33 Balliett, American Musicians, 107.

84 home. 34 Upon her arrival in New York, the pianist went into exile, not to be seen for at least a year. Mary stated that "when I came back from Europe, I decided not to play anymore. "35 According to her close friend Inez Cavanaugh, who returned with her to New York, "After I said farewell in New York, I didn't see Mary again for a solid year. She had shut the door tightly, not listening to a note of music or touching a piano. "36

34 Inez Cavanaugh, "Mary Lou: The Boss Piano," Melody Maker 39 (February 15,1964), 15. John Williams recalls how many of her friends from the early years with Andy Kirk's band raised money to get her back from Europe.

35 Balliett, American Musicians, 107.

36 Max Jones, "Mary Feels the Spirit," 10.

85 CHAPTER 6

SPIRITUALITY VERSUS JAZZ

"Hush, Hush Somebody's calling my name. Oh, my Lord what shall I do. "—Spiritual

"I'm 8 0 Glad I got my Religion in Time"

Mary Lou Williams' departure from the music scene and her new found spirituality led many misconceptions about her mental state. Mary, however, knew that these changes were essential to her health and well­ being. Years later when discussing her decision to leave the jazz scene, Mary explained her actions as follows: "I got a sign that everybody should pray everyday. I had never felt a conscious desire to get close to God before. But it seemed that that night it all came to a head, I couldn't take it any longer; so I just left the piano, the money, aU of it."^ During the next three years, Williams spent most of her time in New York meditating and praying in Our Lady of Lourdes Catholic Church. Although she had been raised in the Baptist Church, Mary chose Our Lady because it was the only church open at all times and near her home on

^ Mitchell, "The Legacy of Mary Lou Williams," 6.

86 West 142nd Street between Convent and Amsterdam Avenues. Things seemed especially bleak for Williams in 1955 when the death of her friend Charlie Parker pushed her deeper into despair. It seemed the pianist would never return to the stage. She meditated and prayed even more, searching for something more fulfilling outside of music. Many scholars have mistakenly assumed that 1957 was Mary's first experience with religion. Although it is the year she converted to Catholicism, Mary always felt a strong bond with God. As a child she had attended church regularly, but during her years with T.O.B A. she strayed fi'om religion. While living in Harlem during the mid 1950s, she joined one of the premier black churches in the nation, Abssynian Baptist, but it wasn't until she converted to Catholicism that she found solace in religion. Mary states:

I was raised Protestant, but I lost my religion when I was about twelve. I joined Adam Powell's church. I went there on Sunday, and during the week I sat in Our Lady of Lourdes, a Cathohc Church over on a hundred and forty-second street. I just sat there and meditated. All kinds of people came in-needy ones and cripples-and I brought them here[her apartment] and gave them food and talked to them and gave them m o n e y . ^

It was this activism within the church that moved Mary to convert to Catholicism. The pianist thought that through the church she could fulfill her urges to help people. In an interview with John Wilson she states that she had become a Catholic because "I had ESP in music— at one time I

2 Mary Lou Williams quoted in Balliet, American Musicians, 107.

87 could tell you the next note a musician would play-and when I stopped playing music, the sounds I began picking up concerned the world."^ Barry Ulanov, a music critic who was also interested in theology, put Maiy in touch with Father Anthony Woods, a Jesuit priest at the S t Francis Xavier Church in New York City in 1957. * Woods instructed Mary and her close best friend, Lorraine Gillespie (wife of Dizzy Gillespie) in the church's doctrine. In 1957 she and Lorraine were baptized. Maiy stated that she "converted to Catholicism for peace of mind. I like the liturgy of the Mass and I like the peace and quiet in the church when I meditate. Being alone, Fm used to being in a peaceful environment. Later she admitted that she "became a kind of fanatic for a while. I'd live on apples and water for nine days at a time. I stopped smoking. I shut myself up here like a monk." ® It was at the time of conversion that she decided to start helping people. She tore down a wall in her apartment to accommodate lodgers, and washed and ironed their clothes, took in ex-convicts, and had people released into her custody from state hospitals.^ In the eyes of her friends, Mary had taken the thought of helping people to the extreme. Lorraine pleaded with her to return to music. She even went as far as to try and

^ Mary Lou Williams quoted in John S. Wilson, "Mary Lou Williams" International Musician, 70 (January 1973), 22.

^ Unterbrink, Jazz Women , 42.

5 Ibid.

^ Mary Lou Williams quoted in Balliett, American Musicians, 107.

^ Mousouris, "Musician as Healer," 84.

88 convince her with a fur coat "Put this on," she said, "It will look good on you when you get hack to your music." Williams sold the coat to raise money.® Gillespie was not the only person worried about Mary, Father Woods also became concerned over her behavior. He also tried to get Mary to go back into music. Mary describes her conversation with Father Woods as follows: "He told me, Mary you're an artist You belong at the piano and writing music. It's my business to help people through the Church and your business to help people through music.' He got me to playing again."®

How Do You Keep the Music P lay ii^

In July of 1957, Mary Lou Williams returned to music. At the urging of Dizzy Gillespie and Father Anthony Woods, she performed with the trumpeter at the . Mary Lou's appearance at the Newport Jazz Festival in 1957 was heralded like the return of the Prodigal Son in the Bible. The artist whose work had helped define the stylings of one school of jazz and encouraged the creativity of another was returning to the world she had walked away from only three years earlier. Jazz connoisseurs not doubt held their breath in restless anticipation of the wonderful musical ideas Mary Lou Williams would create. But Mary Lou's performance, with old fiiend Dizzy Gillespie, consisted of the composition

8 Ibid.

® Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Balliett, American Musicians, 107.

89 "Carioca" and three movements from her Zodiac Suite. Although met with applause and adulation, the performance was not enough to inspire Mary Lou to return to music. Her interests were now directed toward her spirituality and helping others. During the same year she founded the Bel Canto Foundation, an organization devoted to the rehabilitation of needy musicians. Through Bel Canto she rented rooms, fed, and prayed for ailing musicians battling alcohol and drug addiction. In order to get Bel Canto started Mary decided to give a benefit concert at Carnegie Hall; unfortunately the expenses canceled out any profit she had hoped to make.^o But that did not stop the pianist from pursuing other ideas. She concluded that she could raise money through thrift shops. She found a location for the first shop on East 29th street near Bellevue Hospital in New York. Through donations fi’om jazz performers including Duke Ellington, Louis Armstrong, the Gillespies, and others, Mary raised money for the Foundation. She intended to buy a house in the country one day which would serve as the main treatment facility. Ailing musicians would have the facilities needed to practice and heal. Mary continued providing care for musicians. Many were in worse shape than others. According to Mary, she "put the worst cases in a room down the hall fi'om my place I rent cheap from a neighbor. They stay a couple of weeks, and I talk to them and pray with them and help them get a job."ii On the occasions when the thrift stores weren't pulling in much money or royalty checks did not cover expenditures, Mary would perform.

Unterbrink,/a2z Women, 42.

Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Balliet American Musicians, 105-106.

90 usually in one of the smaller clubs in New York .^2 One of the many clubs that the pianist frequented was the Composer, a small club in . At age 47, Mary was still managing to pack in crowds and to gain new fans with her evolving style, Although Williams was returning to performing, she was not about to stop her efforts in helping others. During the 1960s Mary ran out of money and went back to work at several New York nightclubs including the Prelude, the Embers, the Cookery, and Hickory House. While performing at the Hickory House she met a young Jesuit seminarian, Peter O'Brien. O'Brien had read about Mary's music and wanted to meet her. When asked about their first meeting. O' Brien recalls that "that initial experience changed my life and pointed it in a new direction. " Mary talked with the priest about the development of jazz and AMcan-American culture. She told him that she felt the need to return to music because the younger generation was unaware of the rich history of jazz. According to O "Brien, "she talked quietly and eloquently about the black man's heritage in America. She had returned to playing publicly because so many of the younger musicians seemed to be unaware of the rich musical heritage that had been created. The music was in danger of being lost.''^®

Bob Blumenthal. Introduction to brochure notes for Mary Lou Williams, Zoning, Smithsonian/Folkways SF CD 40811. Previously released in 1974 as Mary Records M-103. In 1965 Mary conducted a piano workshop at the Pittsburgh Jazz Festival and participated in a 1971 recording session with Dizzy GiUespie and .

"Pianist Return" Time 16 September 1957,76-78.

Unterbrink,Jazz Women,43.

15 Ibid.

91 o ’Brien took an active interest in helping Mary spread her message of music. He scheduled lectures, discussions, and performances at schools, recreation centers, and churches. The relationship between the priest and Mary began to grow, and her lessons of life went beyond music history and into the vices of the "business." "She warned me of evils I didn't even know existed," he says. "At the London House in Chicago a sniffling white girl was hanging around, and asking to see Mary. I didn't know what was going on, but Maiy knew the girl was a heroin addict and took time to try to help her. She later told me to never give addicts very much money at one time because there was the danger they would use it on drugs and O.D." Mary's relationship with Peter O 'Brien became quite important in her life. Not only did he become a very close friend, but he also understood her connection with religion and her need to help others. Not since meeting and marrying John Williams had Mary had someone so positive in her life. Mary's subsequent relationship with Peter O'Brien led to her experimentation with sacred music. Both she and O'Brien had an interest in "saving" jazz and O'Brien thought that by writing a religious jazz composition Mary Lou could aid this cause. This would not only bring the music to audiences who previously might have shunned it, hut could also offer her a means of incorporating her spirituality into her music. Jazz with a message other than sex, drugs, and alcohol. Jazz for heahng and hope. The concept was new. Seemingly no one had conceived the notion of "sacred jazz" before. Before the decade's end, however, both Williams and

16 Ibid.

1^ Unterbrink,/flZ2 Women, 43.

92 Duke Ellington would produce compositions that would aid in the genre's longevity. Mary describes her relationship with Peter O'Brien as follows:

One of the first things he wanted me to do to help save jazz (as he put it) was to write a jazz mass. I didn't quite know how to start, hut I prayed a lot about it and began to feel pretty holy, although I wasn't really, hi trying to write that mass I learned something pretty important-that jazz is a very spiritual music. The roots of it came out of the suffering of black slaves, and it has kept that spiritual feeling right up tk-ough Coltrane.

There is a reason why not everybody can play jazz-the spiritual feeling has to be there.^®

Mary's hesitation in returning to the jazz scene is understandable. Her conversion to Catholicism had brought about a change in her lifestyle. Emotionally and spiritually, Mary was no longer the same. Late night engagements, hectic schedules, and the prospects of little pay were no longer appealing. Before 1954 music had provided Mary with happiness and fulfillment; three years later, religion was bringing relief that music and the vices associated with it could not. The jazz scene that Mary Lou had walked away fi'om in 1954 was governed by drugs, alcohol, and death. Talent was extinguished by addiction and almost inconceivable changes in the music. Although many of the staunchest supporters of Mary's return were priests, she seems to have sensed a conflict between her spirituality and the jazz scene. Although she was not a drinker or gambler, the environment in which jazz was usually played offered little enjoyment for

I ® Lowell D. Holmes and John W. Thomson, Jazz Greats Getting Better with Age, (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1986), 36.

93 Mary Lou now. After all, this was the first time in her life that she had committed herself to religious ideals. While not associated with a particular church, she knew of the Church's, especially the Black Church's, opposition to jazz. There were many press reports released during the 1950s that stated that Mary "felt jazz was evil."^^ According to George Kufiin "our magazine said she thought jazz was 'the devil's own music' and that she could do nothing but pray for several years."20 Mary Lou later denied these claims, insisting that she was simply "tired."2i In her lifetime Mary had witnessed jazz and blues being rejected by both blacks and whites. She had seen the music gain popularity with the dance bands of Fletcher Henderson, Benny Goodman, Duke Ellington. White artists received credit for creating and cultivating jazz, while black performers were denied any credit. The deaths of fnends and innovators of jazz forms, the rejection of blues and early forms by modem jazz artists, and the nature of the jazz scene of the late 1950s and early 1960s did not offer any pleasant experiences. In many cases Black jazz performers in America were "treated like we were nothing."22 Mary's negative experiences were not limited only to white

America, but she also saw "pious black society" turn fi'om ja zz. 23 Among

Kufrin, Unœmmon Women, 168.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 Mousouris, 84.

23 Ibid.

94 her early recollections of church, she remembers almost being refused baptism because she played jazz.24 The question of giving up the luxury of her peace of mind versus a return to this jazz scene, seemingly crossed her mind. Maiy Lou ultimately did decide to return to playing, stating that "I figure now that when I play it can be counted as a prayer."^

Jazz: From the Nightclub to the Church

O'Brien and other confidants finally convinced Mary Lou that she could write religious jazz music, which resulted in her first sacred composition in 1962. Entitled "A Hymn in Honor of St. Martin De Porres," the composition a collaboration between Mary and Rev. Anthony S. Woods was written in honor of the coronation of St. Martin De Forres.. St. Martin was the son of a Spanish knight and a Negro woman. He rose from his illegitimate birth to become a surgeon known for good works amongst the poor.26 On May 6,1962 he was canonized a saint by Pope John XXm. Although Martin was actually a mulatto by birth, he is commonly referred to as a Negro by the Catholic Church, and known to many as "The Black

24 Ibid.

25 "Pianist Return," 75.

26 Unterbrink, jazz Women, 42.

95 Christ of the Andes." ^ After hearing of his canonization, Mary set out to write a hymn utilizing the modem jazz style to honor him. It debuted in November of 1962 at St. Francis Xavier Church in New York. 28 Later when Mary recorded the hymn on the album "Jazz for the Soul," she would title the piece "The Black Christ of the Andes."29 This composition brought Mary some attention because it was one of the first instances of the use of jazz for religious purposes. The success of "The Black Christ of the Andes" provided Maiy with the inspiration she needed. With the success of "St Martin," she found that the music she had treasured so could be used to draw persons closer to God and inevitably towards peace. In 1963 she wrote a blues in commemoration of the assassination of President John F, Kennedy. Dirge Blues was Mary’s emotional musical testimony honoring the fallen president 30 In 1964 Mary returned to traveling around the United States. Although her trips were mainly back and forth between Harlem and Pittsburgh, she on many occasions lectured to young kids about the importance of jazz. She also joined with other jazz artists in the city and created the Pittsburgh Jazz Festival. Mary was quite surprised at first to find many Catholics in Pittsburgh just as concerned about the status of jazz as she and O Brien were. But she also found many who had held to

27 Marshall Peck, "Jazz Hymn to Honor Negro Saint," New York Herald Tribune O ct 1962.

28 "Strictly Ad Lib," Down Beat vol. 29, no. 31 (December 20,1962).

2^ "Jazz for the Soul" is listed as Mary Records 6362 (cover shows 3626)

30 McPartland, "Into the Sun," 74.

96 archaic ideas that jazz was the cause of many of the ills of society. These meetings provided the pianist the opportunity to educate these individuals and in many cases to gain new fans. Father Woods introduced Mary to Bishop John Cardinal Wright, who resided in Pittsburgh. After a very long conversation, Wright asked Mary to teach at Seton High School on the north side of Pittsburgh.^! While at Seton, Mary composed the first of three masses. This mass was a product of experiences not only with the Catholic Church but also with the students who attended her classes at the high school. Mary was assigned some 400 students at the school and in order to maintain order she started teaching the students jazz.

'The nuns gave me 400 students," she said. "I can't handle that -give me 25.' I was teaching them theory and the kids just sat there and glared at me. I couldn't stand that so finally I said, TLet's do it how it is.' I wrote a bop blues and the kids went wild. After that they couldn't wait to get to class. I was teaching them to sing like Billie Holiday- teaching them the sounds the way she made them. They loved it. Several priests who were jazz fans had been urging me to write a Mass.

So I began composing one during the class. Id tell the kids to take a break and I'd write eight bars of the Mass. They'd sing it right off Whenever the nuns came into the room, Pd shift to theory. But I wrote the Mass in a week.32 Mary managed, despite a crowded classroom situation, to compose the Mass. When it was completed in 1966, Bishop Wright arranged for the Mass to be performed at St. Paul's Cathedral in Pittsburgh. . Mary

3! D. Antoinette Handy, "Conversation with Mary Lou Williams," 206.

Mary Lou Williams quoted in John S. Wilson, "Mary Lou Takes Her Jazz Mass to Church." New York Times Sunday 9 February 1975.

97 dismissed it as being "like some kinds of things they have in churches-it was long, drawn out, like a symphony." 33 It has not been performed since. The popularity of both "The Black Christ of the Andes" and the "Mass" led Mary to take her performances outside of the church and into concert halls. In 1967, Mary returned to Carnegie Hall, some twenty one years after her debut of the Zodiac Suite, to perform the concert "Praise the Lord in Many Voices." The performance consisted of the compositions "Thank You Jesus," "The Lord's Prayer," and "Praise the Lord" performed by Williams, Honey Gordon, Leon Thomas, and the Interfaith Chorus and Instrumental Ensemble.34 The success of this concert led the pianist to b^in work on two masses. The first was "Mass for Lenten Season," which was presented on seven consecutive Sundays at the Church of St. Thomas the Apostle in New York.35 The second mass, "Mass for Peace," was commissioned by the Vatican in 1969. It was performed for the first time at a service honoring Tom Mboya, the assassinated leader of Kenya. In 1971 Alvin Ailey choreographed a work to this score and the composition became known as "Mary Lou's Mass. "3®

33 Mary Lou Williams quoted in John Wilson, "Mary Lou Takes Her Jazz Mass to Church."

3'^ Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 44. Information also located in the liner notes of the recording "Praise the Lord in Many Voices: A Recorded Performance in Carnegie Hall Part II."(Avant Garde 103)

35 Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 44.

35 This account is relayed in Unterbrink, Jazz Women,, 44, and John Wilson, "Mary Lou Takes her Mass..."

9 8 In 1970 Peter O'Brien was ordained as a priest in the Catholic Church, and received permission to continue managing Mary’s career. For eighteen weeks she was booked into the Cookery in Greenwich Village. O'Brien describes his arrangement with Maiy as follows:

I spent one summer with a city parish, and the following at a hospital in Harlem, so there was no conflict. By this time my superiors were accustomed to our arrangement. They were aware of Mary Lou's conversion and the publicity her Mass was getting.37 Father O'Brien was allowed to travel with Maiy as long as his work was kept up to date. This allowed the young priest to insure that Mary was never cheated or placed in compromising positions. This was the first time that the pianist ever had an agent assigned to her well-being. According to O 'Brien, "Mary Lou had never had a manager during all her years as a performer. She would not take the chance of losing control by signing with an agent who would tell her when and where to play. "38 Mary's distrust of agents and managers could have very well been formed during her years with Andy Kirk. Mismanagement had led to John William's departure fi'om the group and the lack of trust amongst band members. Unfortunately, the mismanagement of the money made during her years with Andy Kirk and from recordings forced Maiy to work harder during the years of her life when most Americans would be enjoying retirement. Mary worked the hardest during the last ten years of her life.39 From 1971 to 1981 she composed over 350 compositions, and kept a work

37 Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 44.

38 Ibid.

39 Ibid., 17-18.

99 schedule that encompassed at least ten months out of a year. For the first time in her life, however, Mary was making a comfortable living and had achieved some stability. She had her own combos and made recordings of everything from her religious music to jazz standards. She founded her own , Mary Records, and her own publishing company, Cecilia Pubhshing Company.^o On Mary Records she recorded many of her rehgious works, including Ma/y Lou 's Mass. She also recorded two for Chiaroscuro Records, the first "From the Heart" and the second "Live From The Cookery. In 1972 she, along with several other prominent jazz artists, was awarded a Guggenheim fellowship in music com position.^^ In 1975 she made history again, performing Mary Lou's Mass at St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York. It was the first time a mass utilizing jazz idioms had been performed in the church. The reaction to the piece was overwhelmingly positive, and Mary's name was in the spotlight again. In 1977 she returned to the classroom, when Frank Tirro, chairman of the music department of Duke University, invited her to join the faculty.'*^ At the age of 67, Mary Lou Williams began her stint as Artist-in-Residence at Duke. Her classes became so popular that many students found themselves being turned away. She lectured on the blues, the spiritual, and

Handy, "Conversations with Mary Lou Williams," 212.

Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 45.

"Five Guggenheims to Artist in Jazz Fields" Doion Beat 8 June 1972.

Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 45.

100 jazz. She inspired many of her students to purchase albums of the performers Williams introduced to them.*^ Mary’s stint at Duke was merely another move to further her crusade to educate young people about the history of jazz. In 1978 she challenged the musical skills of Cecil Taylor during a concert at Cameige Hall called "Maiy Lou Williams and Cecil Taylor Embraced." During the late 1970s Mary was diagnosed with cancer, but she continued to work consistently. She remained determined in her pursuit of acceptance of jazz. According to 0 Brien "she handled her illness very well. Her music eased her pain."^5 Despite treatments and numerous surgeries, she continued to compose and even started an autobiography entitled "Zoning the History of Jazz."'*® She continued throughout 1980 to attend concert dates and compose. But the cancer was beginning to take its toll on the pianist. In January of 1981 she received a grant from the National Endowment of the Arts and began work on a piano concerto reflecting the history of jazz. Although her health was deteriorating rapidly, Mary continued to teach, whenever feasible, and to compose. According to John Williams, Mary composed up until she died. "When she was there listening to this stuff she was writing. This symphony she was writing for these people." The last weeks of her life the pianist

44 Ibid.,46.

4® Father Peter O 'Brien quoted in Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 48.

46 Ibid.

47 John Williams, 34-35.

101 spent time at home. There she was cared for by hospice workers and fiiends. On May 28,1981 she died leaving behind a legacy of great music and history. A funeral mass for Mary Lou was performed on June 1 at the Church of St. Ignatius Loyola, Park Avenue at 84th Street in New York.^8 Her music was performed by many of the performers who had loved and respected the pianist in life, Marian McPartland, Dizzy Gillespie, and Rose Murphy were just some of the performers who paid tribute to Mary Lou. Following excerpts of her three Masses the pianist was eulogized. Her body was them flown to East Liberty, Pittsburgh where the burial mass was celebrated at the Church of Saints Peter and Paul, Following her death, several concerts and festivals paying tribute to the pianist and her music were organized. She was honored in death in much the same way as she had been in life. Even in death she made sure that the educating of young persons about jazz would continue. Before her death she created the Mary Lou Williams Foundation, whose primary purpose was to provide talented young people the opportunity to be mentored by a jazz artist. John Williams fittingly described Maiy Lou Williams and her musical ability when he stated that "she was the greatest thing I ever seen. Her music and with that ear and all. "'*9

Unterbrink, fazz Women, 50.

49 Ibid., 35.

102 CHAPTER?

THE SECOND VATICAN COUNCIL AND THE BEGINNING OF THE SANCTIFICATION PROCESS

In order to keep up with changes in society, the Catholic Church began looking at the music used in its worship services. The convening of the Vatican II council in 1962, provided the opportunity for Mary Lou Williams to write religious music. Headed by Pope John XXIII, the council assembled from October of 1962 until December of 1965.^ The Council's goal was to address two key issues: The Declaration on Religious Freedom and the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy. 2 The Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, most relevant to our discussion, introduced the use of the vernacular into the Mass and more interaction between the priest and congregation. 3 Before the resolution "almost everything possible would have been done to

^ Harold Schachem, The Meaning of the Second Vatican Council (Notre Dame, Indiana: Fides Publishers, 1967), 7. For additional information on the Council of Vatican II consult Sacred music and Liturgy Reform After Vatican II: Proceeding of the Fifth International Church Music Congress Chicago-Milwaukee, August 21-28, 1966. ed. by Johannes Overath. (Rome: Consociatio Intemationalis Musicae Sacrae, 1969).

2 Ibid., 11.

3 Ibid.

103 separate him (the average Catholic) from the priest and the celebration at the aitar~everything short of removing him to another building." ^ The result of the Council was not a set of rules and regulations to be carried out by the laity, but the b^inning of significant changes within the Church. Vatican EE was a "platform from which to proceed with a thorough renewal of the liturgy; this one provided us with a solid hase' for building a new life in the Church for the laity." ® Although generalized in this discussion, the point of emphasis is that Vatican II provided an environment that would make it possible for Mary Lou Williams not only to write religious compositions, but have them performed in churches. It is not until 1972 that the American Bishops incorporate the ideals of the Convention into their worship services with the edict "Music in Catholic Worship." Mary Lou's music proved to be innovative, for it displayed many of the suggestions of the American Bishops. (This will be outlined in chapter thirteen.) During the 1960s Mary Lou Williams began composing a body of work that can be defined as sacred compositions with jazz influences. These pieces were produced at a time when the artist was growing in her musical expression and spirituality. Mary Lou had already aided in the defining of big band music in the 30s and 40s. Her compositions and arrangements written for Andy Kirk, Benny Goodman and Duke Ellington had established her talent within jazz ranks. But Mary's music was now focused on helping the lost and downtrodden.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid., 88.

104 For decades the jazz scene and the Black Church had been two completely separate worlds, the latter claiming that there was no cross influence, despite the innovations of gospel composer Thomas Dorsey. For years it was believed that the music of the Church was sacred and untainted by the music of the world, despite the fact that the church had served as the "training ground" for many blues, soul, and r & b singers. Call and response, moaning, wailing, driving rhythms, complex harmonies and improvisation, all the traits that had become signiflers of jazz were also defining gospel music. By the 1960s gospel had spread to new audiences. Gospel nightclubs opened in major cities across the U.S. and many whites were introduced to the art form through the television show "TV Gospel Time."® Gospel was now moving into new territory, so why not jazz? If Gospel could model some of its traits after the secular, why couldn't jazz model itself after the sacred? After all, they both had the same musical roots: spirituals and blues. This discussion on the changes in gospel is by no means an attempt to hnk Mary Lou's sacred music with gospel, but provides a means of comparing the changes both art forms would experience. The only valid comparison one can draw between Mary's music and gospel is that they both attempt to spread good news and hope, with harmonies and musical traits that would attract younger people. Mary could expect one of two outcomes with her experimentation. 1) it would be readily accepted 2) it would lead to much controversy.

® Horace Clarence Boyer and Lloyd Yearwood, Haw Sweet the Sound: The Golden Age of Gospel. (Washington, D C.: Elliot and Clark Publishing, 1995), 190.

105 With the belief that "jazz was the only true art and Catholicism was the only true faith," in 1962 she wrote her first religious composition, a jazz hymn in honor of St. Martin De Porres.^ Although predating the changes in sacred music in the Catholic Church, her subsequent hymns and their well- received performances seemed a product of Vatican II's convention. As stated above, after writing several hymns, Mary composed her first extended religious work while teaching at the Seton High School in Pittsburgh. Simply titled "Mass," the composition was performed at S t Paul's Cathedral, but Maiy Lou later discarded it, claiming that it was too long and traditional.^ She later wrote two masses: Mass for Lenten Season and Music for Peace. The latter was commissioned in 1969 by the Vatican.^ It was performed during the same year in honor of assassinated Kenyan leader, Tom Mboya. Mary later rescored the composition, and with dances choreographed by Alvin Ailey, it became Mary Lou's Mass. Mary Lou's Mass reestablished Mary’s popularity with a younger generation. She became a "new discovery" for hundreds who witnessed the composition's performance in the numerous churches and college halls. Each performance spawned a new arrangement transposed to fit the musical abilities of the school children and local choirs that Mary used for performances. In 1975 she once again made history, with the performance of the Mass in S t Patrick's Cathedral in New York. It was the first time a jazz influenced composition

^ John W. Donohue, "'Mary Lou's Mass': Music for Peace," America March 8,1975

® John S. Wilson, "Mary Lou takes her Jazz Mass to Church."

9 Ibid.

106 had been played in a Catholic church. Parishioners and fans heralded the event and spoke highly of the composition's merit Mary Lou Williams had seemingly done the impossible with these compositions. She had taken jazz and transformed notions about the music, and "sold" it to audiences who had previously rejected it. The "devil's music" had now become an important part in reshaping music in the Catholic Church. The performance of "Mary Lou's Mass" at St. Patrick's , the 1967 Carnegie Hall concert and subsequent recordings of this music symbolized the complete "sanctification" of jazz. For Mary and others, this represented the conversion of that which was lost and the freeing of that which was bound in sin.

The Hymns Mary Lou Williams' first attempt at writing religious music resulted in the hymn "St. Martin De Porres." She followed this composition with other hymns including "Anima Christi" and "The Devil." The concept of hymns expressing the experiences and feelings of blacks was not new to the Catholic Church. Lead Me, Guide Me: The African-American Catholic Hymnal, the first collection of black hymnody used in the Catholic Church, was published only six years after Mary Lou's death. This hymnal, however, was preceded by the innovative work of many Black Catholics.

Jon Michael Spencer, B/acA: Hymnody: A Hymnological History of the African- American Church (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1992), 183.

107 Father Clarence Joseph Rivers, a black priest, is best known for his work in promoting the aims of Vatican As early as 1956, he began a crusade to increase the presence of the Catholic Church in the Black community. His work took him all over the United States. During his travels he encountered black Catholics who were attempting to combine catholic worship with black culture.

The only effort that I know of, that attempted... to bring together black culture and Catholic worship within the United States were the efforts of a particular religious sister from somewhere, I believe, in Oklahoma. She attempted to cover the language of the Latin Mass with unadapted melodies from Negro spirituals. I remember die Kyrie was sung to die exact tune of "Nobody Khiow The Trouble I See.' The melody was an ill fitting garment for the words, however noble the idea behhid the effort; the effect itself was less than successful. ^2

The same cannot be said of Williams' work, for she did not take pre-existing melodies and combine them with Latin liturgical texts. Her hymns consisted of beautiful melodies enhanced by lush harmonies, set to original texts in English, speaking to the modem Catholic's experience. It is not clear if Mary Lou was attempting, like her predecessors, to express the black Catholic's experience, but many of her hymns are modeled after the oldest and most basic form of black expression: the blues.

^ ^ River's American Mass Program popularized black music for Catholic worship, his subsequent publications "SouIfuII Worship" and "The Spirit in Worship" analyzed the history, theory and practices of black sacred music and the appropriateness of it in the Catholic liturgy and worship. For additional information see Sister Thea Bowman, 'The Gift of African-American Sacred Song, " Lead me. Guide Me : The African American Catholic Hymnal (Chicago: G.l.A. Publications, 1987)

12 Ibid., 184.

108 The harmonic and rhythmic complexly of her early hymns (e.g. "Hymn in Honor of St. Martin de Porres," "The Devil") indicate that Mary's conception of sacred jazz was still forming in the early 1960s. She is attempted through these compositions to capture the harmonic essence of jazz, while making it acceptable to Catholic audiences. While there is very little opportunity for improvisation, or use of other jazz-related idioms, one can not deny the intrinsic value of these compositions. Although there are no specific dates notated on the scores of the other hymns included in this dissertation, estimated time of composition is probably fi'om about 1962 to 1964. The remaining hymns contained in this work all predate the first mass, which was composed in 1966. This based on the recording dates and the program of the 1963 sacred concert at Cameige Hall. Unlike the early hymns, the relationship with blues and related art forms, in the later pieces is more apparent

Hymn in Honor of St. Martin de Porres "The Hymn in Honor of St Martin de Porres" was written for the son of a 17th-century Spanish nobleman and a Negro slave, who became the first black saint canonized by the Catholic Church. St. Martin spent the mtgority of his life in Lima, Peru and dedicated his life to aiding the poor.13

For additional information see Marshall Peck, "Jazz Hymn to Honor Negro Saint," N ew York Herald Tribune Oct. 1962.

109 Written in 1962, the hymn contains a text written by Father Anthony Woods, Mary's friend and confidant, The text, which describes St. Martin's life and acts of goodwill, is as follows;

St. Martin de Porres. His Shepherd staff a dusty broom. (A) St. Martin de Porres. The poor made a shrine of his tomb. (A') St. Martin de Porres. He gentled creatures tame and wild. (A) St. Martin de Porres. He sheltered each unwanted child. (A") This man of love (God) bom of the flesh, yet of God. (B) This humble man healed the sick, raised the dead. (B) His hand is quick. (B)

To feed beggars and sinners. The starving homeless and (A) the stray. (A) Oh, Black Christ of the Andes. (A') Come feed and cure us now we pray. (A') Oh, help us spare, oh Lord. (C) Spare thy people lest you be angered with me forever. (C) This man of love bora of the flesh, yet of God. (Bridge) This humble man healed the sick, raised the dead His hand is quick.(D)

S t Martin de Porres. ^^(A'")

Table 2 describes the composition's form and harmonic structure:

Unterbrink, Jazz Women, 43.

Mary Lou Williams, "St. Martin de Porres," The Uncatalogued Works of Mary Lou Williams, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

110 Tonal centers: Textural/meiodic structure:

A: measures 1-4 (contains the A minor primary melodic material that returns in altered forms throughout the composition

A': measures 4-8 (altered form of A; A minor "fan motive" enters a half step lower and cadences on tonic chord.

Bridge: measures 8-9 (sung by A minor sopranos, altos and basses). A": measures 9-13 (repetition of A minor measures 1-5.

A'": measures 14-17 (begins like A minor measures 5-8 but harmonies are added in the altos are not found in measures 7-8)

B: measures 18-34 (new melodic A minor— B flat major~B flat minor material; begins in A minor but modulates to B flat minor in measures 26-34) A"": measures 35-38 (returns to home A minor key : A minor)

A': measures 38-44 (repetition of A minor measures 4-8, with sli^ t rhythmic alteration of cadence)

C: measures 45-52 (interaction A minor between voices no spedflc melodic idea)

G minor Piano solo: measures 53-63

Short episode: measures 64-68 (call- G minor and-response like interaction between upper and lower voices; interspersed between chordal passages;)

111 Measures 69-71: all voices rest G minor

D: measures 72-88: voices continue G minor call-and-response passages between upper and lower voices.

A"'": measures 88-96 (altered form of G minor A in new key)

Coda: measures 96-100

Table 2: Comparison of melodic material and tonal centers.

"St. Martin" is written in 4/4 time and begins in the key of A minor. Set for soprano, alto, tenor, and bass voices, the composition opens with an anacrusis on the tonic in the tenors and basses. The first part of phrase A, "St. Martin de Porres," is sung by the first and second tenors and basses in a simple chordal pattern. The second part of A, "his shepherd staff a dusty broom," begins in unison before first tenors and first basses split off and move in parallel ascending motion. The second tenors and second basses move in a parallel descending motion before all voices cadence on an A minor^ chord. This motion will be referred to as the "fan motive" throughout the discussion. This motive returns throughout the composition in different forms which coincide with changes in text.^®

The first section of the phrase, "St. Martin de Porres," generally remains the same. But as the text discusses his different contributions, the "fan motive" changes.

112 **( :*€*'^Ct3Srêr^â 3a\r.j Jo#_

Example 1. "St Martin De Porres" (mm. 1-4) Statement of A.

Following an "ooh" in measure 4 sung by the tenors, altos, and sopranos, the home key is reinforced with the dominant pedal ("e") sung by the basses. The second statement of "A" begins in measures 5-8. The phrase begins hke that in measure I but the final chord of the second measure is altered by the use of "g sharp" in the first tenor instead of "a". The "fan motive" of this restatement begins a whole step lower on "A" rather than "B" and cadences on an Ami 9(6) chord.

113 4 s . n 6 i----

i r T**t ^C «*II«C 4 m t T S n l J .nJ. A

J w •

Example 2. "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of A', (mm. 4-8)

A short bridge is sung by the sopranos, altos, and basses in measures 8 and 9. The chromatic sequence cadences on an E mi"^(^5) chord at the fermata.

.r w a

Example 3 "St. Martin de Porres." Bridge section (mm. 8-9)

114 The third statement of the primary melodic material (A") begins like the original statement but is altered harmonically in the cadence of the first phrase and in the "fan motive." Rhythmic changes occur in measure 13 when the cadence is elongated through the use of a half note to pattern.

4» 00^- .1

1 O ______

13 . 1 j. , , ----- L m . n 1—N t

Sr. xc ^ur-tactur-ijtaitrfM wiu __ j j .luQ-j , ID-J. .rr r-j n . ( ,

Example 4 "St. Martin de Porres." Statement of A" (mm. 9-13)

The first part of the fourth statement of "A" mirrors that in measure 1 but is altered in the "fan motive" with different harmonies in both tenors and basses.

115 13 H . Iff U n ig r _ I 1— 1 i rr 3f at W fi-r£if;is««ar^**..V 3 ,;v/ij______

Example 5 "St Martin de Porres." Statement of A"' (mm. 14-18)

In measures 19-34 new melodic material (B) enters. The first four-measure phrase of this new thematic material is presented by the tenors and basses and consists of chords in which the second tenor and first basses descending chromatically by a half step. The sopranos and altos answer with an ascending and descending pattern.

116 Example 6 "St. Martin de Porres" Statement of B (mm. 18-22)

The second four-measure phrase of the B begins with the altos, tenors, and basses singing in unison. Following a series of descending chords, accompanied by ascending third skips in the sopranos, the voices cadence in measure 26. This cadence marks the modulation to B flat m^'or.

117 8 e u ruC P U SH . oo h . )cr OP Ù09. •Hi h, »

Example 7 "St. Martin de Porres" Second phrase of B (mm. 22-26)

The next phrase, "this humble man healed the sick," modulates to the key of B flat minor. Beginning in unison, the altos, tenors, and basses split off into a chordal pattern that is accompanied with descending octaves in the sopranos. In measure 28 the sopranos and tenors sing a descending pattern written an octave apart, before all voices cadence on a B flat mai3(b9) chord in measure 30.

118 its MAN

4f4L fa

Example 8 "St Martin de Porres." Third phrase of B (mm. 26-30)

The final phrase of "B" begins much like the preceding phrase, but changes the harmonic pattern in the altos, tenors, and basses. Measure 34 consists of "ohh's, which serve as a filler, and aid in the modulation back to A minor, ("ohhs" cadence on E chord, the dominant of A minor)

119 T T

OOH

Example 9 "St. Martin de Porres." Last phrase of B and modulation to A minor (mm. 30-34)

In measure 35 the primary melodic material returns (A""). This is accompanied in measure 38 by a descending scale sung by sopranos and altos, which cadences onaE (^5) chord.

Example 10 "St. Martin de Porres." Statement of A"" (mm. 35-38)

120 The next six measures (39-44) are an extended version of measures 5-8 with changes in the harmonies and rhythm in the second tenors and first basses. In the second part of the statement, instead of cadencing, the altos and sopranos enter with scalar passages while the basses and tenors aing sustained notes before reaching a cadence in measure 44.

£Mftt3MCC3t'.X w

a* h L ? u s

Example 11 "St. Martin de Porres." Statement of A' leading into C. ( mm. 39-44)

121 New melodic material "C." enters in measure 45. While the altos and sopranos sing in unison on the phrase "spare, oh Lord, spare thy people," the tenors and basses sing a contrasting line in parallel sixths.

SfHf, 0*_ •-)« ______«J.»-

Example 12 "St. Martin de Porres." Statement of C (mm. 45-46)

Seemingly a transition, this leads into an eleven measure improvised piano solo. (mm. 54-65) This is only the indication in the composition of any kind of instrumental accompaniment. According to the recording of this composition the piano solo is based on the basic primary material.

The score, unfortunately, does not indicate anything about the solo.

122 Following the solo, the choir reenters with a short episode based on the scat syllables "doc" and "put-dee." (nun 66-70)

* » * iiai*.

f t i r . o c g____

Example 13 "St. Martin De Porres" Short episode (mm. 66-70)

Following three measures of rest, the tenors and basses enter with ascending before cadencing on an E-flat^ chord in measure 73. In measure 73 the sopranos and altos sing ascending thirds before all the voices cadence in measure 76. Measures 76-88 contain sequences of call- and responses between lower voices (tenor/ bass) and sopranos and altos. This interaction continues until all voices cadence in measure 88. In measure 89 a statement of the primary melodic material in G minor enters, (continues until mm. 95)

123 Example 14 "St. Martin De Porres" Restatement of A in G minor (mm 89-95)

The fan motive in measure 95 is extended with sequential figures in the upper voices and sustained chords sung by the tenors. In this phrase the second sopranos descend chromatically by a half step. While the first sopranos, written a fifth above descend first to the fourth before singing in

124 unison with the second sopranos. Each of these sequences begins a whole step lower each time.

Example 15 "St. Martin De Porres" Sequences sung by 1st and 2nd sopranos (mm. 96-98)

In measure 99 the composition returns to 4/4 and aU the voices enter with ascending triplet augmented fourths separated by a third which build tension before resolving with the final cadence, (m. 100).

125 i‘‘■r r -4 -à

Example 16 "St Martin de Porres" Ascending figure/final cadence (mm. 99-100)

"St. Martin de Porres," although referred to as a hymn, does not follow strophic form, or what is thought of as traditional hymn form. However, there are instances where Mary Lou does indicate her knowledge of such form, through her use of certain thematic ideas throughout the composition. Although the composition does not provide the opportunity for improvisation, the use of close knit, complex harmonies indicate its relationship with jazz. The relationship between jazz and "St. Martin de Porres" may not be evident at first glance but the composition's harmonic language coupled with jazz nuances (e.g. fills, improvised piano solo) establish this work as the genesis of this corpus.

126 The Devil and Anima Christi

The Devil Although there is no specific date written on the score of the hymn, "The Devil," because of the similarities in form with "St Martin de Porres," it is safe to say it was written shortly after the latter. This is further substantiated by its inclusion on the 1964 recording Mary Lou Williams Presents (FJ 2843). With a text written by vocalist Ada Moore, The Devil outlines the many temptations that face mankind everyday. It reminds the listener that in the pursuit to fight off the fictional pitchfork-wielding devil, one may discover that one's own actions manifest his evil. The Devil is a woman with a red dress on. A gleam that flits across a roving eye. (A)

The Devil is a hand that moves along a satin seam. A softly whispered, sweetly whisperW lie. (A') The Devil is a window filled with fancy clothes. Two lips that part and smile and breathe a sigh. (A")

An open door some place where steps that shouldn't go there goes. A word that touched a heart and made it cry. (A')

Where are you gonna run? Where do you think you're gonna hide? What makes you think you're slick enough to t ^ e old Satan for a ride? Ain't you never took a notice that no matter what you do? Our old fiiend Mephistopheles gets there just ahead of you. (B)

The Devil never rests, come day, come dusk, come dawn. You compromise and wind up soul in pawn. (A)

So don't it strike you funny, when you look him in the eye. The Devil looks a lot like you and I. (A')

Our firiend Mephistopheles gets there just ahead of you. (B)

127 The Devil never rests come dusk, come dawn. You compromise and wind up soul in pawn. So don't it strike you fimny when you look him in the eye, The Devil looks a lot like you and I. (A'")i®

The following chart describes the composition's form and harmonic structure:

Tonal Center: Textural/ melodic structure:

G minor A: measures 1-4 ( contains the primary melodic material)

G minor A': measures 4-8 (related to the primary melodic material but is altered) G minor A": measures 9-12

G minor-G mfyor A': measures 12-16 (repetition of measures 4-8 before tenors enter with ascending G m^jor scale in measure 16)

G m^or B: measures 16-24 ( new melodic material; begins to modulate back to G minor in measure 23) G minor A measures 24-28

Maty Lou Williams, "The Devil," The Uncatalogued Works of Mary Lou Williams, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

128 G minor A': measures 28-32

G m^'or B': measures 38-40 ( almost exact repetition of measures 22-24)

A flat minor A"': measures 41-51 (final statement of primary melodic material before final cadence)

Table 3: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

This composition, like "St. Martin De Porres," is to be performed primarily a cappella. There is no accompaniment to the vocal line and the score does not indicate and type of instrumentation. However the recording of this piece contains a six measure improvised piano solo that is indicated in the score as measures of rest (mm. 34-39) This hymn is written in 4/4 time and begins in the key of G minor. (A), the primary melodic material, consists of a dominant upbeat followed by repeated tonic notes sung by the basses.

129 n— MW p A r - c r ^ T (il

Example 17 "The Devil" Primary melodic material A (mm. 1-4)

In measure 4 the meter switches to 5/4 as the sopranos, altos, tenors, and first basses enter with "oohs" as a kind of phrase ending fill. (A') enters with a return to the original tempo in measure 5 and an altered form of the primary melody. The ascending melodic line coincides with the text discussion of a "hand that moves along a satin seam."

'■« ®er-it

Example 18 "The Devil" Statement of A' (mm.4-8)

130 Before the next statement of A, there is a one measure bridge. Ironically the harmonic and rhythmic pattern, in measure eight, mirrors the "fan motive" from St. Martin De Porres (see discussion above). Beginningin unison, the sopranos, altos, and first tenors sing an ascending vocal line, while the second tenors and basses descend in parallel motion, before cadenceing.

Example 19 "The Devil" " Bridge containing figure sim ilar to "fan motive" from "St. Martin De Porres." (m. 8)

The primary melodic material, in its original form, returns in measures 9-12 before resting on a dominant seventh chord in measure 12 ( Repetition of A' occurs in measure 13-16 before an ascending scalar passage (tenors) leads into G major and new melodic material: B.

131 9 9 ■ 'f* Jmt xiNC '3* iWf 'W*j < 4w#*fwf *WËB# wcr *# ***##

Example 20 "The Devil" Repetition of A' and modulation (mm. 13-16)

Written in the original meter, the new melodic material consists of four two-measure phrases. In the first phrase the sopranos sing the melody to the text "Where are you gonna run? Where do you think you're going to hide?"

ûût —14 ^ 1.1 , 1____ —

T—rt— ------— i—7— y.

Example 21 "The Devil" First phrase of B (mm. 16-18)

132 The second phrase is similar in form, with the sopranos continuingwith the melody, while the lower voices provide accompanying harmonies.

Example 22 "The Devil" Second Phrase of B (mm. 18-20)

In the third phrase, measures 21-22, the altos join the sopranos singing "Ain't you never took notice that no matter what you do?" In measure 22 the tenors enter, a sixth below the altos, before all voices cadence on a C minor^ chord.

133 $9rrm ttf>€irétLh Ator-icr Twr wM*r*/î< «d.»

iutnm «r-«f g' î . I NiT-rttmHrjH ii- 21 -

Example 23 "The Devil" Third Phrase of B (mm. 20-22)

In the final phrase of B, the sopranos continue with the melody, while the tenors and basses sing sustained descending chords before cadencing on a D7(b9) chord..

Example 24 "The Devil" Fourth Phrase of B (mm. 22-24)

134 "A" in the key of G minor reenters in measures 25. Following the first phrase, the choir enters with a descending B flat major‘d in third inversion, sting in unison before the basses and tenors separate into parts written an octave and a fourth respectively fi'om the upper voices. The sopranos and altos are in unison, while the tenors and basses are written a third a part.

Example 25 "The Devil" Descending scalar passage (m. 28)

Following the statement of the second phrase, the tenors and basses enter with an ascending major triads that serve as fill before cadencing on a G minor chord.

135 Example 26 "The Devil" Second Phrase of A (mm. 28-32)

In measure 33, a five measure improvised piano solo enters. Following the solo, the choir enters with a chordal repetition of the melodic material fi’om B, in measure 38. Written in G major, this section's text is the phrase "our old fiiend Mephistopheles gets there just a head of you."

The score does not indicate anything specific about the solo. Only that it is five measures long.

136 «ut au Fwasxj» a- r./»-e ifs Sftr tuiarxi- -

tiftO

Example 27 "The Devil" Statement of B' ( mm, 38-40)

In measure 41, the modulation to A flat minor marks the return of A in the sopranos and altos who sing the phrase originally sung by the basses. The tenors and basses accompany with ascending and descending "ahhs."

137 r.f Kflr-Ct «l'rixran»

Jfdtf CtH-tXe- Jf SOOL

Example 28 "The Devil" Statement of A in A flat minor (mm.41-45)

In measure 45, the sopranos, altos, and tenors enter on the phrase " so don't it strike you," set to parallel diminished triads. Continuing with the text "funny when you look him in the eye; the devil looks a lot," the first sopranos sing the melody while the other voices accompany chordally. The altos join the sopranos, in unison on a flat in measure 48, while the tenors and basses sing accompanying "oohs." The final cadence is reached in

138 measures 49-50, with the altos, tenors, and basses cordially accompanying an ascending triplet figure in the first sopranos.

iJ ;r TMitf ## Tit tJêU • Ljruti m

I Z j g :airnr ^nejfou

Example 29 "The Devil" Last phrase of A/Final cadence (mm. 45-51)

"The Devü" much like "St. Martin De Porres" indicates Mary Lou Williams' ability to write vocal compositions which require skillful singers. The lack of accompaniment and the strict harmonies employed indicate that Mary's intentions were to create vocal compositions that duplicated the closed harmonic style employed by jazz instrumentalist.

139 Of the early religious compositions written by Mary Lou Williams, "Hymn in Honor of St. Martin" and "The Devil" are perhaps the most vocally challenging. Beyond the similarities in the intricacies of its harmonic language, two the hymns also adapt a modified strophic form, loosely constructed on reccuring melodic material. Besides the short improvised piano solo, "The Devil," like "St. Martin" is completely a capella. But these unaccompanied melodic lines are written in such way that they display the actions of the text. The complexities of these compositions may indicate Mary Lou's concern over having such compositions accepted as sacred jazz, than creating music that the average singer could perform. As the discussion will indicate, as she continued to compose, Mary Lou began writing vocal lines that adapted to the proficiency of any singer.

140 Anima Christi This modem mterpretation of a traditional prayer is included on the 1964 recording MdryZiOtt Williams Presents (FJ 2843). Melba Liston, well- known arranger and trombonist, scored and conducted the composition for

the recording, which incorporates gospel-related idioms. 20. "Anima Christi" displays Mary’s comfort in writing sacred music. Where the harmonies in "St. Martin" and "The Devil" only allude to the jazz idiom, "Anima Christi," in its meter, vocal style and instrumentation clearly demonstrates a blues st^e. It also uses standard hymn or strophic form more than the previously discussed hymns. The 6/8 meter evokes the feeling of a swinging jazz waltz, and the instrumentation is expanded beyond the basic combo group with the addition of and the B-flat . It is scored for a male soloist (tenor) and female choir. Notations in the score indicate that the composer had a clear sense of the style she was trying to evoke^i. The soloist is told to sing in a jfunl^ gospel style which is periodically accompanied by the female chorus inteijecting in call-and-response patterns. The text is a prayer to God for protection against the evils of the world, and for a merciful response toward sins. The following chart describes the relationship between the text and the thematic material:

Personnel on the recording included Bud Johnson (bass clarinet); Grant Green(guitar); Larry Gales (bass); Percy Brice (drums); Jimmy Mitchell (solo vocalist),'George Gordon Singers (background singers) and Mary Lou Williams on piano

The score used in this discussion is a transcription by Marx Lopeman dated 1/92 housed in the Uncatalogued works of Mary Lou Williams, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

141 A: measures 8-21 Soul of Christ be my sanctification Body of Christ be my salvation. (I)

Blood of Christ's side wash out my stains. (IV-D Passion of Christ my comfort be, O good Jesus Listen to me. Lord have mercy on me. (I-V-IV-I)

A': begins in measure 22 but returns In your words I would hide never to to measures 8-21. part fi'om thy side (I) Guard me should the foe assail me Call me when life fail me (IV-I)

Bid me come to thee above with thy saints to sing thy love. Lord have mercy on me. (I-V-IV-I)

A"; same as above Lord I'm not worthy That thy shouldst enter under my roof, (I) Say by the word and my soul shall be cleansed. (IV-I)

B: measures 23-40 O God by your name save me for Haughty men Have risen up against me They set not God before their eyes They have prepared a net for my feet The fool says in his heart there is no God Lord have mercy on me. Lord have mercy on me. Lord have mercy on me. (V-IV-D22

Table 4: Comparison of text and melodic material

22 Ibid.

142 The form of the composition of the hymn is A A' A" B. The hymn opens with a seven-measure introduction that presents a series of motives and rhythmic figures. The form can be outlined as follows:

F m^or: Introduction: measures 1-7.

F major: A: measures 8-21 ( primary melodic material)

F major: A: begins in measure 22, returns to measures 8-21.

F major: A": same as above but continues to measure 22-26 where primary melodic material is expanded and leads to the Coda. F major: (B) measures 26-29 introduces different chord changes from what is in A.

F major: (A) measures 30-40 returns to part of the primary melodic material before going into the Coda

Although the composition remains in the key of F major, the harmonies used throughout consist mainly of a I-IV-V progression. Mary's blues roots are very evident in the chord usage and adaptation of a loosely constructed 12-bars blues. The B-flat clarinet and bass begin the introduction with the following motive:

143 VU. ta

Example 30 "Anima Christi" introductory motive in bass/ b-flat clarinet

The rhythmic figure serves as the ostinato played by the clarinet throughout. The drums enter in measure three with a roll before playing the rhythmic figure: in measure 5. The bass adopts a ^ ^ rhythmic motive, while the piano, which also enters in measure 5, plays the rhythmic figure ^ ^ based on the harmonies and G flat^ (I-ii flat). The soloist enters at measure 8 with verse number one, accompanied by the female choir inteijecting with "help help" beginning in measures 9 and 10. Throughout the verse the clarinet, bass, and piano continues with the figures firom the introduction, while the electric guitar rests.

144 M01 if ciitisi It m S»l- M TioJ tUd0 y jW fu. m1 iüiti

naP

-■* j 1 - - / ûilf ^ A', tinlaf fill

iH " itaf % «.

nt ifito w*k ml-d o«)

Example 31 "Anima Christi" First statement of A (mm. 8-21)

Following the statement "Lord have Mercy on me," the soloist enters with the second statement of A. Although primarily playing the same accompaniment, the piano and guitar become more prominent in the

145 improvisation on the melody. The soloist also indicates more freedom with added notes.

— .rf t<

Hai’ ikiP

cuMéuelKiuKl Oil

hMtJifo fiM IM( IMd MM «1 cl M

Example 32 "Anima Christi" Second statement of A (mm. 8-21)

146 The last statement of A, slightly different from the preceding, leads directly into the contrasting thematic material B.

fiwr

Example 33 "Amina Christi" Third Statement of A (mm. 8-16)

147 The new melodic material begins in measure 23 and is accompanied by an altered accompaniment figure in the bass. In addition to the previous figure, the changes, in measure 24, to ascending chromatic arpeggios.

i i !

a s

1 1 1 ------

-V ------: ■■ -1 — 1— ^ ------^ ------7*‘------: ----

]Uj

1 —P»— V- c'

Example 34 "Amina Cbnsti" New thematic material and altered bass accompaniment figure (mm. 23-33)

148 The composition concludes with the soloist repeating the phrase "Lord have mercy on me," before cadencing with the choir on a chord.

u ------1------1------i : - . [ lU fO d û i : (T.

LUi) ddiT (1 W Ht

Uû/ i ^ ======, ^ • c J ? ^ ? 2T 7 ^: ft. n n --- —» ■ " - o- t

\nido ftif. _ __

Example 35 "Anima Christi" Final statement of "Lord Have Mercy"

149 The recording indicates that Mary Lou Williams was attempting to establish this music as jazz. From the improvisation of the piano (in certain sections) and guitar, the swinging waltz rhythm, and the adherence to the blues form, "Anima Christi" indicates that Mary's comfort level with combing blues elements with sacred text was increasing. Although this composition is the last hymn included in this discussion, it was not the last composed by Mary Lou Williams. From the 1960s up until her death in 1981, Mary composed countless hymns, many of which became movements in her large extended works.

150 CHAPTERS

THE MASSES

In 1966 Mary Lou Williams composed her first large-scale religious composition, entitled "Mass." Also known as the "Pittsburgh Mass," this piece was composed while Mary Lou was teaching at Seton High School in the city.i Mary's interest in writing a mass was due in part to her fiiendship with several priests. As early as the late 1950s, they had tried to convince Mary to write a jazz mass, but she did not consider the matter seriously until her interaction with the students at Seton. After failing to peak the student's interest with traditional approaches to theory, Mary decided to use jazz as a teaching aid. As the student's interest and enthusiasm increased so did Mary's interest in composing masses. Mary described the process as follows:

Several priests who were jazz fans had been urging me to write a Mass. So I began composing one during the class. I'd tell kids to take a break and I'd write eight bars of the Mass. They'd sing it right off Whenever &e nuns came into the room. I'd shift to theory. But I wrote the Mass in a week.2

^ See discussion in chapter six.

2 John S. Wilson, "Mary Lou takes her Jazz Mass to Church.

151 On June 10,1967 the mass was performed in Pittsburgh at St. Paul's Cathedral but was later discarded because Mary Lou thought "it was long, drawn out, üke a symphony. In 1968 she wrote "Mass for Lenten Season," which was performed for six Sundays during Lent at St. Thomas the Apostle in New York.'* The third mass, "Mass for Peace, " was the result of a commission from the Vatican in 1969. During that same year, Mary completed a five month engagement in Copenhagen and stopped off in Rome on her way back to the U.S. During a visit to the Vatican Mary Lou met several church officials who took interest in her approach to sacred music. One such meeting resulted in a commission to write a new mass. Mary describes her visit to the Vatican as follows:

Through my friends Brother Mario and Peter O'Brien.. .1 was able to meet some very kind and understanding people in Rome- Bishop Rembert Weakland.. .Count Cardelli of the Approdo Romano, who sponsored a special concert for me. One of the most important meeting was with Msgr. Joseph Gremillion, Secretary of the Pontifical Commission on Justice and Peace. It was from him that I returned to New York with liturgical texts and a commission to write a new "Mass for Peace."® This mass was first performed in 1969 at the Holy Family Church in Harlem for a memorial service for assassinated Kenyan leader Tom Mboya.® Alvin Alley, famed dancer and choreographer, attended the

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

® Mary Lou Williams, Music for Peace, Mary Records #0, liner notes.

® Mboya was assasinated in July of 1969.

152 performance and discussed with Mary the possibility of writing a ballet to accompany the piece. Agreeing with Alley that the mass' message of peace and love was important, Mary rescored the piece incorporating traits that would appeal to younger audiences. When asked about the compositional approach used for the mass, Mary stated that she "decided to put it [the Mass] into a completely different jazz-rock.. idiom and called upon a top- talented arranger. Bob Banks to help [her] in this unfamiliar field."'^ Through this rescoring the "Mass for Peace" became according to Mary Lou a "swinging Mass."® This new version of the mass was written for unison choir and piano, and incorporated elements of both rock and jazz. In 1971 Mary produced a recording that contained movements of the rescored mass. This recording, "Music for Peace," was released by her record company Mary Records and consisted of the following compositions: Prologue: "O.W." Entrance hymn: "The Lord Says" Kyrie Gloria Responsories: "In His Day Peace I Leave With You/Alleluia" Creed Offertory psalm: "Turn Aside From Evil Holy, Holy, Holy" Our Father/communion psalm Communion song: "People in Trouble" Communion song: "Lazarus" Communion song: "The World" Recessional: "Praise the Lord"

Wilson, "Mary Lou Takes

® Mary Lou Williams qouted in Wilson, "Mary Lou Takes.'

153 A year later Alvin Alley choreographed a series of dances to the new score and called it "Mary Lou's Mass."® Alley, who had also choreographed Leonard Bernstein's "Mass," described "Mary Lou's Mass" as a "soul dance- -a series of ecstatic dances.. .What is wonderful about this music is that it is the sum total of black music, a retrospective, This collaboration was not an introduction of the two to each others' work. The two were formally introduced in 1965 in Pittsburgh at a benefit for jazz musicians. Alley was unable to participate at that time and in 1970, he began choreographing a work to the "Mass for Peace. In December of 1971 Alvin Alley's American Dance Theater opened their short pre-Christmas season (December 7-19) at the New York City Center with "Mary Lou's Mass." Reactions to the composition were mixed. One reviewer for the magazine Hi /Ft America asserted that "despite the genuineness of its emotion and devotion, the piece—scored for singers, French horn, drums. Conga, bass, and reeds-lacks character, particularly

melodic character. " 12 The review in Dance Magazine described the performance as follows:

These dances of supplication, repentance, fellowship and exultation reveal the spirit, if not the essence, of the liturgical celebration. The work has a ring of truth (and biblical precedent behind it) powerful enough to bring back an agnostic back into the fold... There are

® Unterbrink, /azz VJomen, 44.

Anna Kisselgoff, "Alley Dancers to Give "Mary Lou’s Mass,'"NeTv York Times.

11 Ibid.

12 Review, "Mary Lou's Mass," by Mary Lou Williams and Alvin Alley (Alvin Alley Dance Co., New York) Hf/F; America (1972): MA 15.

154 passages in "Mary Lou's Mass" as memorable as those in Âiley's earlier go at the spiritual in dance, his masterwork, "Revelations." The Kyrie chant, with its African beat that draws forth a pulsating orgy of arm and head movements. The Gloria, with its hoppity shouts of praise for the Lord, arms pricking the air, or the Sanctus, girls rustling their ruffled skirts wiffl a warm sensualness, and the boys saying hosanna with a jazz dance... Dancers, singers, and musicians, too numerous to name did Ailey and Williams proud, Jack Anderson, reviewer tor Dance Times, stated that the performance was a "hit."i^ Regardless of the overall opinions of the reviewers, all agreed that the climatic point of the ballet was the interpretation of the parable of Lazarus's. Performed by dancers John Parks and Dudley Williams, the parable describes Lazarus' (poor man) interaction with a rich man. Lazarus begs for the crumbs off the rich man's table, but is refused. That night, when they both die, Lazarus goes to heaven and the rich man to hell. 15 The popularity of both Ailey's ballet and Mary's music led the composer to re-release the original recording with additional movements. In 1975 Mary Records released the recording Mary Lou's Mass, (Mary 102). The contents of the recording are as follows: Praise the Lord Old Time Spiritual The Lord S a ^ Act of Contrition Kyrie-Lord Have Mercy Gloria In His Day

15 Review of Alary Lou's Mass, "The Alvin Ailey American Dance Theater New York City Center, NYC December 7-19,1971," Dance Magazine (February 1972), 26.

1^ Jack Anderson, Review ofMmy Lou's Mass, "New York Newsletter [December, 1971 events]" The Dance Times, London (February 1972), 244-45.

15 Ibid.

155 Lazarus Credo Medil Holy, Holy, Holy Our Father Lamb of God People in Trouble Praise the Lord (Come Holy Spirit) "Old Time Spiritual," Act of Contrition, Medi I, Lamb of God, Praise the Lord (Come Holy Spirit) were recorded in January of 1972 but were never issued on a recording. All of the other titles were contained on the 1970 recording Music fbrPeace.^^ During the mid to late 70s Mary traveled throughout the U.S. performing Afa/y Lou 's Mass at schools and churches. The composition was often performed with local choirs with Mary Lou at the piano. Through scores and tapes issued by Mary Records and Cecilia Music Publishers, Mary Lou's Mass became accessible to the general public. During the same year Mary scored another first when the mass was performed at St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York. As early as 1971, Mary had had an interest in performing the Mass at the Cathedral. Initially she asked Father Peter O'Brien if he would ask Cardinal Terence Cooke if the mass could be performed at St. Patrick's, but O'Brien refused stating it would "not be proper protocol, " so Mary asked the Cardinal. Mary describes her discussion with Cardinal Cooke as follows;

Peter hid behind a tree and I went chasing across the campus

"Mary Lou's Mass," Liner notes of the recording. The entire album was remixed and remastered at Media Sound in New York in 1975.

Wilson, "Mary Lou Takes Her Jazz Mass to Church."

156 shouting 'Cardinal Cooke! Cardinal Cooke!' I told him I'd written a Mass and I'd like to do it at S t Patrick's. He said Tine.' I said. It's kind of noisy and loud... That's what we need,' he said. He thought it would be a wonderful thing for the young people.^^ Despite the Cardinal's enthusiasm, St. Patrick's was not ready to deal with the notion of jazz in a church setting. For the most part, those affiliated with the church were concerned with becoming involved with jazz musicians. Therefore it was not until 1975, that the idea of performing Mary's mass was seriously considered. During that year the Rector of the Cathedral, Monsignor James F. Rigney, wrote to the principals of the New York Catholic high schools that he wanted the school children to feel that they had a claim on the cathedral. Thomas Murphy, S.J., president of Regis High School, suggested that

"Mary Lou's Mass" be given for the c h i l d r e n . Mary decided not only to perform the Mass but also to include the students in the performance. She rescored the vocal lines and trained a choir of 40 students from the grammar school of Our Lady of Lourdes, Fordham Prep in the Bronx and the Cathedral High School for Girls in Manhattan .20 On February 18,1975 some 2000 people filled St. Patrick's Cathedral all eager to hear Mary Lou's Mass. John Donohue described the performance as follows;

At 2:10 p.m., the concélébrants of the Mass filed in, announced by exciting chords and dazzling arpeggios from the piano, and the

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

157 liturgy began. For it was, first of all, a liturgy and not just a performance. The reading set that Tuesday of the First Week of Lent were done by Miss Williams' fidend, Mabel Mercer... Msgr. James F. Rigney, the rector of the cathedral, had some graceful words of welcome, and then Fr. O'Brien preached a moving homily echoing the theme Miss Williams had touched upon a week before- the parallel roles of suffenng in the life of our Lord and in the lives of black composers of jazz. 21 Accompanied by a bassist, drummer and choir of 100 students from local Catholic high schools and the State University at Purchase, Maiy Lou became the first jazz composer and artist to have a composition performed in the church. Monsignor Rigney remarked at the conclusion of the performance that it had been "an inspiring, lovely, religious experience. AU the vibrations were good."22 Mary simply responded that she was "happy it happened for the sake of jazz. Americans don't realize how important jazz is. It's healing to the soul. It should be played everywhere—in churches, night clubs, everywhere. We have to use every place we can."23

21 John Donohue, "'Mary Lou's Mass': Music for Peace."

22 Peter Keepnews, "Liturgy of Jazz at St. Patrick's, " New York Post February 19,1975.

23 Ibid.

158 Chapter 9

MASS (ALSO KNOWN AS ”THE PITTSBURGH MASS') (1966)

Mary's first attempt at an extended religious composition is a setting of the Ordinary entitled "Mass." Although the Mass was believed to have been destroyed, the score is located in the uncatolgued collection of Mary Lou's works at the Institute of Jazz Studies at Rutgers University.^ Although there are ten movements in the Mass, only the Kyrie, Gloria, Creed, Sanctus, and Agnus Dei exist in manuscript score. These movements provide some sense of Mary's compositional style and liturgical approach. The Mass as a whole, preserved through a recording of the 1967 performance, displays Mary's affinity for the blues and other jazz styles. ^ Although Mary contends that the Mass "wasn't really jazz," she establishes a blues and jazz sound through her choice of instrumentation and harmonies.3 From the first movement until the last, listeners will note

^ Mary Lou Williams, Mass, Score (1966) The Uncatalogued works of Mary Lou Williams, Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

2 Mary Lou Williams, Mass, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 10 June 1967, cassette.

3 Mary Lou Williams as quoted in Tomkins, "Mary Lou Williams Story," 26. Mary asserts that while she called the mass a jazz mass, it really wasn't jazz. But she used the distinction in order to save jazz.

159 that this setting of the Ordinary is unlike anything heard before. Unlike the hymns, this and the other masses employ more unison vocal lines than parts. This shift in compositional style may indicate that her musical intentions had changed. Whereas her earlier works had used complex chords in close scoring, Mary was now writing music that the average singer could perform, making the possibility of performance in a church setting more likely. The Mass begins with the prelude entitled "O.W." Although the score for the prelude does not exist, the recording indicates that the composition is a simple improvised blues melody based on the syllable "ow." The prelude moves directly into the second movement, a hymn entitled "Praise the Lord." Like the preceding movement, we must rely on the recording for interpretation of the piece, as the score does not exist. The score does, however, exist for the next movement: the Kyrie.

Kyrie The Kyrie (Lord Have Mercy) also written in the key of E-flat major, is performed "moanfully" in a steady 3/4 meter.^ The text is an exact English translation of the Latin 'Kyrie Eleison" and reads as follows" Lord Have Mercy (m. 1) Lord, Lord, Lord Have Mercy (m.3-4) Christ Have Mercy (mm. 5-7) Christ Have Mercy Christ Have Mercy

Lord Have Mercy (mm. 9-10)

Mary Lou indicates the mood and tempo in the score.

160 Lord Have Mercy Lord Have Mercy on My S o u l ^ The movement is based on the contrasting thematic material. Overall the composition is very short, consisting primarily of chordal figures in the piano accompaniment and unison vocal lines. The first statement of the "Lord Have Mercy" enters in measure 1.

t o t e HAW

Example 36 Mass "Kyrie" First statement of "Lord Have Mercy" (m.l)

A short piano episode consisting of chords enters in measure two before the next statement of "Lord have mercy."

^ Mary Lou Williams, Mass, (1966) The Uncatolgued Works of Mary Lou Williams, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

161 Example 37 Mass "Kyrie" Piano episode (m. 2)

Following this episode, the choir enters with an emphatic declaration of the phrase "Lord Lord Lord Lord have mercy " accompanied by triplet seventh and ninth chords in the piano, (measure 3)

r

4 ij Ù ' ' L l r

Example 38 Mass "Kyrie" 2nd Statement of "Lord Have Mercy" (mm.3-4)

162 In measures 5-7 the choir enters with the only statement of "Christ Have Mercy."

► a l p W e mercy r T T I'lj, I I iji n

Example 39 Mass "Kyrie" Statement of "Christ Have Mercy" (mm. 5-8)

The choir continues until it comes to rest on a dominant to tonic cadence in measure 8 (B-flat mi'^<^9>—E’flat mi®). This cadence allows the composition to slow down enough to prepare for the second statement of "Lord Have Mercy." (mm. 9-11) This final phrase, based on different melodic material from that in first statement of the "Lord Have Mercy." (mm. 1-4) concludes with a cadence, that consists of an E-flat mi"^ chord sliding up into a B flat ma^^ chord.

163 10

iSKD wmt «irriy -jr------» 6 ------

Example 40 Mass "Kyrie" Second statement of the "Lord.." (mm. 9-11)

G loria

The next movement, the Gloria, is based on a swinging 2/4 melody beginning in the key of F minor. Its text and form are outlined as follows: (A)Glory to (rod in the Highest (mm. 1-3) And on Earth Peace to Men of (Jood Will (mm. 4-7) We Praise You, We Bless You, We Worship You (mm. 8-11) We Glorify You, We Give you thanks for your great glory (mm. 12-17)

(B) Lord, (jod Heavenly King (mm. 21-23) (rod the Father Almighty (mm. 24-28) Lord Jesus Christ the Only Begotten Son (mm. 29-34) (C) Lord, God Lamb of God (mm. 35) Son of the Father you who take (mm. 36-37) Away the sins of the world (mm. 37-39) Have mercy on us (mm. 40-42) You take away the sins of the world (mm. 43-45)

164 Receive our prayer (mm. 46-48)

(D) You who sit at the right hand of the Father (mm. 49-50) Have mercy on us (mm. 51-52) For you alone are Holy, you alone are Lord (mm. 52-56) You alone, O, Jesus Christ (mm. 57-58) Are most high with the Holy Spirit (mm. 58-61) In the Glory of the Father Amen (mm. 62-64)®

The relationship between melodic material and tonal centers can be described as follow:

Tonal center: Melodic form:

F minor A: measures 1-20

B: measures 21-34; begins C minor modulation to D-flat major in measure 34

D-flat mtgor C: measures 35-48

D: measures 49-56 (begins D minor modulation to E m^jor in measure 48)

E major D: measures 57-64

Table 5: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

6 Ibid.

165 There are four melodic ideas presented during various stages of the movement. The first melodic idea (A) is presented in measures 1-17. This melodic material can be divided into four parts. Each part coinciding with statements of the text Although the vocal line is in unison throughout Mary Lou alters the harmonies of the accompaniment through the use of neighboring tones.

^**■2.

<3) û Lo -B w to COC IS Thf Kiith - «*■+■

. flWi AT, ":ii CS> (3 q u«N oÇ aoad yu, ue 6lesS«to«*, u

9 (uet-stiib wou I ' u/g ola-fy-.fi/

q / o - g y

Example 41 Moss "Gloria" Primary melodic idea "A" (mm. 1-17)

166 In measures 19-20 the choir enters with a fill sung on "ooh." This prepares for the entrance of new melodic material.

Example 42 Mass "Gloria" Fill (mm. 19-20)

The second theme (B), written in C minor, is presented in measures 21-34. In measures 25-26, the accompaniment and vocal line duplicates the harmonic progression in measures 1-4, in which each chord is altered by the ascent or descent of notes by a half step. Measure 29 marks the beginning of the modulation to D-flat major.

167 — 1

T E ' s Ü.S Tie ON-LI/ bt-V-fe/ Li— i — j - -tri 5 = ^

- r \ __ : : ^

Example 43 Mass "Gloria" New melodic idea "B" (mm. 21-34)

In measure 35, a new slower new (C), enters in the key of D-flat m£yor.

168 M- N<«'1

i TAXe n-ip/i y He SINS 4- The Q/ofli:

S &C Htfsiy Vffa. uAf +4

* 1 ^ '1 J J ~ * 'T ] i B p W k S/l/S »f -flfC- >£3 “ r r % - CAuf ou.(^ 4 % l

W >•-*•

Example 44Mass "Gloria" Statement of "C" (mm. 35-48)

The final melodic idea (D), in D minor, is presented in measures 49-64.

169 .?■« rr-} ..f l t J - t

yiru ujhb sIt =F a ?

#

A-

*0 C /v

Example 45 Mass "Gloria" Statement of "D" (mm. 49-56)

This melodic material continues in measures 57-64, but modulates to the key of E major before reaching the final cadence.

170 %

«' i '—«772 »\

Q.-^

Example 46 Mass "Gloria" Modulation of "D" to E mfgor (mm. 57-64)

171 Creed The Creed, written in 2/4 time in the key of D flat major, is based on the traditional Nicene Creed. This movement is significant in that Mary's interpretation of the text governs the use of melodic material. Each confessional passage is set to various forms of the primary melodic material. While the life of Christ is set to different versions of the contrasting melody in different keys. The text and form of the Creed are described as follows:

D flat major: (A) I believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth. And all things visible and invisible, (mm. 1-11)

D-flat major: (A) And I beheve in one God, Jesus Christ the only begotten Son of God. Bom of the Father before all ages of God of God, Light of Li^ t, true God of true God. (mm. 12-23)

F minor-D flat msyor (B) Begotten not made of one substance with the Father. By whom all things were made who for us men and for our salvation came down fi*om Heaven, (mm. 24-31)

D flat major--B major (B') And he became Flesh by the Holy Spirit of the Virgin Mary and was made man.(mm. 32-36)

B m%or-D flat major (B") He was crucified for us suffered under Pontius Pilate and was buried, (mm. 36- 39)

D flat m%or (B'") And on the third day He rose again according to the scriptures, (mm.40-54) He ascended into Heaven and sits at the right hand of the Father. He will come again in Glory to judge the living and the

172 dead. And of his Kingdom there will be no end. (mm. 44-54)

D flat major (A") And I believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord and Giver of Life who proceeds from the Father and Son. Who together with Father and Son is adored and glorified and who spoke from the prophets and one Holy (Catholic and Apostolic Church, (mm. 56-72)

D flat m£yor I confess one baptism for the forgiveness of sins and I wait the Resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come, (mm. 73-86) ^

Table 6 : Comparison of text, melodic material and tonal centers.

The primary thematic material, measures 1-11, can be divided into two parts. The first section, measures 1-8, consists of the following thematic material:

7 Ibid.

173 Example 47 Mass "Creed" First section of primary melodic material (mm. 1-7)

The unison vocal line is accompanied by the piano playing ascending and descending chords and a rhythmic bass line. The second phrase begins a fifth below and is sung to the text "and all things visible and invisible." The accompaniment duplicates the pattern of the first section but centered on a IV to I progression.

0 ;0 li Æ 4 — 1 ¥ = = r = = * # = I

# _____ HAMl vt-si- atf ( + Î------T fl hi i f ] . ; t r .I f ^ è = = = [T s r r - i ^ -

Example 4% Mass "Creed" Second section of primary melodic material (mm. 8-11)

174 Measures 12-24 contains an altered version of the primary melodic material. (A') The melody is altered both harmonically and rhythmically in the first section, (mm. 12-17) But the accompaniment maintains the original pattern with some sHght variations in the rhythm.

l4 >5 14> ; X |3 n IS e ij ,1 ) .j i . t r # - aKurne w-ivme- rp--■rT------^ \ If':—^

Example 49 Mass "Creed" First section of A' (mm. 12-18)

The second section, despite rhythmic alterations, begins like the preceding section. Mary employs sequential figures in measures 20-21, emphasizing the text "(jrod of (rod. Light of Light."

175 21 umrtr Dm Ta3c**eafo tsf

Example 50 Mass "Creed" Second section of A' (mm. 18-24)

Following a slight ritard, (noted in the score) new melodic material (B) enters in measure 24. There are various forms of this melody used throughout this section. These forms coincide with statements, in the text, regarding the life of Christ. This theme, like the first, can be divided into two sections. The first section, measures 24-28, contains a unison vocal line set to an accompaniment figure similar to that in the primary melodic material. This figure changes in measure 27 as the bass line of the accompaniment moves in contrasting motion to the ascending vocal line. This melodic motion is similar to the "fan motive" used in the hymns "St. Martin De Porres" and "The Devil." (see discussion above) This first section concludes with a cadence on a C chord.

176 3t

j7 r r n t t h — 1— |- J iJr

3i#-teo nr wC ^ wr uutmrnM ymrmrmi^W m m AtCtM ftM tf MMf 1" T i , n * * / I t - J 1' 1----- ^= = f f U T à -

Example 51 Mass "Creed" First section of B (mm. 24-28)

In the remainingmeasures of B (mm. 29-31) the accompaniment pattern returns in altered forms and begins modulating back to D flat major.

^4 •50

Example 52 Mass "Creed" Second section of B (mm. 29-31)

The first altered version of "B" enters in measure 32, set to the text, "And he became flesh by the Holy Spirit of the Virgin Mary. " The

177 accompaniment figure, although maintaining the rhythmic pattern of the original figure, begins the modulation to B major.

K K'«M«naHiy-TW

m I

Example 53 Mass "Creed" Statement of B' and modulation to B major (mm. 32-36)

The new key is fully established with the entrance of the second, slower and altered version of B. The first section of the melody, adapts the rhythmic figure fi*om the preceding measures. But the accompaniment figure is changed, (mm. 32-36)

su 36

i r

g hs. I-* r u - j i ■ I )

Example 54 Mass "Creed" First section of B" (mm. 36-39)

178 The entrance of the second section of B", in measure 39, marks the beginning of the modulation back to D flat major and the return to the original tempo.

«

Example 55 Mass "Creed" Second phrase of B" (mm. 39-40)

In measure 40 the tempo slows as a third version of B, recounting the resurrection, enters. The modulation process continues as Mary employs ascending chords in the accompaniment that eventually cadence on the tonic (D flat major) in the form of an altered version of the original bass line.

179 Example 56 Mass "Creed" Statement of B'" (mm. 40-43)

Christ's ascension and return is set an altered version of the above-stated pattern. (B'") The cadence on measure 54 marks the return of the original accompaniment figure and melodic material.

5W »T 1» mth'MBh ITT

Qwa»

44 •TO T I 5» 5M Example 57 Mass "Creed" Repetition of ascending chord pattern firom B'" (mm. 44-52)

180 A", an altered version of the primary melodic idea, enters in measure 56 with the return in text to "I believe."

i iim t i t

j e^Lar ait^ j-ltg

Example 58 Mass "Creed" Statement of A" ( mm. 56-64)

181 The succeeding measures, 64-77, consists of restatements of the thematic material presented throughout the movement The movement ends with a final statement of the primary melodic material.

AKIO r A - 4 W-

I

irAif ike Rg. sm;.gpg-ifW DeoD

Example 59 Mass "Creed" Final statement of A (mm. 77-86)

182 Sanctus

The Sanctus begins in the key of D minor and is a short movement consisting of nine measures. The movement's form maybe outlined as follows:

Tonal centers: Melodic/textural form:

D minor— F minor A: Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of Host, measures 1-2

F minor B: Heaven and Earth are filled with your gloiy. Hosanna in the highest, measures 3-5

F minor B': Blessed is He who comes in the name of the Lord. Hosanna in the hipest.8 measures 6-9

Table 7: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

The composition begins with the choir singingin unison an ascending d minor arpeggio on the word "Holy." The second phrase, "Holy Holy" consists of descending-third skips, ending in measure 2 on a B ma^3 chord. The phrase "Lord God of Host" begins on the ascending d minor arpeggio minus the third, descending to "C."

8 Ibid.

183 ^ ■ 0

' T L l } o tim—bf Ifcrljf H »-o-L y to » erutsr r _ 4. :------1------i ------7 —i k I ------i=. ■ z t l H = 4-~ ' — ^ —

Example 60 Mass "Sanctus" First and Second Phrase of "Holy" (m.1-2)

In measure 3 contrasting melodic material (B) enters in f minor. The ascending vocal line cadences on a D-flat majorchord in measure 4. The phrase "Hosanna in the highest" then descends on the dominant before an altered version of this melody enters in measure 6.

uen flwi earrii aelR uap u;»< Y a;tG t»-

Example 61 Mass "Sanctus" Statement of "B" (mm. 3-5)

184 The three succeeding measures contain a restatement of the melody which retards slightly on a F major"^ chord in measure 8. In the progression toward the final cadence, the bass line drops out while the piano accompaniment and vocal line approach in descent.

Ï P g HC wtro ««MM (AT»eHlffrtg i f - r r a

Example 62 Mass "Sanctus" Statement of B' (mm. 6-9)

185 Our Father!Agnus Dei (Lamb of God)

Although the score for the "Our Father" does not exist, the recording of the Mass' performance indicates that the setting of the traditional prayer is short, with only part of the text being set. Following the recitation of "forgive our debtors," the movement segues into the Agnus Dei. The direct transition finm the "Our Father" to the "Agnus Dei" indicates that the former was probably written in the same key as the latter: E flat major. A short movement consisting of only eleven measures, the text and form of this movement may be outlined as follows:

E flat m£gor A: Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world. Have mercy on us. (mm. 1-4)

E flat major A': Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world. Have mercy on us. (mm. 4-7)

E flat major A": Lamb of God, who take away the sins of the world. Grant us Peace, (mm. 7-11) ^

Table 8: Outline of text, melodic material and tonal centers

The composition is based on alterations of the primary melodic idea: A. The first section consists of a melody accompanied by Vl-ii-V^ progression.

9 Ibid.

186 I a.

a*— WMO TMC ? —A.uWj IF *•« f INC «M40 I&W tymt U»

Example 63 Mass "Agnus Dei" Statement of "A" (mm. 1-4)

The second phrase, written a whole step lower, duplicates the rhythmic pattern of the preceding phrase but is altered harmonically.

w *wpT«tgA-t*]iyTW6?i»Js Of-me uuujnttkvt

Example 64 Mass "Agnus Dei" Statement of A' (mm. 4-7)

The third and final phrase begins a half step lower on "B flat" and descends down to "G" instead of remaining on "A flat." The movement ends on a B flat ma® to E flat ma® progression.

187 H u h F------I— T - 0 T ~ n i f ' f f «OD tJum-nge sss-iextatiâ .âenvr us «Aee- ■ i- —f— U ■' -■==--1ü — — kJ-i r

Example 65 Mass "Agnus Dei" Statement of B' (mm. 7-1®)

Act of Contrition

Unfortunately the score for the next movement, "Act of Contrition," does not exist. Interpretation of the recording indicates that the movement is very short and leads into the final movement, "Thank You Jesus."

Thank You Jesus

This movement, included in Mary's 1967 Camiege Hall concert, is on the recording "Praise the Lord in Many Voices" (Avant Garde 103)

Although the score does not indicate particulars about the instrumentation, the recording consists of traditional combo settings, (i.e. piano, drums, bass) The score does indicate that the piece is written in unison, but the recording consists of a male vocalist with background vocals provided by a small ensemble.

188 Before securing the score to the Mass it was believed that this composition was a hymn, based on its use later. The only valid assumption is that the later versions of the movement were adaptations of the original. The text of the hymn essentially speaks to the overall war between good and evil that the Christian faces everyday: The Lord heard my weeping, my soul was in despair (A) The Lions all around me, but the Lord heard my prayer (A') The Chords of death surround me, my throat was parched and dry (A) My eyes were tired and weary, my sins made me cry (A'")

Thank you Jesus! Thank you Jesus! Oh my Lord (B) Thank you Jesus! Thank you Jesus! Oh my Lord (B)

My fiiends were against me, my days were like night(A"") My dog went and bit me, my leg was out of sight (A'"") They drew their swords against me false tongues to bring me down (A") But their swords shall pierce their own hearts cause the Lord gave me my heart(A""")

Thank you Jesus! Thank you Jesus! Oh my Lord (B) Thank you Jesus! Thank you Jesus! Oh my Lord (B)

You know old Satan told me to my face the God you seek you'll never find but I prayed to the Lord and he heard my prayer my heart he changed, my soul he spared. o r Satan lied. My Lord is so strong He jarred the walls ofheU, he tore diem down. 01' Satan lied. No more work in the hot sun to bum me.

No more whip lashing to sting my back.(C) No more parting in the Kingdom of God. No more backbiting, no more body wracked with pain No more tribulations, no more dog to bite my leg No more stormy weather, no more evil doers 'Cause the Lord heard my prayer and I'm homeward bound

Thank you Jesus! Thank you Jesus! Oh my Lord.

189 Thank you Jesus! Thank you Jesus! Oh my Lord.^i

This movement displays the adaptation of jazz elements more than previous movements. Structurally the movement is set to a 16-bar blues form, consisting of (4) four-measure phrases in each section.

The melodic and harmonic form of the composition is as follows:

Tonal centers: melodic/textural form:

E-flat major Introduction: measures 1-3

E-flat m^or (A): measures 4-8 (contains the primary melodic material)

E-flat mfyor (A'): measures 8-12

E-flat m^or (A"): measures 12-16 (only difference from "A" is in rhythm)

E-flat major (A'"): measures 16-20 (combination of two preceding forms of "A")

A-flat mfu’or (B): measures 21-28 (new melodic material)

E-flat m%or Bridge: measures 29-30 (same as introduction)

E-flat m%or (A""): measures 30-34

11 Mary Lou Williams, Score of "Thank you Jesus." Taken from Mass.

190 E-flat m^'or (A'""): measures 34-38

E-flat major (A"): measures 38-42 (exact repetition of mm. 12-16)

E-flat major (A"”"): measures 42-46 A-flat m^'or (B): measures 21-28 (repetition)

Measures 48-65: Text is recited, not sung (modulation to F minor)

A-flat major-F minor Bridge: measures 66-68 (same as intro but in F minor)

F minor (C): measures 69-82 (new melodic material)

B-flat major (B): measure 86 (repetition of measures 21-28 in F minor)

B-flat major Second ending to B and Coda: 87-90

Table 9: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

Beginning in the key of E-flat major in 4/4 time, the movement begins with a three-measure introduction that contains an ostinato presented throughout the movement in different keys.

191 1 3 ' L ' f7J -1-~P — : p H

=p£^=t=*fl=:

Example 66 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Piano ostinato (mm 1-3)

The primary melodic material enters in measure 4. This A phrase may be divided into (4) four-measure sections. Each section of the phrase becomes more harmonically and rhythmically embellished, indicating more of a freer, improvised, setting than previous movements. The first section (A) is measures 4-8.

THS. LKD MFlWb W'l (i/gPilHifr Mf Sou- WS l«3S3-râj?-'=^

rr T

Example 67 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A (mm. 4-8)

192 The section, measures 8-12, contains an altered form of the primary melody (A')

r r re iiiiiii MIL HE dur iwfo uehw My AFuyst

Example 68 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A' (m m . 8-12)

The third four-measure section. A", employs the same harmonies as the preceding section, but is altered rhythmically.

r ----- ^ ^

tiWOS JF OFirMjKf-WDME M'CIWRdHt WK ^

Example 69 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A" (mm. 12-16)

193 The final section (A'") is a combination of melodic material fi-om A' and A".

Example 70 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of A'" (mm. 16-20)

The next phrase (B) contains new melodic material written in 2/2 time and A-flat major. This phrase consists of (2) four-measure sections (mm. 21-28) The first section (B) is measures 21-24.

! dll UiW'.

Example 71 Moss "Thank You Jesus" Statement of B (mm. 21-24)

194 The second section, B', begins like the preceding statement but is harmonically altered on "Oh my Lord." (mm. 25-28) In measure 28 the modulation back to the home key (E flat major) is signaled by a B flat chord.

fhSu' >ytJ iCr 5 ^ TM i K. yPJ i r iU S TWiNK -jU j f ^

T 3<3- ak I 3.-7 . 30 '' w

Example 72 Mzss "Thank You Jesus" Statement of B' (mm. 25-28)

Following a short two-measure bridge (mm. 29-30) consisting of the ostinato figure, a second phrase of A enters. Again the phrase consists of four statements of altered forms of A (mm. 30-46) Following this statement of A, the contrasting melodic idea (B) returns in its original form. After the repetition of (B) there is another two measure bridge (46- 47), which leads into another contrasting section. The first section.

195 measures 48-64, are recited, rather than sung. However the instrumental accompaniment does not change. Measures 65-67 make up a three- measure bridge, similar to the previous ones, butin the key of F minor.

US' 6-7 fe- 1 -, \:p=

f l l f ï " ■ i'ii 1

Example 73 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Bridge (mm. 65-67)

In measure 68 new melodic material (C) enters as the performance returns to singing. Although the ostinato figure is maintained, the rhythmic contour of the melody is much dififerent from the previous ones. This change in rhythm coincides with changes in the tone of the text. Wherein before the text discussed the problems of the individual, it now sings exclamations of a hopeful future. In measures 81-82 the accompaniment figure changes to descending chords which modulate the composition to B fiat major.

196 tti H iç w re m s ç iW iwiro iU'u fÆ s-u^ 4 wk //« iwe %'ûitiljiü: (lit,!,( f %D

W M-Of UMÏÇPII'W Ww UiiWtTfl^l/ U-W rt)K«C

*7S

SSr- »!&(» I** u, im t £ .v l «0-WS '( * * Trtf U

Example 74 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of C (mm. 69-82)

197 "B" returns in the new key in measure 83. This shorten statement of the theme segues into a short coda. (mm. 87-90)

f . . - ______\ r ; . ------1— 3— 1— riMnK ^ j F j * T W l k f j w s k OU i t f f i

- ^ J — ----- ,. ■ ll.. - - i i

T

Example 75 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Statement of B in B-flat major (mm. 83-86)

The coda, an extension of the statement "Oh my Lord," leads into the final cadence on a B flat ma"^ chord.

^ t - l ------,------| T - f ■ * * — C*l — CH — —— LgffO — tt— 1 ' 1r-4------^ K , *»■ " r i = 9S ^ 1 _____ E Z ](. Z ' " k J J ■ M ’ ' ' '

Example 76 Mass "Thank You Jesus" Coda (mm. 87-90)

198 The connection between jazz and the The Pittsburgh Mass, at first glance may not be noticeable. However, analysis of the jazz-oriented harmonic progressions, and structural forms, especially in "Thank You Jesus," helps establish it as a jazz mass. Although Mary dismisses her first attempt at writing large-scale religious compositions, the Pittsburgh Mass indicates some skill in her interpretation of the liturgy. As the discussion below will indicate, many of this Mass' movements will serve as musical foundations in subsequent compositions. Although dismissed as a noble attempt, time would indicate that this early attempt would prove successful when revisited in various forms.

199 CHAPTER 10

MASS FOR LENTEN SEASON (1968)

The Mass for Lenten Season written only two years after the Pittsburgh Mass, indicates Mary's changing conceptions about her music. Mary does incorporate some melodic material and text from the previous mass, but she also experiments with different liturgies. Written in 1968, this mass consists of eleven movements, each a separate and complete composition independent of the other^:

Prelude: "O.W. Laddie Deedle" Entrance song: "Clean My Heart" "Kyrie: Lord Have Mercy" Gradual: "The Lord is my Light" Oftertory: instrumental "Sanctus: Holy, Holy" "Anamnesis" "Amen:" at the end of canon "Lamb of God: Agnus Dei" "We Shall Overcome" "Martha Said to Jesus"

^ This compositional approach later simplifies Mary's rescoring of certain movements. Consequently this rescoring is achieved without compromising or disturbing the nature of the mass as a whole.

200 Unlike its predecessor, the majority of the mass exists in score, with the exception of the Prelude and the civil rights hymn "We shall overcome." The prelude "O.W." is an exact duplication of the prelude from the "Pittsburgh Mass," and differs only in the instrumentation used in the performance. The Mass for Lenten Smson, expands the instrumentation to include saxophone, and substitutes the piano with organ.

Entrance song: Clean My Heart

The entrance song, "Clean My Heart" is based on Psalm fifty. (Psalm 51, KJV) The following chart outlines how Mary's interpretation of the text compares with King James' Version:

Mary's Text: King James Version: Truth is what you love in a man's Behold, thou desirest truth in the heart In the secret of my heart, inward parts: and in the hidden part teach me wisdom. thou shalt make me to know wisdom (verse 6) Do not drive me out of sight. Do not Cast me not away from thy presence; take from me your holy spirit. and take not thy Holy Spirit from me. (verse 11)

Clean my heart 0, Lord. Make it over Create in me a clean heart 0, God; give me a new spirit, a strong spirit. and renew a right spirit in me. (verse 10)

Resolve me O God my helped. And Deliver me from blood guiltiness, 0 my tongue will sing about your God. Thou God of my salvation one? goodness. my tongue shall sing aloud of thy righteousness, (verse 14)

201 Open my lips and free me and my O Lord, open thou my lips; and my mouth shall declare your praise. mouth shall shew forth thy praise, (verse 15)

Table 10: Comparison of Mary's text and King James' Version

The form of the composition is described as followed : G flat m ^or Introduction: mm. 1-3 G flat major A (chorus): mm. 20-24 G flat mggor Bridge: mm. 25-27 G flat major B: (verse): mm. 4-18 G flat m£o'or A: (chorus): mm. 20-24 G flat m^'or B': (verse): mm. 28-48 G flat major A: (chorus): mm. 20-24

Table 11: Outline of the form

This movement is loosely constructed in hymn or strophic form with "A" representing the recurring refrain (chorus) and "B" (verses). The

202 movement begins with a four measure introduction consists of sustained chords.

I 1 X ' 1 ] ’

Example 77 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Introduction (mm. 1-4)

Following a four measure introduction, the choir enters with the refrain. The chorus, A, can be divided into three sections (phrases). The first section is accompanied by the following chordal figure:

Example 78 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" 1st section of chorus (m. 21)

203 The second section, A', is an altered version of the first section but is accompanied by descending chords. These chords develop into a descending triplet quarter note pattern that cadence in measure 23.

7 * — » I - j i

Example 79 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Second section of chorus (mm. 22-23)

The third section, "a strong spirit," consists of a descending slide from a-flat to e-fiat before the final cadence in 3/4 in measure 25.

li I

Example 80 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Third section of chorus (mm. 23-25)

204 Following the repetition of the ostinato figure fi’om the introduction, new melodic material (B) enters. The B phrase may be divided into three sections. The first section, measures 5-8 contains the initial statement of the melody. The second section, is an altered of version of B. (mm. 9-16) The third section consists of measures 17-19.

V k i m ■* m » urn MC I# » * 6 WMKT

lalWlU-CBT * MUCr. "Hua M

Example 81 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Statement of B (mm. 5-13)

205 The chorus (A) returns and leads directly into an altered statement of B. This statement begins Like the first but is altered rhythmically. Each section of B' mirrors melodic material presented before. The first section, measures 29-32, is similar to melodic material presented in measures 5-8.

Example 82 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" First section of B' (mm. 29-32)

The second section, measures 33-36, contain melodic material similar to that in measures 9-16. The third section, measures 37-39, maintains the melodic contour of the first section but written a whole step higher, and altered rhythmically and harmonically.

206 ■ 1 ■ 1 ■ 1 - - 1 ' I ' * ------ym * 1 u f ) — - •«u - - - ! u = 38 1 3 1 ■ 1 J ------^ - f - — ------=

Example 83 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Third section of B' (mm. 36-39)

The last statement of B ', measures 40-44, contains melodic material similar to that in measures 17-19 and leads into repetition of the chorus.

Example 84 Mass for Lent "Clean My Heart" Fourth section of B' (mm. 40-4?)

The movement ends with a repetition of the chorus before the Kyrie enters.

207 Kyrie (Lord Have Mercy)

The text of the Kyrie deviates from the traditional English translation used in the "Pittsburgh Mass, " and sets liturgist Robert Ledogar's interpretation of the text. The text and form may be outlined as follows: For our lack of hope, Lord Have Mercy. (A) For our lack of faith, Lord Have Mercy. (A) mm. 1-6 (I) For our failure to care. Lord Have Mercy. (A') For letting ourselves be paralyzed with fear. Lord Have Mercy. (B) For our division, Christ Have Mercy. (C) mm. 7-14 (V) For our jealousies, Christ Have Mercy (C )

For our hatred. Lord Have Mercy. (A") For not being peacemakers. Lord Have Mercy. (A'"> mm. 15-22 (I) For our lies, Lord Have Mercy on my soul.(A"">

Table 12: Outline of textural and melodic form

Written in the key of D minor and 2/4 time, the movement is centered on a I-V-I progression, (see table above) It consists of call-and- response patterns that include the refrain "Lord have mercy" or "Christ have mercy" after each statement. This is comparable to traditional settings of the Kyrie, which tend to follow the same form. In the first section of the movement, "Lord have mercy," the statement "for our lack of hope" is answered by the refrain "Lord have

208 mercy." The first phrase of the movement, measure 1-7, contains the primary melodic material (A). This phrase is divided into (3) sections, with the first being measures 1-2.

f t» M k U tK O r hjM, jRO hAVft

Example 85 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A (mm. 1-2)

The second section is an exact dupUcation of the first.

m f J l X k I »ti( 3f LJ»0 Hk/e MU

Example 86 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A (mm. 3-4)

209 The third section, measure 5-6, alters the rhythmic values of the statement and the harmonies of the refrain "Lord have mercy."

At JUC FAik'tlU fj CM& WsOj - Mvt MEf-tij

Example 87 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A' (mm. 5-6)

A slower contrasting theme, B, enters in measure 7. This section of the piece marks the tonal center's shift to the dominant (A). Unlike the first statement of "Lord Have Mercy," each statement of the "Christ Have Mercy" consists of a contrasting accompaniment figure. Similar to phrase A, the statement of B is followed by the refrain "Christ have mercy", which employs the same rhythmic pattern as the refrain. Lord Have Mercy. The first section, measures 7-9 introduces the slower contrasting melody.

2 1 0 M ' lf.r-TiA.Mt-â(U(Ci U M*M*UtCOu>ni Ml

Example 88 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of B (mm. 7-9)

The next statement begins with different melodic material (C) but retains the refrain "Christ have mercy. "

fa « 01 -vis-iMij cHUiT HAVE. MEl-i

Example 89 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of C (mm. 10-11)

2 1 1 The next section (C) is an altered version of the preceding thematic idea and the refrain.

— av« CtfliT Hm Mlli

Example 90 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of C (mm. 11-13)

The return to "Lord have mercy" (A) also marks the return to the tonic and the original tempo. The first section is an altered form of the primary melodic material (A").

y-J~r ' U | Ha- rus 13CÎ — Hoae MU-&I

- r r (3 i r l --- ■ J ^

Example 91 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A" (mm. 14-15)

2 1 2 The second section (A'"), measures 16-18, is another version of the primary melodic material.

fit tf

Example 92 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A'" (mm. 16-17)

The final section is the last statement of the primary melodic material and concludes on an A ma'^<®> to D mP cadence.

213 }

Example 93 Mass for Lent "Kyrie" Statement of A"" (mm. 17-22)

Gradual: "The Lord is My Light"

The gradual "The Lord is My Light" is written in the key of G flat major, to a text based on Psalm 26. (Psalm 27, KJV) Once again Mary adjusts biblical texts to reflect her compositional ideals. However a close comparison of Mary's text with the King James Version indicates that the composer's paraphrase does not compromise the nature of the latter.

214 Mary's Text: King James Version:

Though an army encamp against me, Though an host should encamp My heart will not fear against me, my heart shall not fear: Though war break out against me Though war shall rise against me, in even then I will trust. this will I be confident (verse 3)

The Lord is my Light and my helper. The Lord is my light and my Why should I be afraid salvation; whom shall I fear? The Lord is the strength of my life; of whom shall I be afraid? (verse 1) Do not leave me all alone Lord. Oh, Hide not thy face far from me; Put my God be my helper though Father not thy servant away in anger; thou and Mother abandon me, the Lord will hast been my help; Leave me not, receive me. neither forsake me, O (5od of my salvation. When my father and mother forsake me, then the Lord will take me up. (verse 9, 10)

I am sure that I will see the Lord's I had fainted, unless I had believed to goodness, in the land of the living. see the goodness of the Lord in the Hope in him, hold firm and take heart. living. Wait on the Lord: Be of good Hope in the Lord courage, and he shall strengthen thine heart: Wait, I say, on the Lord, (verse 13, 14)

Table 13: Comparison of Mary's Text with King James' Version

Mary Lou Williams employs hymn or strophic form which is outlined as Introduction (ad lib)-B-A-B-A-B, with B being the repeated refrain. The movement begins with a section marked "ad lib." As the discussion will indicate this section is in fact the first verse

215 a»i «Ht

—

Example 94 Mass for Lent "The Lord is My Light" Ad lib section (mm. 1-8)

The chorus (B) enters in measure 9 in 3/4 time. The chorus can be divided into two sections. The first section, measures 9-12 contains the initial statement of the melodic idea.

uo

Example 95 Mass for Lent "The Lord is My Light" First section of B (mm. 9-12)

216 The second section, begins like the preceding statement but is altered harmonically and rhythmically.

Sunil

Example 96 Mass for Lent "The Lord is My Light" (mm. 13-15)

Following the statement of the two verses (A), alternating with the chorus, the movement ends with a final statement of the chorus. The melodic material presented in the verses is sim ilar to that used in the "ad lib" section but is altered harmonically and rhythmically. Following each statement of this material the chorus enters. The movement concludes with the statement of the chorus.

217 a. z Ml M z T z : a y

Example 97 Mass for Lent "The Lord is my Light" Statement of B (mm. 17-25)

Offertory

Mary writes an instrumental ofifertory in the key of G minor. While not indicated in the score, on the recording of this Mass, this melody sung by the choir on "ooh."

218 Example 98 Mass for Lent " Ofifertory" (mm. 1-23)

Sanctus

Mary Lou scores this movement in the key of F minor and 2/4. The first statement of the "Holy Holy" (measures 1-4) consists of "Holy" sung repeatedly on "a" natural rising to "d" natural. ( measures 1-2)

219 W-Ij, Ka-uj,------

Example 99 Mass for Lent "Holy Holy" First phrase (mm. 1-2)

The second section, "Lord God of Hosts," is a descending vocal line cadencing on a ii-V"^ progression, with the ninth ascending up to the diminished fifth, (mm. 3-4)

WW — froo Of H»*T5

f

Example 100 Mass for Lent "Holy, Holy" Second section (mm. 3-4)

2 2 0 The next phrase includes not only a change in meter from 2/4 to 4/4, but also the adaptation of melodic material from the Sanctus of the 'Tittsburgh Mass." Measures 5-12 of this movement are duplicate of measures 3-8 from the "Pittsburgh Mass." (see musical example no. 62 from discussion above) This is the first instance, in this mass, where melodic material is adapted from another composition.

The Anemnesis^ This movement consists of only nine measures with the text reading as follows: Dying you Destroyed our death Rising, you restored our life We w ^ sing of you till you are seen by all the world The recording of this movement indicates that a solo voice (soprano) sings the first phrase of the piece, (mm. 1-6)

2 Based on spelling in the score. Alternative spelling is Anamnesis.

2 2 1 ^*1 SSi-Tb^tB W(- 9UtH

5“

Example 101 Mass for Lent "Anemnesis" First phrase (mm. 1-6)

The entrance of the choir on the last beat of measure 6 prepares for the changes in meter from 2/4 to 4/4. This short chorus is sung only once before ending in measure 9.

wi 9Mr

Example 102 Mass for Lent "Anemnesis" Chorus (mm. 6-9)

2 2 2 Amen : a t the end of Canon! Agnus Dei (Lamb of God)

This movement is written in the key of B flat minor and consists of a text that states: "Glory to God through Jesus Christ, Amen." The first phrase of the movement, "Glory to God through Jesus Christ" is accompanied by sustained chords which cadence on a F ma^^i^) to B mi"^ progression. This cadence is followed by an ascending and descending E minor arpeggio, which leads into the Amen.

To

Example 103 Mass for Lent "Amen at End of Canon" First phrase (mm. 1-4)

The statement of the Amen can be divided into three sections with each containing sequential figures. The first section consist of alternating

223 major thirds set to bass line based on a descending E flat arpeggio minus the third.

fi -- MU A MUI

Example 104 Mass for Lent "Amen: At the End of Canon" (mm. 5-6)

The next section of the Amen, follows the same pattern as before but the vocal line begins a half step lower than the preceding sequences.

Example 105 Mass for Lent "Amen: At the End of Canon" (mm. 7-8)

224 The movement concludes with an elongated statement of Amen leading to an authentic cadence.

Example 106 Mass for Lent "Amen: At the End of Canon" (mm. 9-10)

225 Agnus D ei

The Agnus Dei, like the Sanctus, uses material presented in the Pittsburgh Mass. Although the first six measures are written a whole step lower that its counterpart in the "Pittsburgh Mass," this movement maintains the rhythmic pattern of the original setting.

:Q=| r f LLLi Vi' u f ’ t i f ilO iins HI \)i UM o f '

«40, WW t K t t «6 i f TkiMlO MMfr KU-Cij i f

Example 107 Mass for Lent "Agnus Dei" (mm. 1-6)

An exact duplication of melodic material used in the first mass appears in measure 7 and continues until the end. (see musical example no. 65 fi*om the discussion above) Mary Lou adds to this movement an

226 optional coda. The coda begins with the statement "grant us peace" adapted from the Pittsburgh Mass. It is followed by three statements of the same text, two of which mirror each other. The third and final statement ends with an authentic cadence on an £ flat ma^ chord. ^

mtA

II.

HKCt

Example 108 Mass for Lent "Agnus Dei" Optional coda (mm. 11-18)

3 There is no indication, in the score or the recording, that Mary performed the optional coda.

227 Communion Sor^: "Martha said to Jesus"

The last movement of the "Mass for Lenten Season" is the communion song "Martha said to Jesus." The basis of the text is the biblical story of Lazarus from the New Testament. Lazarus, the brother of Martha and Mary, is very ül. Although Jesus is sent for, by the time he arrives Lazarus is dead. Martha runs to Jesus and cries that if he had been there Lazarus would still be alive (John 11:20-). The text and form of the composition are as follows:

Chorus (B): I am the Resurrection and the Life and He who believes in me will never die. ( measures 12-16)

(A): Martha said to Jesus, if you had been here my brother would not have died ( measures 1-4)

(A'): Even now I know that whatever you ask of God. God wiU grant you. Jesus said your brother wül rise again. ( measures 5-11) (B): Chorus ( measures 12-16)

(A"): Jesus saw Mary and her companions weeping. He was greatly moved. ( measures 17-20)

(C): Where have you laid him he asked and they replied come and see and Jesus wept, (measures 21-26) (B): Chorus ( measures 12-16)

Table 14: Outline of textural and melodic form

228 The movement is written in strophic (hymn) form in the key of E minor. It begins with the choir entering with the chorus, (measures 12-16)

- 4M0 fhtf Life - auo he m o ti-uan*» iv Hfi wu, m h UA

17.

Example 109 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Statement of the chorus (measures 12-16).

Following the statement of the chorus, the primary melodic material (A) enters in measures 1-4. The first section of this melody begins on the tonic and consists of an eighth note pattern.

229 Mit-TU fwTflHA ifijuJ MAP itiu lOifr

Example 110 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" First section of primary melodic material (mm. 1-2)

The second section begins a fourth below before ascending to the tonic.

I— * —'

Mu Uiwlf w f p

Example 111 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Second section of primary melodic material (mm. 2-4)

In measures 5-11, an altered form of the primary melodic material enters. The first section, measures 5-7, begins much like the original

230 statement but is altered rhythmically and harmonically through triplet quarter note patterns.

I r - »

c -V&W V#w% ASK Of 6 o O

7 i" Q J

Example 112 "Communion Song" First section of A' (mm. 5-7)

The second section is completely different from that in the first statement of the thematic material.

^ 0 will MUifT L|w Jl-Sili i«lO lia-TMf wuL ias H - tiW

Example 113 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Second section of A' (mm. 7-11)

231 The chorus returns in the same form presented in the beginning, before the last verse enters in measure 17. The first section, measures 17- 20, begins much like the primary melodic material but is altered harmonically.

n-sti Uu.n.rnm ' Mt -«4 wwr-uj «»«»

Example 114 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" First section of A" (mm. 17-20)

The second section, measures 21-26 contains new melodic material (C).

232 ^ I-’

-jia imi#fiM Mf 1 asa9 — TKtj »e - îuej — cwtt iiwt a&e — N«I0

7 9\ '* ■77-- h-— L=d L. -, . '1 •

^49

Example 115 Mass for Lent "Communion Song" Statement of C (mm. 21-26)

This movement, as well as the Mass, concludes with a repetition of the chorus. The performance of the Mass for Lenten Season in 1968 sparked interest in Mary Lou's religious compositions. Although the performance of the first mass was well received, because of the geographic location, it could not have possibly garnered the interest that a New York performance would. Mary Lou's second attempt at writing a mass proved to be quite successful. Less than a year later, interest from high ranking officials within the Catholic Church, would inspire her to write yet another mass. The acceptance of both compositions would not only increase Mary Lou's popularity but also advance her campaign to save jazz.

233 CHAPTER 11

ROMAN CATHOUC MASS FOR PEACE (1969)

Commissioned by the Vatican in 1969, the Roman Catholic Mass for Peace is based on the liturgy for the Mass for Peace and Justice. Although composed only a year after the Mass for Lenten Smson, this mass displays Mary's compositional and stylistic growth. Her setting of the liturgy displays her ability to interpret traditional texts as well as her ability to incorporate previously-used material in new and inventive ways.

Peace Makers: Peace, O Lord

The first movement of this eleven movement work is not part of the Mass, but is sung before the proper begins. The prelude "Peace Makers: Peace O' Lord," is written in the key of E minor and set to the following text:

Give us Peace O Lord Send us Peace O Lord Chorus: People in trouble. Children in pain. (A) Too mean to care. To weak to share. (A')

Work so hard tryin to find a brother

234 Became impatient. Now we hate each other (B)

0 Lord come to my aid. Make haste to help us. (C) O Lord if you will you can cure us. (C)

O Jesus who has loved us so much have pity on us. Lord we believe increase our faith You are the resurrection and the life Save us Jesus before us perish (D)

The form of the composition consists of a short ad lib section followed by the chorus and coda. The short, five-measure improvised section at the beginning is sung to the text "Give Us Peace O' Lord send us Peace O' Lord."i Mary's measure numbering in the score indicates that this section may have been optional or an introduction to the actual introit. There is also no indication that there is a return to this section during performance.

Example 116 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers " Ad lib section

^ Mary Lou Williams, Roman Catholic Mass for Peace. The Uncatolgued Works of Mary Lou Williams, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

235 This section is followed by a four measure vamp which consists of a bass line that returns in various forms throughout the composition.

------1 ...

<

1 i*"H- ■ • ■ —

Example 117 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Vamp

Written in a fast, syncopated 4/4, the chorus enters in measure 1. Sung in unison, the first phrase, "People in trouble, children in pain," is set to the primary melodic material.

Example 11B> Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Primary melodic material (mm. 1-4)

236 The second phrase, "Too mean to care, too weak to share, is a rhythmically altered version of A. The vocal hne is accompanied by the ostinato bassline combined with alternating chords.

-J,;

Tji* KrAtf 7Î CMfre Tw

u - J ■ ■■■ (

© .

Example 119 M ass for Peace "Peace Makers" Second phrase of chorus (mm. 5-8)

The next two phrases (measures 9-15) contain contrasting melodic

material (B).

237 . 1 = ------" 7 1

WmK *« |4A«D 7«y "w Té PfMp A • « • r a e l f j |»-cj|nc iM-

------— M — M h ------

iis>

------— — T“ — 1 . 1 ' H h â t r - t ------2. — — ------I —— tuu uft H « r r tutu -f* - T itar • t h

' ------T T - t r ■ i ' :Y / "i 1 ------1------

< g ) A r i ' <

Example 120 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Statement of B (mm, 9-15)

A three-measure bridge, which enters in measure 16, consists of an altered form of the introductory ostinato.

238 Example 121 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Bridge (mm. 16-18)

In measure 18, a slower contrasting section (C) enters in the key of A minor. The first phrase "0 Lord come to my aid, make haste to help us," is accompanied by descending chords.

Example 122 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" First phrase of "C" (mm. 19-22)

239 The second phrase is an altered version of the previous one.

V iu Vii/ utue us _#af ËÜ 4a_

Example 123 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Second phrase of "C" (mm. 22-25)

Following a one measure bridge, (m. 26) new thematic material (D)

enters.

240 1 ,

Ù J # - tvi i#N« If^p u& U mmn MA*

t m ' * 1

W ^ - 7

t - jpJ- — J ^

Pi - T» ON L»W Vit i t - -tiiuc V i R HifH ttv m e rvr 7 J , , ÿ * : jl~ w 3 - - T T * ^ ^ 7 7 T " fJ r 7?

[ r? ~ T J - J

| . n _ ^ / r n

g l UN .«MM THf tire fAA uf T r-s« |e-foNC w FcV- «H / n ----1------! '}------— 1------n ------T 7 F — n — t— # # a ^ f ! - - ■ j p a -

Example 124 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Statement of "D" (mm. 26-35)

The movement then returns to the home key and the chorus (mm. 1-13) before leading into the Coda. The Coda consists of three statements of the phrase "Now we hate each other."

241 a

----- — - w - — »»

k — <- = r ' SI'

Example 125 Mass for Peace "Peace Makers" Coda (mm. 36-42)

The Lord Says

The introit antiphon, "The Lord Says," begins the Mass proper. Its text is taken from Jeremiah 29, verses 11,12, and 14, and as the chart indicates is closely related to King James' Version:

Mary's Text King James Version The Lord Says I think thoughts of For I know that thoughts that I think peace and not of affliction. toward you, saith the Lord, thoughts of peace, and not of evil, to give you an expected end (verse 11)

242 You shall call upon, me, me. And I will Then shall ye call upon me, and ye hear you. shall go and pray unto me, and I will hearken unto you. (verse 12)

And I will bring back your captivity in And I will be found of you, saith the all places. Lord: and I will turn away from your captivity, and I will gather you from Lord you have favored your land. You all the nations, and from all the places have restored the well being of Jacob, whither I have driver you, saith the Lord; and I will bring you again into the place when I caused you to be carried away captive, (verse 14)

Table 15; Comparison of Mary's Text with King James' Version

Written in the key of F m i n o r , the movement begins with a three- measure introduction consisting of the following ostinato:

Example 126 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Introduction (mm. 1-3)

243 The choir or soloist enters in measure 4 with the first phrase of the primary melodic material (A)

Example 127 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Statement of A (mm. 4-6)

The statement of this and subsequent phrases is followed by a short chordal statement played by the piano. The second phrase consists of contrasting melodic material (B) set to the same accompaniment.

244 ------L J = ♦

X ruiMit THWtHtS o r fWte

« S)

Example 128 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Statement of B (mm. 7-10)

Each subsequent phrase follows the pattern described above. It should be noted, however, that the only similarities between these phrases are formulaic and melodic. Following a measure of rest, a contrasting section is established by the entrance of the choir (soloist) and the piano accompaniment. i i lu iitt hA-Ctf rtN® I wiLt gikcic 1 Vou« e n p - ji- \ji - ry

(D - r

• I

Example 129 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" New accompaniment figure (mm. 23-28)

245 This six-measure phrases concludes with the return of the original accompaniment figures return. The final phrases, accompanied by a series of ninth chords descending chromatically (mm. 29-34)) concludes with a E major chord resolving to a tonic seventh chord before continuing with a final statement of the original accompaniment figure.

’ -=■

IINO; Ykl K: - S T M fJ T H E UfttL --- i r - iN« ^

v - v

JZ L -4- —CO b

Example 130 Mass for Peace "The Lord Says" Final phrase of the antiphon (mm. 29-36)

246 Give Peace Lord This second antiphon combines a text from Ecclesiastes 36:18 and Psalm 121. Although I have not been able to substantiate Mary’s notation of Ecclesiastes 36:18 (there are only 12 chapters in this book) I have concluded that Psalm 121 is the correct scriptural reference for the second half of the movement. Written in d minor, the movement begins in 4/4 but switches to 2/4 in measure 23 with the switch in text to Psalm 121. The four-measure introduction consists of the following rhythmic pattern: j p IHTT) ] j . This figure also serves as accompaniment for the choir in measures 5-8 and reappears in measures 18-22 and 30-33.

Example 131 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Introduction (mm. 1-4)

The first phrase of the primary melodic material, accompanied by the same figure from the introduction, consists of a vocal line sung only on the dominant of d m in o r (a).

247 Hap CP 11/

Example 132 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Primary melodic material (mm.5-8)

The next phrase, "And let your prophets be proved true," is set to sustained chords.

fta-fHtrs fieoW#

Example 133 Mass for Peace "Give Peace" 2nd phrase of primary melodic material, (mm. 9-12)

248 The next phrase contains a rhythmic figure similar to that in the first phrase, but a third above the original melodic material.

o(= KcW I Ï I -WNNT?

Example 134 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Third phrase (mm. 13-16)

The next phrase adapts melodic material fi’om the second phrase before cadencing on a D mi^ chord.

Example 135 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Fourth phrase (mm. 17-20)

249 Following a two measure bridge which is repetition of measures 19 and 20, the composition switches to 2/4 and a text based on Psalm 121. The melody is set to alternating chords that cadences on a to i^ progression.

't r gc — U/ntM 1 icAM Ttie/1 -9------j------p ------^ ------

« ------P------La------I-r- - r - •- Example 136 Mass for Peace "Give Peace Lord" Statement of Psalm 121 (mm. 23-30)

The movement ends with the return to the original meter and accompaniment figure.

2 5 0 Kyrie: Lord Have Mercy! Responsorial Psalms: In His Days

This movement, the Kyrie, is an exact adaptation of its counterpart from the Mass for Lenten Season. According to the title page of the score, the next movement is the "Gloria" but this score of this piece has not been found.. However the next movement combines three short compositions: "In His Days," "Peace I Leave with You" and "Alleluia" into one. Based on Psalm 72:7 (although listed as Psalm 71:2,3,4,6,7-13), "In His Days" is written in the key of G minor. The text reads "in his days, justice shall flourishes and peace till the moon fails." The choir sings in unison throughout to a simple accompaniment.

HIS

nmm • i5H

Example 137 Mass for Peace Psalm "In His Days." (mm. 1-7)

251 This leads immediately into the contrasting section, "Peace I Leave with You," based on the text from John 14:27. The section, written in 4/4, modulates to the key of D minor (measures 8-11) and segues into the "Alleluia."

ypKv Q «y

Example 138 Mass for Peace "Peace I Leave With You" (mm. 8-11)

The "Alleluia" is written in the key of C minor and in a faster 3/4 meter. The movement begins with a three-measure introduction, based on the following melodic figure.

252 o

Example Mass for Peace "Alleluia" Introductory figure

The choir enters in measure 4 with a vocal line consisting of octave skips on "C" and accompanied by the following figure;

9k 0

Example 140 Mass for Peace "Alleluia" (mm. 4-7)

253 Turn Aside From Evil

The offertory, "Turn Aside from Evil," is based on a text from Psalm 33:14. (referred on the score as Psalm 33:15) The text for this four measure composition is "Turn aside from evil and do good. Seek and strive after peace."

ScetC ANjySTHiiBAM-ff

Example 141 Mass for Peace Offertory, "Turn aside from evil." (mm.1-4)

SanctuslOur Father

The next movement, the "Sanctus," with the exception of some rhythmic and harmonic deviations, is an adaptation of its counterpart from the Mass for Lenten Season (see discussion above). Mary's setting of the traditional prayer, "Our Father," is not out of the ordinary. Written in the key of E minor, the composition sets the following text:

Our Father who are in heaven

254 Hallowed be thy name.

Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as in heaven.

Give us this day, our daily bread And forgive us our debts.

As we forgive our debtors Lead us not into temptation But deliver us from evil.

The first phrase consists of a unison vocal line accompanied by chordal accompaniment.

### *«r *•< I

Example 142 Mass for Peace "Our Father" First phrase (mm. 1-5)

The second phrase is measures 6-13. In measures 8-11 the accompaniment begins a descending chordal pattern. At the phrase's conclusion the bassline begins a descending pattern that leads into two measures of oohs that led into the next phrase.

255 On

Tmv Ki M6 - SaM

----T RÎ — r- 1 ------e ------I-" • f T - f ' - f -r - 6 ------3

Example 143 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Second phrase (mm. 6-13)

Following the two measure fiU, the next phrase "Give us this day" enters. The second portion of the phrase consists of an ascending vocal line beginning on "f." (mm. 20-21) The next phrase, "as we forgive our debtors." begins like the preceding measures but alters the ascending line rhythmically.

256 Brrrs- P AS «/»■ fW- (iiut*

Example 144 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Third phrase (mm. h»s25)

The final phrase indicates Mary's talent for word painting, as the text "lead us not into temptation" is set to a descending vocal line.

257 I» — r# — r^M f —

Example 145 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Fourth phrase (mm. 29-31)

"But deliver us from evil" marks the vocal line's ascent before the final cadence in measure 36.

gi/r PfLiv- CK vs

o

Example 146 Mass for Peace "Our Father" Final phrase (mm. 31-36)

258 The "Our Father" proved to be a popular setting for Mary Lou Williams, who set the text many times.

Communion antiphom Blessed are the Peacemakers

The final movement of this mass is the antiphon "Blessed are the Peacemakers." Based on verses five and nine fi*om the eighty-fourth Psalm, this piece is written in the key of E flat minor. It basically consists of an eight measure unison vocal line accompanied by a simple alternating chords in the piano. The text of the composition is "blessed are the peacemakers for they shall be called. The sons of God."

259 Example 147 Mass for Peace "Blessed are the Peace Makers" (mm. 1-8)

TheMass for Peace, xaûjkB\he Mass for Lenten Season, seems ridged in its compositional approach. Although the composition employs harmonics closely associated with jazz, there are very few instances where a connection to the art form is visible. This apparent change in approach may indicate that Mary Lou's main concern was creating a mass that the Vatican would find acceptable. The only safe assumption is that despite the aims of Vatican H, the Church was still not interested in incorporating

260 music that seemed too "radical" into worship services. Mary may have felt that because of the nature of the text, that a subtler approach would suffice. Despite the absence of overt jazz elements,, the composition sparked interest in many including choreographer Alvin Ailey, who convinced Mary Lou to collaborate on a ballet set to the Mass for Peace. While the preceding masses are important compositions, the next composition, Mary Lou's Mass, would overshadow their greatness. The Mass for Peace, while the prototype of Mary Lou's Mass, would only be mentioned in passing as the mass commissioned by the Vatican. But the importance of its performance in 1969 cannot be denied. For the use of the Mass for President Mboya's memorial service indicates that the sanctification of jazz was in motion.

261 CHAPTER 12

MARY LOU'S MASS (1970)

Mary Lou's Mass, a product of Mary Lou Williams' rescoring of the Mass for Peace, is the most known of the masses. Although the new version retains much of the original composition, the addition of new movements expands the ideas expressed in the original. ^ The mass opens with the antiphon "The Lord Says" in the key of B flat major. Despite the change in key and the inclusion of call-and-response sections, (between sopranos and lower voices) this movement is essentially the same as its counterpart in the Mass for Peace. The second movement, "Act of Contrition," was adapted from the Pittsburgh Mass. The unison vocal line sings the following text: Oh'my God. I detest all the sins of my life. Sorry for I have offended thee who art all good. (A) I resolve with the help of thy grace.

1 The mass is contained on the recording Music for Peace. The recording, however, contains movements that are not included in the published score titled Mary Lou's Mass. Both sources are located in the uncatolgued works of Mary Lou Williams at the Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

262 0 God never to sin again. (A') 2

The melodic and harmonic structure of the composition is as follows; Tonal centers: Melodic/Textural form:

F minor Introduction: measures 1-4

F minor A: measures 5-10 (primary melodic material)

F minor A: measures 11-15 (altered version of melodic material)

Table 16: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

The basic form of the movement is Intro—A (mm. 5-10)—A' (mm. 11-15). Following two statements of the primary melodic material, the composition ends with a repetition of the accompanying figure fi*om the introduction. Written in the key of f minor, this short composition (12 measures) is built on the following ostinato figure played by the piano:

2 Mary Lou Williams, Mary Lou's Mass, The uncatolgued works of Mary Lou Williams The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

263 Example 148 Mary Lou's Mass "Act of Contrition" Accompaniment figure

The primary melodic material enters in measure 5.

r— > -> r-J-1 , ^

z àC-Tttf KttntMS ifin L itt sin*i fit u**-mtar-

tevs-tfna atet

Example 149 Mary Lou 's Mass "Act of Contrition" Statement of A (mm. 5-10)

264 In measure II, an altered form of the melody (A') enters. This phrase begins much like the first by rhythmically alters the triplet quarter note pattern in measure 8.

, j — * T —1

tt'SitS/t n t UthP ^ 4"*^ ifU-tA. f a J '* ^ .

Example 150 Mary Lou's Mass "Act of Contrition" Statement of A' (mm. 11-15)

This movement concludes with the four measure ostinato figure fi*om the introduction.

Kyrie Mary's rescoring of the "Kyrie" produces a considerably longer version of the mass movement. The structural and harmonic form of the piece is outlined as follows:

265 Tonal center: Melodic/ Textural form:

F minor A; measures 5-6 (contains primary melodic material)

F minor A: measures 7-8 (repetition of primary melodic material)

F minor A': measures 9-10 (altered form of primary melodic material)

F minor Bridge: measures 11-12 (repeated pedal played by piano, guitar, bass)

F minor B: measures 13-15 (new melodic material introduces "Christ Have Mercy)

F minor B': measures 16-19 (altered form of previous measures) F minor C: measure 20-23 (new melodic material)

F minor A": measures 23-24 (rhythmically altered form of A; uses the same refrain as others) F minor Measures 25-27 (phrase "For our Lies" chordal section which sings a sustained D-flat major chord)

F minor Measure 28-30 (vocal line returns to unison)

F minor Measure 31 (soprano soloist enters with "Have mercy" these begins a sixteen measure series of call-and- response exchanges between soloist and lower voices.

Table 17: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

266 The movement is written in the key of F minor for chorus, piano, bass, and guitar. Following a four-measure introduction based on the following accompaniment figure, the primary melodic material enters.

J'. ft ' ‘

ÎÎ, V ....i, ... . "— "------

‘ Loao HftVÉPIfgHlt Lfttk. OF Fftiftt

-9—r~~

Example 151 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Introduction and Primary melodic material (mm. 1-6)

The next two measures (7-8) are an exact repetition of the previous melodic material. However the next phrase contains an altered form of the primary theme.

267 r:^lL-uiC To CAH£ lüM HAi/£ Piek-Cf L

^ ...... J

Example 152 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Statement of A' (mm. 9-10)

A short two measure bridge consists of a repeated pedal, on E flat descending to d flat, played by piano, guitar, and bass. (mm. 11-12)

If IZ.

Example 153 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Bridge (mm. 11-12)

New melodic material (B) enters in measure 13, introducing the "Christ Have Mercy."

268 * ■ ------:----P------

. ou a. SiLHcS 3£ antsr m£Pi£M-CY Q u r r n r e u s .

t I ' S ' C 3 ^ ------~~

Example 154 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Statement of B "Christ Have Mercy" (mm. 12-15)

Measures 16-19 contain an altered form of the new thematic material answered by the refrain "Christ Have Mercy."

______- b » . ■ ==■ ‘ ■ 'J — ^ ■ 7 ‘------i r - f — fm lUR 0\'f-i'SioU ChR-IST •-'AU£ ItcR-Cf Faa ajil ^A-Lûü-Stü CHRIST m t Piid-ti 1 1 1 1— vj ------^ ^5^ It jijj-r

= : '■ Î ^ ^

Example 155 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Statement of B' (mm. 16-19)

269 The second statem ent of the "Lord Have Mercy" phrase enters in measure 20. Although the vocal line is altered, each statement of the refrain "Lord Have Mercy" is the same as the original form.

Laid msA-cv 3H Pae 6tf6. M-i’REb fôRNirri£-m t ?iM£ m-UEOS ^

Ea.

Example 156 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Return of the "Lord Have Mercy" (mm. 20-24)

In measures 25-27, the unison vocal line divides into parts based on a succession of f minor chords ascending to a D flat seventh chord.

Fa A auR.

Example 157 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Measures 25-27

270 In measure 28, the vocal line returns to unison before a soprano solo enters in measure 32.

'iCR.-cv o n _ L Q Ü Ù H A \ T £ t 4 N ocfir

Example 158 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Measures 28-31

The remainder of the movement consists of call-and-response sequences between the soprano soloist and the choir, which cadences with a G flat mqjorii to F major progression.

271 Example 159 Mary Lou's Mass "Kyrie" Last statement of the movement (mm. 4S^48)

Gloria The Gloria, written in the key of G major, is set to the following text:

Glory to God above all things Peace on Earth to men loved by God.

Praise you, we bless you, we thank you Because you are who you are.

Lord, God, King, Father Holy Spirit Jesus CJhrist Lord, (jod. Lamb of God, Lord, (3od, Son of God, We praise you, we bless you, we thank you Because you are who you are.

Lord, God, King, Father, Holy Spirit, Jesus Christ

272 Lord, God, Lamb of God, Lord, God, Son of God. We praise you, we bless you. We thank you because you are who you are.

We praise you, we bless you, we thank you Because you are who you are.^

The harmonic and melodic form of the composition is as follows:

Tonal centers: Melodic/textural form:

G major Introduction: measure 1-4

Gmggor A: measure 5-6 (primary melodic material) G mtyor Bridge: measure 7-8 G major A': measures 9-12

A-flat major B: measures 14-24 (contrasting melodic material)

E minor C: measures 31-34 (new melodic material)

E minor B': measures 35-40 (melodic material in B presented in E minor)

A-flat major C: measures 41-49 ( same melodic material as C but in A-flat m^jor)

3 Mary Lou Williams, Mary Lou's Mass. The Uncatalogued Works of Mary Lou Williams Collection, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

273 A-flat major B": measures 53-58

Table 18: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

The composition begins with a four measure introduction containing the following ostinato pattern:

I

Example 160 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Ostinato from intro (mm. 1-4)

The primary melody, A, enters in measure 5 and is an ascending and descending unison vocal line.

274 ûLûAi To &ûO A-fioVC AU

Example 161 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of A (mm. 5-6)

Following this statement, a two measure bridge consisting of the ostinato figure from the introduction enters.

Example 162 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Bridge (mm. 7-8)

275 An altered form of A enters in measure nine. This statement begins like the previous but is altered rhythmically through the use of half and whole notes.

Piau ON T6 PieN coveù

Example 163 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of A' (mm. 9-12)

The modulation to A flat major begins in measure 13.

;3 ' i

m

Example 164 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Bridge (mm. 13-14)

276 The new tonal center is established with a four measure statement of the ostinato figure in A-flat major.

f7 tS

Example 165 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Ostinato in A-flat major (mm. 15-18)

A new melodic idea (B) enters in measure 19.

277 Punt « «u t rw w* YliMi 1W U-Hut yto »»£,.

f

Example 166 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of B (mm. 19-24)

This theme is repeated once before the movement modulates to the key of E minor with the entrance of new melodic material (C).

UAD, ôOO,KiiU6,M-TïfR Vt-LS SPhHtT LtZO.6oO.L0Hi OF SiP I f CHftiff LôMO,&ob.5eHdF6oPuc

3 3 - ^ 53^ >•

Example 167 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of C (mm. 31-34)

278 In measure 35, a baritone soloist enters with an altered form of B. The melodic material presented duplicates that in measures 19-24, but in the key of E minor.

•Mutt Yit u t s u s rt» ui( - fu ttt tn le -a H sc y«u / i t t bfc=

m

Example 168 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of B' (mm. 35-40)

The restatement of melodic material C modulates the movement back to A-flat major.

279 «-«tt . _ utt^ê,umtr m, P 4/ T

IHMtmilfltM Mini flm w JrOVM àM> y*w

f

Example 169 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of C (mm. 41-49)

The melodic material presented in measures 53-58 mirrors that presented in measures 14-40, but with slight variations. In measure 53-58, the sopranos sing an ascending vocal line written a third apart, before cadencing in measure 58 on an A flat(+6) chord.

280 m I

67

Example 170 Mary Lou's Mass "Gloria" Statement of B" (mm. 53-58)

L azarus

The next movement, the hymn "Lazarus," was written specifically for the Alley production and the recording, Mary Lou's Mass. Written in the key of D minor, the tex t, composed by Sonny Henry, reads as follows:

There was a selfish rich man who clothed himself in purple and fine linen. There also was a beggar man named Lazarus, who laid at the gate of the rich man's door.

2 8 1 Full of sores and hungry. Begging crumbs from the richman's table. Even his dogs came to hck his sores.

The rich man showed no pity to Lazarus plea, and scorn was Lazarus' lot. So God took pity on poor Lazarus and gave him peace. He sent his angels to carry poor Lazarus into the bosom of Abraham.

The richman also died and was buried and as he burned in hell He saw the beggar man Lazarus safe in the bosom of Abraham.

He cried Father, Father send Lazaurs to cool my parching tongue Cause I didn't mean all the misery I've caused and all the has things I have done. Have mercy on me Father send Lazarus to cool my tongue Cause I dichi't mean aU the misery I caused and all the bad things I have done.

But the Lord said son in your time you received all the good things in life. But poor Lazarus beggar received nothing but pain and strife. Now Lazarus is comforted and you are burning in the halls of flame and there's no way for you to cleanse your deeds for God never knew your name.

Lazarus, Lazarus, Lazarus cool my parching tongue Cause I didn't mean all the misery I caused and aJl the bad things I have done.

Father, Father, Father send Lazarus to my home. That he may warn them about the flames and what its all about Then Abraham said they have Moses let them hear his cry For if they don't repent flieir evil ways they will surely die.

Lazarus, Lazarus, Lazarus cool my parching tongue Cause I didn't mean all the misery I've caused and all the bad things I have done.4

^ Maiy Lou Williams, Man/ Lou's Mass . The Mary Lou Williams Collection, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

282 Because thematic material is seldom repeated, the composition is divided into eight major sections. The following chart indicates these sections and their tonal centers:

Tonal centers: Sections:

D minor Introduction (Vamp)

D minor A: measures 1-41

D minor B: measures 42-51

D minor C: measures 52-59

D major D: measures 59-83

D minor E: measures 84-91 D minor— D major—D minor F: measures 92-113

D minor G: measures 114-125

Table 19: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

This movement begins with a short vamp consisting of the following pattern played by piano, guitar, and bass, which also serves as the primary accompaniment figure:

283 *■ - '.r 1 S . ; ^ '

I ' - r ' '

Example YI\Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Vamp

The first section (A) includes measures 1-41. This section is further divided into phrases each containing in some form some sim ilar thematic material. The first phrase consists of measures 1-4.

u»s\ se/fisn^icn ihm, ^ uifc cima>n^.saf u'JlTeiu - Td : tc=r= i n n

Example 172 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" First phrase (mm. 1-4)

284 The second phrase, measures 5-10, is written a fifth above the preceding sta tem en t.

Mir Jtéu

Example 173 Mory 2Lo«'s Moss "Lazarus" Second phrase (mm. 5-10)

The third phrase, measures 11-14, consists of a rhythmically altered version of the second phrase.

285 ^ . 14

SU-HM6 CMU fWM M Mims rA-iiS

Example 174 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Third phrase (mm. 11-14)

Measures 15-18, the fourth phrase, begins much like the preceding measures, but rhythmically and harmonically alters the second part of the phrase.

tf -I

— • • w » ’ »ij àêét e»mt ^ CM tit JtMtt .

- - i A A . ■

Example 175 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Fourth phrase (mm. 15-18)

286 The two subsequent phrases (nun. 19-22, 23-26) consist of similar melodic material. In measures 27-32, melodic material similar to that in measures 11-14, enters in an altered form.

— i t S t.tr 4# fi

tm M-rtttg ii.Si0 tF

Example 176 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 27-32

The subsequent phrases measures 33-41, contain previously-used melodic material. The first phrase of section B includes measures 42-46.

2 8 7 / f FM-mu ftfitiuitiÊ» Ia- h -A,* -p CMt «»/i*»»-'** 7»wjg,

Example 177 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" First phrase of B (mm. 42- 46)

Measures 46-50 contain a refrain that is repeated throughout the richman's statements. ** 4T r _ —

e i h t t c z sii'«T’rMV « u 'v c m t-»trAeiM i m i m 'X

tu -tMU i HIM &M<

T s_ -r T

Example 178 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 46-50

288 The next phrase, measures 51-59, consists of a statement followed by an altered form of the refrain from measures 46-50. In measure 59, the composition modulates to D major as the Lord responds to the richman's pleas.

l^flW m f i m t •hi tU-tMtb m m tm rntts t ê i ■ - ' ' ^ - _ ——

44

Example 179 Mary Lou Mass "Lazarus" Measures 59-65

The movement modulates back to the home key in measure 82, with the return of the original accompaniment figure.

289 Ml-«If LKv-mu

—,- 1 4 ^ - ^» é* 3 3 .------

'4 - j Example 180 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 82-87

Measures 92-113 the composition modulates to the key of D major as the Lord again responds to the richman. In measure 113 the movement returns to the key of D minor. The last phrase, measures 114-121 includes a repetition an altered form of previously-used melodic material before ending with the phrase "'cause I didn't mean all the misery I've caused and all the bad things I have done." The composition concludes with four measures of the original ostinato figure before fading out.

290 (((, $ ■ i t *■— " ------

tfJlt *««•Mi C «6/:_ V.We

'■ — » »_ , ,V : an*-" «UU JUi % .*iri'rJCMti ^«s*a im iatt> :

118 HI I l>/

Example 181 Mary Lou's Mass "Lazarus" Measures 114-121.

In His Days! Alleluia

The reponsorial psalm "In His Days" is rescored in the key of E flat minor.

1' \ ' " l \ J . ^ IM «1» »»>f A yricC jt'iiL __I ______' " i r ; ■ - - ■ ' - - j

/!» /> ------——------

fUWM - U» Çp (5 ) Mtteé ©’«ttn£

Example 182 Mary Lou's Mass "In His Days" (mm. 1-7)

291 Following the authentic cadence in measure 7, a two measure bridge segueing into the baritone solo, "Peace I Leave" enters. This bridge, consisting of ascending minor triads, not only begins the modulation to the key of d minor but also changes to 4/4 time.

Example 183 Mary Lou's Mass "In His Days" Bridge (mm. 8-9)

The four measure baritone solo is set to the text; "Peace I leave with you. My peace I give to you. "5

5 Mary Lou Williams, Mary Lou's Mass. The Mary Lou Williams Collection, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

292 Example 184 Mary Lou's Mass "Peace I Leave" (mm. 10-13)

In measure 13 the movement to a fast 3/4 tempo before the choir enters with the "Alleluia" in measure 16, This section of the composition is an exact duphcation of its counterpart in the Mass for Peace.

Example 185 Mary Lou's Mass "Alleluia" (mm. 16-19)

293 Credo The text for the setting is different from that used in the Credo from the Pittsburgh Mass. It reads as follows:

And I believe in the Father almighly and in one God Who made heaven and earth.

And in Jesus Christ his only son our Lord conceived By the spirit bom of the Virgin Mary.

Suffered under Pontius Pilate was crucified, died and was buried And on the third day he rose again ascended into heaven. Sitting at the right hand of the Father And he will come to judge the living and the dead. And I believe in the Holy Spirit the holy sanctifying Apostolic Church.

The communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins and the Resurrection of the body and the life everlasting. Amen.®

There are four m%or sections which make up this movement. The form of this piece is Introduction-"A" (measures 8-21)--Bridge (measure 22-24)-- "B" (measure 25-28)~Bridge (measures 29-30)— "C" (measures 31-40)- Bridge (measures 41-42)-"D" (measures 43-60)-Episode (measures 61- 72).

® Mary Lou Williams, Mary Lou's Mass. The Mary Lou Williams Collection, The Institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

294 The Credo, written in the key of E flat major, begins with a four measure introduction consisting of the following accompaniment

Example 186 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Accompanying figure

The tenors and basses enter with the primary melodic material (A) in measures 8-15.

Ml IN

%

Example 187 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Statement of A (mm. 8-15)

295 In measure 16 all the voices enter in unison.

-31

" I ^ tstsK No M tY iiu ntutt üw-cwo jc»« opïiîf •

Example 188 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Measures 16-21

Following the complete statement of the melody, a slower contrasting theme enters in measure 25. This section (B) is sung by a soloist (measures 25-28) and leads into a two measure musical interlude.

I Î ^ 1 —»

Sur-HMomwi rét-na m M U 3io sn iü>s

Example 189 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Statement of B/Bridge (mm. 25-30)

296 In measure 31 the choir reenters with new thematic material (C).

______Ml *ckna £—= j a"- " t u i ~ m i-= t m u t k '

Example 190 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Statement of C (mm. 31-40)

Following a two measure bridge(mm. 40-42) the tenors and basses' enter with the statement of "I believe in the Holy Spirit."

297 % — wtCVC

Example 191 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Measures 43-46

The choir enters once again in unison in measure 47 with a short three measure phrase before sopranos enter with a descant sung over the melody in the lower voices, (measures 50-51)

298 4?

n ftr

ymc-Ti.t't -sn-ue cami

Example 192 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Measures 47-51

Following a dominant seventh to tonic seventh cadence in measures 51-52, the choir enters with the last phrase of the text which ends on a half cadence.

299 iMtki •nia If Sus _ w-»î

Example 193 Mary Lou's Mass "Credo" Last phrase (mm. 52-59)

Offertory: Turn Aside fnm Evil/ Sanctus

The Sanctus begins with the offertory "Turn aside from Evil" taken from the Mass for Peace, (see musical example from the discussion above) The form of the composition is as follows; A (f minor): "Turn aside Evil" ( measure 1-4) B (d minor): "Holy Holy" (measures 5-6) C: Bossa Nova (measures 7-14) modulation back to f minor

300 D: measures 15-24 D': measures 25-40 F; measures 41-64

The dominant half cadence in measure four leads into the d minor tonic and the first statement of the "Holy Holy." ( measures 5-6)

«f-t» *<•« »**t» A# OCJ^. t. - I. U $ i

Example 194 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" First statement (mm. 5- 6)

Following an eight measure improvised bossa nova musical interlude. The contrasting thematic material (D) enters in measure 15. (measures 15-24)

301 #D **cvf 4* fWD btn* )MK Mo' ~ m

Za 4# # II

X

Example 195 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Statement ofD (mm. 15-24)

Measures 25-40 are an altered form of the preceding measures. (D')

302 Example 196 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Statement of D' (mm. 25-30)

Call-and-response exchanges between a soprano soloist, which sings a discant-like motive, and the choir occurs in measures 40-55.

4J aft CC

3^13

Example 197 Mary Lou's Mass "Turn Aside" Discant-like figure (measures 40-44)

303 The last four measures of the movement (56-64) are a duplication of measures 32-40 and lead to the final cadence a G flat major^ to F minor^ progression.

i & U . ' ■ ? 1 f ' - '

p 4 4 V I i

Ex^ple 198 Mary Lou’s Mass "Turn Aside" Last phrase (mm. 56- 64)

304 Our Father

The setting of the traditional prayer "Our Father" is taken from its counterpart from the Mass for Peace. But it is scored in G flat major verses the original key of E minor. In the Mass for Peace, this movement is followed by the antiphon "Blessed are the Peace Makers." However for this mass, Mary Lou makes the antiphon part of the prayer by ending the movement with the song at the end. The combination of the two compositions may explain Mary's choice to change the key of the "Our Father." The original key for "Blessed are the Peace Makers" was E flat minor, so the rescoring of the prayer would make the transition into the former much easier. The Agnus Dei setting indicates Mary's knowledge of Gregorian- chants. Sung to the traditional text, the bases sing a "f pedal throughout while the upper voices sing in unison.

wm of (ho world.

Lmmb of God. who

m

take a -«ay the sins a ! the «arid h m mef ••• • qr on us.

lamb of God «ho take a -«ay dm sins of itw «orid, pant

Example 199 Mary Lou's Mass ".Agnus Dei"

305 People in Trouble! Praise the Lord

The antiphon "Peace Makers: Peace O' Lord" from the "Mass for Peace" becomes "People in Trouble" in Mary Lou 'sMass. Written in the key of G minor (original key £ minor), this setting is an exact adaptation of the original piece, (see discussion above) The final movement of this mass is entitled "Praise the Lord." Written in the key of E flat major, this exuberant composition shares a similar text with the movement in the "Pittsburgh Mass" bearing the same name, (see discussion above) "Praise the Lord " primarily uses strophic form, centered around the primary melody "A." The textual and harmonic form of the composition is described as follows:

Tonal center: Textural/melodic form:

A; Praise the Lord from Heaven, E flat m^'or Praise Him in the Heights (mm. 9-16)

A'; Praise Him all you Angels. Praise E flat major Him all you Hosts (mm 17-24)

A: Praise Him sun and moon. Praise F m%or Him all you waters (mm 29-36)

A'; Praise Him fire and hail. Praise F major Him all you mountains (mm 37-44) A": Praise Him from the earth. Praise G major him fog and mist (mm 45-52)

306 A': Praise Him all you creatures. G major Praise Him blast of Horn (mm 53-60)

A'"; Praise the Lord from Heaven E flat major Praise Him in the heights (mm 65-72)

A : Praise Him all you angels Praise E flat major Him all you host (mm 73-80)'^

Table 20: Comparison of tonal centers and melodic material

The composition begins with eight bars of piano introduction made up of a syncopated chordal figure in the key of E-flat major. This series of chords forms an ostinato played by the piano throughout the composition.

à

Example 200 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Accompanying figure of the piano

This citation is based on the score of the same composition found in "Mary Lou's Mass." The 1970 version is somewhat different but the recording of the first Mass indicates that the changes are minute.

307 Following the eight measure introduction the choir enters with the first statement of the melody (A). This melodic idea is revisited in altered forms throughout the composition.

iitc LaiH fVa/t -ir) \ch H . n S m T i f V I U I l

Example 201 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of "A" (mm. 9-16)

308 The next statement of the melody (A') begins much like the preceding statement but is altered harmonically and rhythmically at the end of the phrase.

/9u 7Cu Cfir T/m Vii. YCi'Tf

m

Example 202 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord. Statement of A' (mm.17-24)

In measures 23 and 24 of the example 34, the accompaniment figure is altered and the modulation to the key of F mayor b^ins. Measures 25-28 consists of the accompanying figure in the key of F major. The modulation is achieved through a dominant to tonic cadence which ascends chromatically to an chord before progressing to an F^ chord.

309 Example 203 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Modulatory figure (measure 24)

The tonal center of F major is established through a four measure bridge that is the accompaniment figure in the new key.

Example 204 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Bridge (mm. 25-28)

310 Measures 29*36 are a restatement of the primary melodic material in the key of F major.

•iif^ rtttù noon /%. Vu i *

r «

Example 205 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of "A" in F major (mm. 29-36)

The statement of A' (mm. 37-44) ends with modulation to the key of G major. The modulatory figure, like that in measure 24, consists of a dominant to tonic to flat ii progression that resolves to the tonic in the new key. (G major)

311 'f T

Example 206 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Modulation to G major (m. 44)

An altered form of the primary melodic idea (A") in G major enters in measure 45.

1 f ft'ttn f.te /X V/if 4 /7

4 7 JO

^ T 7 r"

Example 207Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statem ent of A" (mm. 45-52)

312 Measures 53-60 consists of a repetition of A' in G major. Modulation back to the home key ( E flat major) begins in measure 60.

ié,n SM T OP- Hcfn ra

Example 208 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Statement of A' in G major (mm. 53-60)

A four measure bridge, based on the introductory material, enters in measure 61.

313 Example 209 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Bridge in E-flat major (mm. 61-64)

The movement concludes with a final statement of "A" in its original form before gradually fading out in measure 80.

&3 ibn

Example 210 Mary Lou's Mass "Praise the Lord" Final statement of A (mm. 73-80)

314 The score of Mary Lou's Mass coupled with the recording bearing the same

name, indicate Mary Lou Williams' ability to adapt previous used material and create new exciting forms. The addition of rock elements is evident especially in movements such as "Praise the Lord." But movements like "Lazarus" and "Turn Aside from Evil" remind listeners of Mary's jazz roots. Essentially Mary Lou's Mass fulhlls the composer's aspirations of creating sacred music that would appeal not only to the unsave but also to younger generations. As stated in the discussion above, Mary Lou's Mass, became the most popular of the sacred composition, being performed at high schools, and churches all across America. Its popularity is important to this discussion because it indicates that the notion of sacred jazz works was well conceived by the 1970s. While some continued to criticize the use of jazz in church settings, officials and parishioners of the Catholic Church accepted the music as a new and fresh way of worship.

315 CHAPTER 13

CONCLUSION

"Nobody could have stopped us because God wanted us to do it. " "Mary Lou Williams

The 1960s were a decade of change in America. Increased military involvement in Southeast Asia, anti-war demonstrations on college campuses and dramatic developments in the Civil Rights Movement, altered America's view of society and the world. This age of social change also gave birth to new forms of music, both sacred and secular. gripped American, Walter and Edwin Hawkins ushered in a new age of Gospel music with the recording "O' Happy Day" and the jazz scene was altered by new directions and the death of some its pioneers. Many of these changes also had an effect on the Catholic church, which was struggling to relate to younger generations. The convening of the second Vatican Council in 1964 raised questions as to how the worship service could become more inclusive. In addition to advocating the performance of them as in the vernacular, this papal council provided an open environment for the performance of unconventional sacred music in the church. While specific changes in the

316 liturgy and music were not outlined at the time, many composers, including Mary Lou Williams, saw this as an opportunity to create new forms of sacred music. These liturgical changes led to text settings with spiritual messages applicable to modem day Catholics. This is evident in the sacred compositions of Mary Lou Williams. In her masses and hymns she addressed the increasing military activity in Southeast Asia, the Civil Rights struggle, and the increasing threat of poverty in America. The setting "Lazarus" from Mary Lou's Mass, Mary presents a realistic portrait of how economics and class distinction determine one's treatment in this world. The primary message is that power and money are unimportant when spiritual judgment is passed. Although she does not quote it specifically, one concludes that she is addressing the bibhcal question "what profit a man if he gains the world and loses his soul?" (Luke 9:25) The setting of "People in Trouble" from the same mass, addresses racial hatred, war, and the dismal state of humanity. With her approach to the liturgy and its music, Mary Lou Williams created a form of sacred music that not only appealed to high-ranking church officials, but also to younger people In her three masses and countless hymns, Mary Lou was able to express musically what the Vatican Council found difficult to outline in 1964. It was not until 1972 that the Bishops' Committee on Liturgy of the United States Catholics Conference presented a clear explanation of changes in the liturgy and music in the worship service.

317 Entitled "Music in Catholic Worship," this document established the norms and priorities for the selection of music in worship services. ^ Before 1972 there were two patterns that severed as the basis for composing and planningthe liturgy. The first was the "High Mass," which consisted of five movements (Ordinary) and the four-fold Proper, both sung. The second model was the four-hymn "Low Mass," which grew out of the document "Instruction of Sacred Music" (1958)2. This pattern developed within the context of the Latin Mass, which could accommodate songs in the vernacular only at certain points. In 1972, however, this form was updated to include more than a dozen sung sections.^ "Music in Catholic Worship" discussed in detail the guidelines for the selection of music and performance of liturgy. Many of the changes involved texts and their proper setting. Most importantly, the alterations advocated simpler settings of the traditional movements. These changes may be outlined as follows:

•Processional songs: there should be two chants: the entrance song and communion song. The entrance song should create an atmosphere of celebration, and text should not confiict with the purpose. The communion song should be simple, not demand great effort, be seasonal in nature, and foster a sense of unity.

•Responsorial Psalm: Response to the first lesson. The text should match the reading.

^"Music in Catholic Worship and Litrugical Music Today, " The Liturgy Document: A Parish Resource revised edition ed. by Mary Ann Simcoe (Chicago: Liturgy Training Publication, 1985)

2 Discussed in "Music in Catholic Worship," 231

^ "Music in Catholic Worship," 232.

318 • "Lord Have Mercy": The six fold form of the movement can also be s u n g in other ways. When sung, the movement should be brief and simple.

• "Glory to God": This setting is to only be used on Sundays outside of Advent and Lent and on solemnities and feast. Its function is to provide the choir an opportunity to sing alone on festive occasions.

• "Lord's Prayer": The traditional text is retained.

• "Lamb of God": The setting is most often sung by the choir.

• "Profession of Faith": It is preferred that this setting be spoken. But when sung it should be simple rather than an extensive and involved.

•Offertory Song: This movement may accompany the procession and preparation of gifts. Instrumental music is also fitting.

•The psahn or song after communion is optional and no text is specified.

•Recessional song: This movement has never been an official part of the rite. So it is up to the musician to plan the music to close the l i t u r g y . ^

The changes to the Mass liturgy are outlined as follows:

4 Ibid.

319 THE MASS

Introductory Rites 1 )Introit Antiphon 2)Second Antiphon Prayer^ 3) Kyrie 4) Gloria Prayer

L itu rg y o f th e W ord Old Testament

5) Alleluia

Processionalw / Gospel to Pulpit (Homily)

6) Creed

Liturgy of the Eucharist Offertory (Preparation o f Gifts) Eucharistie Prayer

7) Holy, Holy, Holy 8) Our Father 9) Lamb of God

Communion

10) Recessional

Table 21: Chart of form of Mass following Vatican II.

® Sections in italics designate those spoken.

320 Although Mary's first mass was written more than ten years before the publishing of "Music in Catholic Worship," it and her subsequent masses already displayed many of the changes that would later be adopted. One can surmise that the success of Mary's compositions helped provide the model needed by the Bishop's Committee. The Committee continued to discuss liturgical and musical reform, and in 1982 issued Liturgical Music Today.^ This document was an appendix to Music in Catholic Worship and outlined rites not discussed in the 1972 publication.^ The litmus test for the of provisions in "Music in Catholic Worship" came in 1975 when Mary Lou's Mass was performed at St. Patrick's Cathedral in New York. This performance ushered in a new era of Catholic worship music. The positive reviews and the accolades given to the work suggest that the sanctification of jazz was in full swing by 1975. Through biblical scriptures and simple melodies, Mary Lou Williams managed to reinvent conceptions about both sacred music and jazz. Yvonne Surrette of The Boston Globe remarked that Mary Lou's Mass was "a powerful opus... a celebration of jazz itself. Mary Lou Williams had transformed the liturgy.... into a swinging joyful offering of thanksgiving."® Frances Herridge of the New York Post wrote "you might call it [Mary Lou's

® "Music in Catholic Worship," 233.

7 Ibid.,218.

® "Mary Lou's Mass" Promotional Flyer. The Mary Lou Williams Collections, The institute of Jazz Studies, Rutgers University, Newark, New Jersey.

321 Moss] a mass for a musicians' revival meeting, a celebration of peace.. .The score embodies the whole range of black music. Although the support for Mary's works was overwhelming, there were probably still some who disapproved of the use of jazz in church settings. As late as 1972, WiUiam Banks, had scorned not only the religious compositions of Mary Lou Williams but also those of Duke Ellington. He insisted that churches and preachers took interest in the "new" music only because it was financially profitable, lo Although the composers asserted that their music had its roots in the spiritual, this still did not negate, for Banks, the idea that the music was sinful. Regardless of the arguments, Banks concluded that there was no justification for the use of jazz in sacred settings. The idea of jazz being performed in churches was sacrilegious. According to Banks, artistic and musical ability were gifts from God, and the jazz artist had misused his. He (she) had chosen a form that played on emotions that led to immorality. In his own words:

The exaggerated self-pity of the blues, the double entendres, and the suggestive words carelessly tread upon human emotions. Some contend that there is therapeutic value in the release of such emotional e n e r g y .12

9 Ibid.

^9 Banks, Black Church in the U.S. 113.

Ibid. As stated in the discussion above Mary's first exposure to music came through the church in the form of spirituals. Ellington explained his music by asserting that he was praying in his language. Although his language consists of trumpets and saxophones, he was sure that God could understand his prayers. See Banks' discussion on sacred jazz.

12 Ibid., 114.

322 The jazz scene, according to Banks, was misleading and phony. Many were fascinated by the glitz and glamour of the business, but failed to recognize its shallowness. The destruction of the jazz artist by alcohol and drugs was an indicator of how "sick and miserable" the jazz world was.

Say what you will, a tree is judged by the fruit it produces. And the jazz tree has wormy, rotten finit, legal scrapes, divorces, alcoholism, dope and nicotine ad^ction, squandering of money, paternity suits, twisted values, suicide, idolatry-these are some of the fi*uits. Billie Holiday, ruined by liquor, and high living, died at the age of forty-four in a city hospital in New York with seventy cents in her bank account. was dead at fifty; Albert Ammons died at forty-two; was dead at forty-six; was dead at thirty-nine; Bessie Smith, the great blues singer, died at forty-two; Charlie Parker was died at twenty-six.. .There are exceptions: Duke Ellington, the late Louis Armstrong and some lived longer __ The fact remains: the majority ofjazz musicians have died at an earlier age than the the average person. Banks, however, did not completely blame the composers of sacred jazz. He contended that many churchgoers mistakenly believed that because something occurred in church that it must be holy. Hence, those who were staunch opponents ofjazz would soften their views because of the popularity of composers such as Williams and Ellington. But, he argued performance in a church did not mean that the nature of the object had changed. The mistake lay in the notion that parishioners should praise God as they saw fit. In Bank's view true praise could only be achieved when God was worshipped as He liked. Jazz in whatever form could not achieve this. Continuing in his words:

13 Ibid., 115.

14 Ibid.

323 The "sacred jazz concert" is the devil and has no business in the Christian Church. The evil influence ofjazz; its rotten fruit, its appeal to the Adamic nature, and the presumptuousness and idolatrous nature and Christiessness of it all lead me to say: Let it stay on the stage and in the air-conditioned nightclubs, but don't bring it into the church of Jesus Christ! The black Christian must resist the incursion ofjazz into our churches, whether it be the sacred jazz' of the Duke or the jumping gospel of a choir or chorus. Such music is not edifying for several r e a s o n s . Central to Banks' argument is the concept of "edification," or the uplifting of one's moral and spiritual being. In his view, jazz, blues, and some forms of gospel cannot be used in the church because these forms of music are not edifying to church members. Banks provides three explanations as to why these forms are not uplifbing. First, religious music is useful only if the message is biblical. Second, most of jazz and gospel is used for entertainment, not for the uplift of spirituality. Third, performers of such music only exalt themselves with their theatrics and showmanship, Analysis of Mary Lou William's sacred works dismantles Banks' argument. The majority of Mary's works are based on biblical scriptures. The only exceptions to this, included in this discussion, are the hymns and certain movements of the masses (e.g. "People in trouble," "The World"). Mary even specifies in the score what book, chapter, and verses the text is based on.^7 F urther, M ary's music did not depend on theatrics or

15 Ibid. ,116.

15 Edification, according to Banks, means to make better, to build up the hearer. All that goes on in the church should be for the edification of the church members.

1^ This is more evident in Mass for Lenten Season, and Mass for Peace than in the other masses. The hymns generally are set to texts written by the composer or close friends.

324 showmanship to gain listeners. Based on Banks' definition, Mary's music was more concerned with edification than entertainm ent Recordings indicate that the focus of the music and its performance was the expression of the texts. Accompaniment, especially in the masses, consisted of ostinato figures that left little room for improvisation. This is very evident in Mary's performance at St. Patrick's Cathedral. John Wilson describes the approach of Mary and the other musicians to the concert as follows:

Miss Williams, seated at a piano on the main altar, with her bassist, Buster Williams, and her drummer, Jerry GrifFen, conducted the choir fi*om the piano while she played and her Mass was celebrated. Miss Williams led into each section of her Mass with an introductory piano passage that established the mood and the rhythm and as the singers came in and the string bass and dnims took up the beat, she supported the singing with light, flowing lines that danced under the voices. Occasionally M*. Williams or Mr. Griffm played a brief subdued solo; Mr. Wilhams pluckering somberly on his bass and Mr. Griffin employing his brushes lightly and deftly, It is evident from Wilson's account that Mary's focus was not on the music but on the liturgy. Although demonstrably biased. Banks' views are important They indicate that as late as 1972, some black still held negative views toward jazz. Many blacks' views were still crippled by images of juke joints and sexual deviance. No one would argue that the jazz scene had not been checkered with drugs, promiscuity, violence, and premature death. The religious compositions of Mary Lou Williams, Duke Ellington, and others however, showed that jazz could be a strong force for good.

John S. Wilson, "Mary Lou Wiliams, at Piano, leads her Jazz Mass at St. Patrick's."

325 Unfortunately old stereotypes die hard. Although many whites embraced this new form of sacred jazz almost immediately, it would take almost two decades before some blacks could accept the use of jazz in church settings. Today, the contemporary gospel scene includes several artists who market themselves as gospel jazz artists. Although these artists may have no idea who Mary Lou Williams was, the connection between her compositions and recordings and their success is evident. Her sacred works and their performances planted the seeds for this movement. Her use of "rapping" in "Praise the Lord," and "Thank you Jesus"--both originally mass sections and later issued as hymns-coupled with the strong percussion background on "Praise the Lord," indicate that Mary's musical ideas were years before their time. Through contemporary artists , many music listeners are now experiencing these innovations for the first time. In retrospect, we can now see that 30 years ago through her spirituality, musical ability, and love for one of the oldest and most basic forms of black expression, Mary Lou Williams managed to sanctify jazz.

326 WORKS CONSULTED

ARTICLES

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Bames, Clive. "Alley Dancers in Mary Lou's Mass" New York Times 12 December 1971.

Berger, Monroe. "Jazz Resistance to the Diffusion of Culture-Pattem." Journal o fNegro History (October 1947): 461-494.

Bowman, Sister Thea. "The Gift of Afncan-American Sacred Song." Lead me. Guide Me: The African-American Catholic Hymnal Chicago: G.I.A. Publications, 1987.

"BritNix Work Permit for Mary Lou Williams" Variety 193 (February 17, 1954): 46.

Britt, S. "The First Lady of Jazz: Mary Lou Williams (interview)." Jazz Joumallntemational 34 (September 1981): 10-11.

_. "Obituary." Jazz Journal International 18-19.

"Caught" Down B eat (Winter 1976): 44:54+.

"Caught in the Act" Down Beat 38 (February 4, 1971): 30-31.

"Caught in the Act" Variety 289 (January 25, 1978): 72.

327 Cavanaugh, Inez. "Mary Lou—The Boss Piano" Melody Maker 39 (February 15,1964): 15.

Close, AI. "Fashion and Jazz" Jazz Monthly 5 (May 1959): 28.

"Concert Reviews" Variety 289 (January 25, 1978): 72.

"Cookery N.Y. " Variety 268 (August 30,1972): 53.

Cusana, Michael. "Mary Lou Williams Presents St. Martin de Patres" RecordWorld (August 28,1971).

Dance, Helen and Stanley. "Here's a Girl who Plumps for them all." Melody Maker 30 (June 12, 1954): 11.

Dance, Stanley. "Jazz" Music Journal 21 (January 1963): 109-10.

______. "An Afternoon w ith M ary Lou Williams" (1964 Interview) Jazz Journal IntematioTial 42 (October 1989): 8-10.

"Decries Jazz Thinking'." New York Times 15 February 1925: 17.

Dexter, Dave Jr. "Crusade by Mary Lou Williams." Billboard 89 (April 30,1977): 15.

"Doggin'around: A Noble failure." Jazz Journal International 30 (August 1977): 15.

Donohue, John W. "Mary Lou's Mass: Music for Peace." American (March 8, 1975).

Driggs, Franklin, S. "Kansas City and the Southwest." Jazz: New Perspectives on the History of Jazz by Twelve o f the

328 World's Foremost Jazz Critics and Scholars, ed. by Nat Hentoff and Albert McCarthy. New York and Toronto: Rinehart and Company, Inc. 1959:179-230.

Feather, Lenoard. "Mary Lou." Melody Maker 28 (December 6, 1952): 16.

_. "Jazz: Mary Lou: Soul Upon Soul (tribute)." Melody Maker 56 (June 20,1981): 27.

"Five Guggenheims to A rtist... " Down Beat 39 (June 8,1972) :9.

Frances, H. "Obituary." Crescendo International 19 (July 1981): 4+.

Giddens, Gary. "Weatherbird: Mary Lou Wilhams 1910-1981" Village Voice 26 (June 10,1981): 80.

"Garvin Bushell and New York Jazz in the 1920s." Jazz Review (January 1959): 12.

Harris, Michael, "Conflict and Resolution in the Life of Thomas Andrew Dorsey. " We 'II Understand it Better By and By: Pioneering African- American Composers, ed. by Bernice Johnson Reagon, Washington and London: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1992:165-182.

Handy, Antionette D. "Conversation with Mary Lou Wilhams: First Lady of Jazz Keyboard." Black Perspectives in Music 8 n2 (1980): 194-214.

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329 Kaplan. E. "The Lady Who Swings the Band: the Legacy of American Pianist, Composer Mary Lou Williams." National Association of Jazz Educator Research. 9(1989): 129-139.

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331 "Music in Catholic Worship and Liturgical Music Today." The Liturgy Docu ment" A Parish Resource revised edition ed. by Mary Ann Simcoe. Chicago: Liturgy training Publication, 1985.

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332 Piazza, Tom. "Riffs" Mary Lou Williams Keeps the Faith." Village Voice 24 (November 19, 1979): 75-6.

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337 Hurston, Zora Neale. The Sanctified Church. Berkeley; Turtle Island, 1981.

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Kirk, Andy and Lee, Amy. Twenty Years on Wheels. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1989.

Kufrin, Joan and George. Uncommon Women Piscataway, New Jersey: New Century Publishers, Inc., 1981.

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Leonard, Ned. Jazz: Myth and Religion, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.

Lewis, David Levering. When Harlem was in Vogue. New York: Alfred Knopf, 1981.

Lovell, John Jr. Black Song: The Forge and the Flame: The Song o f How the Afro-American Spiritual was Hammered Out. New York: Paragon House Publishers, 1972.

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Pearson, Nathan W. Jr. Goin ' to Kansas City. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987.

338 Peretti, Burton W. The Creation ofJazz: Music, Race, and Culture in Urban America. Urbana and Chicago: Universily of Illinois Press, 1994.

Placksin, Sally. American Women in Jazz: 1900 to Present Their Words, Lives and Music. New York: Seaview Books, 1982.

Reagan, Bernice Johnson, ed. We 'II Understand it Better By and By: Pioneering African-American Gospel Composers. Washington and London: Smithsonian histitution Press, 1992.

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Russell, Kathy, Wilson, Midge, and Hall, Ronald. The Color Complex: The Politics of Skin Color Among African Americans. New York: Hamcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992.

Schuller, Gunter. The Swing Era: The Development of Jazz 1930-1945. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.

_. Early Jazz: Its Roots and Musical Development. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968.

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Spencer, Jon Michael. Protest and Praise: Sacred Music o f Black Religion. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990.

.. Theological Music: Introduction to Theomusicology. New York and Westport, Connecticut, 1991.

339 Black Hymnody: A Hymnolgical History of the African-American Church. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1992.

.. Blues and Evil. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1993.

The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions o fRace, Class, and Gender. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1990.

Unterbrink, Mary Jazz Women at the Keyboard. Jefferson, N.C. and London: MFarland and Company, Incorporated, 1953.

Washington, Joseph R. Jr. Black Religion: The Negro and Christianity in the United States Boston: Beacon Press, 1964.

Winter, Nina. Interview with the Muse: Remarkable Women Speak on Creativity and Power. Berkeley: Moon Books, 1978.

Weiss, Nancy J. The National Urban League 1910-1940 New York: Oxford University Press, 1974.

340 SCORES CONSULTED FROM THE UNCATOLOGUED WORKS OFMARYLOUWUUAMS THE mSTUVTE OF JAZZ STUDIESy RUTGERS UNIVERSITY NEWARK, NEW JERSEY

Williams, Mary Lou. Amina Christi Transcribed score by Marx Lopeman, 1991. Originial manuscript written in 1962.

_. The Devil. Manuscript score.

_. Hymn in Honor ofSt. Martin de Porres . Manuscript score. 1962.

_. Mass (also known as Pittsburgh Mass). M anuscript score. 1966.

______. Mass for Lenten Season. Manuscript score. 1968.

. Mary Lou's Mass. Published score. (New York: Cecilia Music Publishing Company, 1970).

. Mass for Peace. Manuscript score. 1969.

341 SOUND RECORDINGS

Williams, Mary Lou. Mary Lou WiUiams Presents.. .Folkways Records FJ 2843, 1964.

_. Praise the Lord in Many Voices: A Recorded Performance in Carnegie Hall Part II. Avant Garde 103.

______. Mass Cassette, June 10,1967.

______. Music for Peace. Mary Records 0,1970.

______. Mary Lou's Mass. Mary Records 102,1975.

342