Beyond Bray: Obtaining Era Jurisdiction to Stop Anti-Abortion Violence
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("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
Anti-Choice Violence and Intimidation
Anti-Choice Violence and Intimidation A campaign of violence, vandalism, and intimidation is endangering providers and patients and curtailing the availability of abortion services. Since 1993, eight clinic workers – including four doctors, two clinic employees, a clinic escort, and a security guard – have been murdered in the United States.1 Seventeen attempted murders have also occurred since 1991.2 In fact, opponents of choice have directed more than 6,400 reported acts of violence against abortion providers since 1977, including bombings, arsons, death threats, kidnappings, and assaults, as well as more than 175,000 reported acts of disruption, including bomb threats and harassing calls.3 The Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act (FACE) provides federal protection against the unlawful and often violent tactics used by abortion opponents. Peaceful picketing and protest is not prohibited and is explicitly and fully protected by the law.4 State clinic protection laws in 16 states and the District of Columbia, as well as general statutes prohibiting violence, provide additional protection.5 Although the frequency of some types of clinic violence declined after the 1994 enactment of FACE, violence at reproductive-health centers is far from being eradicated.6 Vigorous enforcement of clinic-protection laws against those who use violence and threats is essential to protecting the lives and well-being of women and health-care providers. Abortion Providers and Other Health Professionals Face the Threat of Murder MURDERS: Since 1993, eight people have been murdered for helping women exercise their constitutionally protected right to choose.7 . 2009: The Murder of Dr. George Tiller. -
Abortion Does Not Violate Human Rights
Abortion Does Not Violate Human Rights Abortion , 2002 Reprinted, with permission, from "Why Abortion Is Moral," by Brian Elroy McKinley, 2000, found at http://elroy.net/ehr/abortionanswers.html. In the following viewpoint, Brian Elroy McKinley argues that although abortion destroys a potential human life, it is not murder. The embryo or fetus is not a separate human being because it is not able to survive outside the woman's body, he maintains. Only when a baby can live independently from its mother's body can it be granted full human rights. Until that point, McKinley claims, a fetus' rights should not supersede the rights of a woman to protect and control her body. McKinley is an Internet consultant who resides in Colorado. As you read, consider the following questions: 1. What do an ameba and a human zygote have in common, according to McKinley? 2. In the author's opinion, what is the difference between a human and a person? 3. In the context of McKinley's argument, what is the difference between physical dependence and social dependence? All of the arguments against abortion boil down to six specific questions. The first five deal with the nature of the zygote-embryo-fetus growing inside a mother's womb. The last one looks at the morality of the practice. These questions are: 1. Is it alive? 2. Is it human? 3. Is it a person? 4. Is it physically independent? 5. Does it have human rights? 6. Is abortion murder? Let's take a look at each of these questions. -
Post-Abortion Trauma Pontifical Academy for Life Possible Psychological and Post-Abortion Existential Aftermaths Trauma 2014
Pontifical Academy for Life Post-Abortion Trauma Post-Abortion Post-abortion for Life for Trauma Possible Psychological and Existential Aftermaths ISBN 978-88-97830-27-6 Academy Pontifical 2014 Human Life in Some Documents of the Magisterium Pontificalęȱ¢ȱȱ Academy for Life POST-ABORTION FAITHTRAUMA AND HUMAN LIFE POSSIBLE ȱȱ ȱ ǯȱ ȱȱ PSYCHOLOGICAL AND EXISTENTIALȱ AFTERMATHS ȱ¢ǰȱ¢ȱŘŗȬŘřǰȱŘŖŗř Rome 2014 ȱŘŖŗř 5 All right reserved © Pontifical Academy for Life ISBN 978-88-97830-27-6 CONTENTS Presentation of the Volume . 7 Vincent M. Rue, Ph.D. Clinical dimensions of post-abortion trauma . 19 Introduction . 21 1. The Many faces of trauma . 26 2. Abortion as trauma ............................ 30 3. Abortion’s aftermath: clinical realities ............ 36 4. Grief & trauma ................................ 46 5. Post-traumatic stress disorder ................... 57 6. Post-abortion syndrome . 65 7. Special considerations .......................... 92 8. Prevention & Conclusion ....................... 98 Table 1 .......................................... 104 Table 2 .......................................... 107 References ....................................... 108 Priscilla K. Coleman, Ph.D. Women at risk for post-abortion mental health problems and abortion associated relationship challenges . 147 1. Review of Academic Literature on Risk Factors for Post-Abortion Mental Health Problems .......... 149 2. Review of Academic Literature on the Relational Consequences of Abortion ....................... 156 Table 1 ......................................... -
The Need to Codify Roe V. Wade: a Case for National Abortion Legislation, 45 J
Journal of Legislation Volume 45 | Issue 2 Article 6 6-7-2019 The eedN to Codify Roe v. Wade: A Case for National Abortion Legislation Kathryn N. Peachman Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/jleg Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, Law and Gender Commons, Legislation Commons, Maternal and Child Health Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Reproductive and Urinary Physiology Commons, Social Control, Law, Crime, and Deviance Commons, Supreme Court of the United States Commons, and the Women's Health Commons Recommended Citation Kathryn N. Peachman, The Need to Codify Roe v. Wade: A Case for National Abortion Legislation, 45 J. Legis. 272 (2018). Available at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/jleg/vol45/iss2/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Journal of Legislation at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Legislation by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE NEED TO CODIFY ROE V. WADE: A CASE FOR NATIONAL ABORTION LEGISLATION Kathryn N. Peachman† INTRODUCTION Forty-six years ago, the Supreme Court ruled that a woman had a fundamental legal right to decide whether to end her pregnancy under substantive due process protection. Yet today, that right sometimes appears to remain no more solidified than it did in 1973 with the decision of Roe v. Wade. This country has remained extremely divided on the issue of abortion, and courts and state legislatures continue to erode the effectiveness of the right given by Roe and limit the opportunities women have to exercise control over their own bodies. -
Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA)
Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA) Following the Supreme Court’s closely divided decision to uphold the first-ever federal ban on abortion in 20071, it became clear that the stakes changed and the right to choose was facing a new level of assault. That’s why the pro-choice community supports the Freedom of Choice Act (FOCA) – a measure that would codify Roe v. Wade’s protections and guarantee the right to choose for future generations of women. Recognizing that a woman’s right to choose is being chipped away both by the courts and state lawmakers, the pro-choice community – led by Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-NY) – has been working to enact a federal law2 that would restore the right to choose as expressed in 1973 in Roe v. Wade. Since Roe v. Wade was decided, a woman’s right to choose has been systematically eroded by anti-choice legislators in states around the country. In fact, between 1995 and 2015, states enacted over 870 anti-choice measures3, essentially rolling back this fundamental right for many women. With a woman’s right to choose already in a precarious state, Former President Bush’s appointment of John Roberts (2005) and Samuel Alito (2006) to the Supreme Court further threatens the constitutional protection for reproductive rights – a threat immediately made evident in the court’s ruling in Gonzales v. Carhart, Gonzales v. Planned Parenthood Federation of America, McCullen v. Coakley, and Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. In the Carhart decision, the newly reconfigured court – with Bush’s appointees Roberts and Alito casting decisive votes – upheld the first-ever federal ban on a safe abortion method – with criminal penalties for doctors.4 More troubling, the decision effectively reversed Supreme Court precedent and rolled back key protections that were guaranteed by Roe v. -
The Commerce Clause and Federal Abortion Law: Why Progressives Might Be Tempted to Embrace Federalism
Fordham Law Review Volume 75 Issue 1 Article 8 2006 The Commerce Clause and Federal Abortion Law: Why Progressives Might Be Tempted To Embrace Federalism Jordan Goldberg Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jordan Goldberg, The Commerce Clause and Federal Abortion Law: Why Progressives Might Be Tempted To Embrace Federalism, 75 Fordham L. Rev. 301 (2006). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol75/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Commerce Clause and Federal Abortion Law: Why Progressives Might Be Tempted To Embrace Federalism Cover Page Footnote J.D. Candidate, 2007, Fordham University School of Law. I would like to thank Professor Tracy Higgins for her guidance. I would also like to thank my mother for her help, my family for their support, and Eric Kim for his support and unending patience. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol75/iss1/8 THE COMMERCE CLAUSE AND FEDERAL ABORTION LAW: WHY PROGRESSIVES MIGHT BE TEMPTED TO EMBRACE FEDERALISM Jordan Goldberg* INTRODUCTION In 2000, Presidential candidate Ralph Nader, appearing on the political news program "This Week," stated his belief that abortion rights did not depend solely on the balance of liberal to conservative judges on the Supreme Court, and thus should not be a deciding factor for voters in the Presidential election.' "Even if Roe v. -
DILORENZO-DOCUMENT-2017.Pdf (330.6Kb)
The Opportunity to Use the Direct Ballot Initiative Process to Amend State Constitutions: A New State-by-State Approach for the Federal Equal Rights Amendment The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:37736745 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Opportunity to Use the Direct Ballot Initiative Process to Amend State Constitutions: A New State-by-State Approach for the Federal Equal Rights Amendment. Leanne Littrell DiLorenzo A Thesis in the Field of Government for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University November 2017 ! ! Copyright 2017 Leanne Littrell DiLorenzo ! Abstract This thesis investigates the plausibility of a new state-by-state strategy of amending state constitutions with the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) via direct ballot initiative helping build momentum to ultimately ratify the federal ERA. I have analyzed the federal ERA’s lack of success over the last ninety-four years to determine there is a dissonance between elected officials and popular opinion concerning the ERA. I have also concluded that one political party has used the ERA and restriction of women’s rights as a political tool to build their base. After my recent experience in initiating and chairing the Oregon ERA ballot initiative, I have determined that a state-by-state strategy could bring the needed awareness and momentum to help ratify the ERA in the U.S. -
The Development of the Twentieth Century Birth Control Movement
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2007 Making birth control acceptable : the development of the twentieth century birth control movement. Elizabeth Caskey 1983- University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Recommended Citation Caskey, Elizabeth 1983-, "Making birth control acceptable : the development of the twentieth century birth control movement." (2007). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 221. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/221 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAKING BIRTH CONTROL ACCEPTABLE: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY BIRTH CONTROL MOVEMENT By Elizabeth Caskey B.A., Bellarmine University, 2005 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May 2007 MAKING BIRTH CONTROL ACCEPTABLE: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY BIRTH CONTROL MOVEMENT By Elizabeth Caskey B.A., Bellarmine University, 2005 A Thesis Approved on April 5, 2007 by the following Thesis Committee: Thesis Director ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to think my sister for helping me with research even though she did not want to. -
Reproductive Rights WS 314/ CMHL 314 Credits - 3
TITLE OF COURSE AND COURSE NUMBER: Reproductive Rights WS 314/ CMHL 314 Credits - 3 DESCRIPTION OF THE COURSE: This course explores the multifaceted and complex issues related to reproductive rights from an interdisciplinary perspective. The controversies surrounding reproductive technologies, pregnancy and childbirth, birth control, foster care, abortion, and adoption will be explored with particular focus on public policy and its impact on the private lives of individual women. COURSE PREREQUISITES: WS 110 or WS 150 or AAACS 150 and CMHL 120 or PEGE 150 COURSE OBJECTIVES/STUDENT LEARNING OUTCOMES: Upon completion of this course, the student will be able to: 1. examine historical attitudes and policies related to women’s bodies and their reproductive options. 2. review literature on reproductive rights and its critique of women being 3. defined by their reproductive, sexual, and childbearing functions. 4. compare the changing roles of men in reproductive decisions. 5. understand the impact of various reproductive decisions on a woman’s body, physical, emotional, social, and sexual health. 6. examine the influence of race, class, gender, ethnicity, age and sexual orientation on various reproductive decisions. 7. become aware of the evolution of healthcare practices related to reproduction and reproductive control, with particular emphasis on the women’s health movement. 8. examine changes in law at the federal and state levels related to reproductive rights. 9. Review the political impact of organizations involved with reproductive rights, whether from a pro-choice position or restricted options position. STUDENT LEARNING OUTCOMES: In addition to the above Student Learning Outcomes, all WPU students will be able to: 1. -
“I Am Your Faggot Anti-Pope”: an Exploration of Marilyn Manson As a Transgressive Artist
European journal of American studies 12-2 | 2017 Summer 2017, including Special Issue: Popularizing Politics: The 2016 U.S. Presidential Election “I Am Your Faggot Anti-Pope”: An Exploration of Marilyn Manson as a Transgressive Artist Coco d’Hont Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/12098 DOI: 10.4000/ejas.12098 ISSN: 1991-9336 Publisher European Association for American Studies Electronic reference Coco d’Hont, « “I Am Your Faggot Anti-Pope”: An Exploration of Marilyn Manson as a Transgressive Artist », European journal of American studies [Online], 12-2 | 2017, document 14, Online since 01 August 2017, connection on 19 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/12098 ; DOI : 10.4000/ ejas.12098 This text was automatically generated on 19 April 2019. Creative Commons License “I Am Your Faggot Anti-Pope”: An Exploration of Marilyn Manson as a Transgres... 1 “I Am Your Faggot Anti-Pope”: An Exploration of Marilyn Manson as a Transgressive Artist Coco d’Hont 1 “As a performer,” Marilyn Manson announced in his autobiography, “I wanted to be the loudest, most persistent alarm clock I could be, because there didn’t seem to be any other way to snap society out of its Christianity- and media-induced coma” (Long Hard Road 80).i With this mission statement, expressed in 1998, the performer summarized a career characterized by harsh-sounding music, disturbing visuals, and increasingly controversial live performances. At first sight, the red thread running through the albums he released during the 1990s is a harsh attack on American ideologies. On his debut album Portrait of an American Family (1994), for example, Manson criticizes ideological constructs such as the nuclear family, arguing that the concept is often used to justify violent pro-life activism.ii Proclaiming that “I got my lunchbox and I’m armed real well” and that “next motherfucker’s gonna get my metal,” he presents himself as a personification of teenage angst determined to destroy his bullies, be they unfriendly classmates or the American government. -
Nuremberg Files: Testing the Outer Limits of the First Amendment
The Nuremberg Files: Testing the Outer Limits of the First Amendment MICHAEL VITIELLO* The NurembergFiles, an anti-abortionwebsite with both graphicimages as well aspersonal information about abortion doctors, lists the names of abortion doctors, their addresses, and other personal information, noting the healthy abortion doctors in black type, "wounded" abortion doctors in gray, and murdered persons with lines through their names. Together with "wanted" posters of abortion doctors, a magazine promoting and celebrating abortion clinic violence, a yearly banquet honoringthose imprisonedfor acts of abortion violence, and a book about the use offorce againstabortionists entitled "A Time to Kill," the members of the American Coalition of Life Activists (ACLA) maintained that these expressions were entitled to full First Amendment protectionaspurelypolitical speech, spoken in opposition to abortionrights. This FirstAmendment defense was rejected by the U.S. District Court of Oregon in Planned Parenthood v. American Coalition of Life Activists, finding that the defendants' conduct was a true threat of violence in violation of the Freedom ofAccess to Clinic EntrancesAct of 1994 (FACE), requiringboth legal and injunctive relief In the face of much criticism of the verdict, criticism focused on the FirstAmendment protection of such volatile speech, Professor Vitiello argues that ifthe Brandenburg test of incitement to imminent lawless action allows prohibition of any speech, it would allow the prohibition of the speech ofACLA. Professor Vitiello argues that, viewed in its entirety, within a context of abortion clinic violence that the defendants supported, encouraged, andpromoted, the speech of ACA falls outside the bounds of protected First Amendment speech, and is properlysubjected to civil andcriminal penalty.