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Redalyc.MEDIR, AMOJONAR, REPARTIR: TERRITORIALIDADES Y PRÁCTICAS DEMARCATORIAS EN EL CAMINO INCAICO DE ATACAMA (II REGIÓN Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena ISSN: 0716-1182 [email protected] Universidad de Tarapacá Chile Sanhueza Tohá, Cecilia MEDIR, AMOJONAR, REPARTIR: TERRITORIALIDADES Y PRÁCTICAS DEMARCATORIAS EN EL CAMINO INCAICO DE ATACAMA (II REGIÓN, CHILE) Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena, vol. 36, núm. 2, julio-diciembre, 2004, pp. 483-494 Universidad de Tarapacá Arica, Chile Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=32636218 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Medir, Amojonar, Repartir: Territorialidades y Prácticas Demarcatorias…Volumen 36, Nº 2, 2004. Páginas 483-494483 Chungara, Revista de Antropología Chilena MEDIR, AMOJONAR, REPARTIR: TERRITORIALIDADES Y PRÁCTICAS DEMARCATORIAS EN EL CAMINO INCAICO DE ATACAMA (II REGIÓN, CHILE) MEASURING, POSTING, ALLOCATION: TERRITORIALITY AND DEMARCATION PRACTICES ALONG THE ATACAMA INKA ROAD (II REGION, CHILE) Cecilia Sanhueza Tohá* A partir del registro arqueológico de los caminos incaicos de la antigua región de Atacama (II Región, Chile), se desarrolla un análisis etnohistórico interpretativo de los denominados hitos, mojones o topus, identificados como un rasgo característico de la vialidad estatal. Desde los antecedentes aportados por la literatura colonial y los vocabularios indígenas, se incursiona en los contenidos semánticos asociados a este tipo de estructuras, estableciendo que estos aparentes señalizadores de ruta podrían estar expresando la aplicación de complejos mecanismos andinos de medición o de regulación de prácticas de desplazamiento en el Capac Ñan, así como de organización de territorialidades o espacios sociales. Palabras claves: camino del Inka, sistemas de medición, territorialidades andinas. Starting from archaeological records of Inka roads in the old Atacama region (2nd Region, Chile), I develop an interpretative ethnohistoric analysis concerning the so called landmarks, mojones or topus, which are been identified as typical traits of the Inka road system. Information obtained from Colonial literature and native vocabularies is used to explore semantic contents related to this kind of stone structures. It is proposed that these road-markers expressed either the application of complex, Andean mecha- nisms of measuring, the regulation of mobility practices through the Capac Ñan or some organizational principles of social terri- toriality. Key words: Inka road, system of measuring, Andean territoriality. El deslinde o “amojonamiento” de territorios gún los relatos míticos fundacionales del Cuzco es frecuentemente mencionado en las crónicas his- y de los posteriores procesos de conquista, el Inka, panas como una de las prácticas políticas distinti- al tomar posesión de una nueva “provincia”, di- vas del Tawantinsuyu. Según las fuentes colonia- señaba o “pintaba”, “medía”, “amojonaba” y “re- les, el Inka redistribuía y amojonaba los espacios partía” sus territorios y recursos, estableciendo así socioproductivos de las “provincias” en función de un nuevo ordenamiento del espacio social y pro- los intereses del culto oficial y del Estado, estable- ductivo (Betanzos [1557] 1987). Las narraciones ciendo aquellos que serían de usufructo estatal, sobre el diseño y construcción de la red vial o regional o local. Más allá de las particularidades Capac Ñan parecen inscribirse también en este de cada región, y de la mayor o menor intensidad modelo ritualizado del proceso de conquista. Los del dominio incaico local, ésta constituía una es- caminos, simbólicamente concebidos como los trategia recurrente e institucionalizada que impli- ejes en torno a los cuales se ordenaban y organi- caba la apropiación y control no sólo de recursos, zaban las “provincias” y poblaciones del Tawan- sino también de ciertos espacios políticos, socia- tinsuyu, eran diseñados o “pintados”, y luego les y rituales (Murra 1999). “medidos” y “amojonados” (Betanzos 1987:81, La tradición oral cuzqueña suele mitificar y 90; Cieza [1553] 1985:41-42). sacralizar la expansión estatal como un proceso No obstante el profundo contenido mítico y de “demarcación” progresiva de los territorios, metafórico de estos relatos, y su estrecha vincula- donde la figura del Inka adquiere el carácter del ción con una concepción sacralizada del espacio “diseñador” o el gran “ordenador” de la arquitec- geográfico, la administración española en ciertos tura espacial del Tawantinsuyu (Pease 1978). Se- casos reconoció o validó las demarcaciones incai- * Universidad de Chile. [email protected] Recibido: febrero 2004. Aceptado: agosto 2004. 484 Cecilia Sanhueza Tohá cas como deslindes jurisdiccionales. Así también, el norte, está trazado en plena pampa desértica sus caminos fueron descritos por los viajeros y cro- por la ladera oeste del cañón, en forma más o nistas como un complejo sistema vial organizado menos paralela a su curso. En algunos de sus tra- y señalizado según determinadas técnicas de me- mos es posible observar la presencia de apilamien- dición de distancias (Bertonio [1612] 1984; Cie- tos o columnas de piedras, emplazadas a uno o a za 1985; González Holguín [1608] 1952; Guamán ambos costados del camino. En ciertos casos se Poma 1992). trata de hitos de factura aparentemente improvi- ¿A partir de qué categorías culturales se orga- sada; en otros, de estructuras troncopiramidales nizaban estos sistemas de demarcación, medición o cilíndricas cuidadosamente elaboradas (Beren- y organización de espacios, territorialidades y dis- guer et al. 2004) (Figuras 1 y 2). En términos ge- tancias? nerales, coinciden con las descripciones efectua- La materialidad de la vialidad estatal y su in- das por diferentes autores en el extenso tramo fraestructura asociada (tambos, chasquihuasis, hi- del camino incaico del Despoblado de Atacama, tos demarcatorios, apachetas u otras manifestacio- ubicado más al sur (Hyslop 1992; Niemeyer y nes viales de carácter logístico o ritual) da cuenta Rivera 1983). de determinadas estrategias de organización y con- Los “hitos” o “tupus” han sido definidos trol de espacios o territorios, así como de regula- como estructuras de piedra de tamaños variables ción de la circulación de hombres y recursos (Hys- (con una altura promedio de 1 m), que pueden lop 1992). La posibilidad de establecer una relación presentarse en forma aislada o solitaria a uno u dialógica entre esa materialidad y la documenta- otro costado del camino; o en parejas, dispues- ción histórica permite aproximarse a los fundamen- tas en ambos extremos. Su distribución suele ser tos ideológicos y categorías culturales que susten- muy irregular, habiendo segmentos de varios ki- taron estas prácticas de organización del espacio, lómetros en que prácticamente no se registran, y y aportar a un análisis sobre las formas de dominio otros donde se suceden en espacios reducidos, político, social y económico utilizadas por el incluso en fracciones de kilómetro. De allí que Tawantinsuyu. se haya concluido que estaban destinados a ser- Desde esta perspectiva, nuestro propósito es vir de guía o señalización de la ruta (Niemeyer y abordar y discutir la aplicación de ciertas prácticas Rivera 1983:139-143). Hyslop, por su parte, se- específicas de demarcación territorial en los cami- ñala que este tipo de hitos constituye una técni- nos incaicos de la antigua Atacama (II Región, Chi- ca incaica especialmente aplicada en superficies le), particularmente en las zonas del río Loa Supe- desérticas y arenosas. Los define como pilas de rior y del gran Despoblado. Según el registro piedra que, originalmente, fueron pequeñas co- arqueológico efectuado en varios tramos de cami- lumnas de aproximadamente un metro de altura, nos de esta extensa región desértica, la presencia de que indicaban el camino. Concluye que éstas no estructuras de piedra denominadas “hitos”, “mojo- pueden considerarse como tupus (o asociarse a nes” o “tupus” constituye un componente caracte- sistemas de medición), puesto que en algunos rístico de la vialidad incaica y suele atribuirse a una tramos están situadas en forma muy irregular o finalidad de señalización de la ruta (Hyslop 1992, con mucho mayor frecuencia de lo que podría Niemeyer y Rivera 1983). Sin desmedro de esa fun- esperarse, según fueron descritas por los cronis- cionalidad, creemos que estos dispositivos manifies- tas (1992:61, 174). tan lo que podría ser una nomenclatura bastante más Por su parte, Lynch (1995:191-192), al regis- compleja, asociada a mecanismos de medición y de- trar este tipo de estructuras en los caminos del marcación de territorios, y a formas de organiza- Despoblado y de la zona de Río Grande y Catarpe ción espacial del desplazamiento en el Capac Ñan. (San Pedro de Atacama), aporta una interpretación diferente al consignar que, al menos en ciertos ca- “Hitos”, “Mojones” o “Tupus”. sos, estos hitos podrían estar deslindando distritos Una Primera Lectura Arqueológica y administrativos o señalando una determinada or- Etnohistórica Comparativa ganización territorial para la construcción y man- tenimiento del camino. Sin embargo, hasta el mo- El camino incaico que recorre longitudinal- mento, no se ha llevado a cabo una investigación mente la región del río Loa, desde Lasana hacia arqueológica sistemática al respecto. Medir, Amojonar, Repartir: Territorialidades y Prácticas Demarcatorias… 485 Figura 1. Hitos
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