1 Middle Power Diplomacy in International Relations

Notes

1. A number of studies have analysed the middle power diplomacy of these Southern states, including Armijo and Burges, 2010; Belanger and Mace, 1997; Heine, 2010; Hoeltz, 2009; Nossal and Stubbs, 1997; Ping, 2005. 2. The breakdown of the middle power literature into these categories draws from Chapnick (1999), Cooper et al. (1993), Hamill and Lee (2001), Huelsz (2009) and Ping (2005). The “functionalist” model perceives the middle power concept as the normative platform to operationalise the foreign policy of specific countries. In functionalist approaches, middle power frameworks are subordinate to the foreign policy needs of self-identified middle powers and are attached to the specific historical circumstances these countries encounter (Chapnick, 2000; Granastein, 1973; Hawksley, 2009; Holmes, 1970; Ungerer, 2007). Hierarchical models identify middle powers by their structural position in the international hierarchy of states and the levels of material capacity they possess. Different types of hierarchical models have been used to date to classify middle powers (Holbraad, 1984; Neack, 1993; Ping, 2005; Wood, 1990). For a discussion of the methodological problems, see Stairs (1998). 3. To some extent, behavioural approaches overlap with the functionalist one as it also draws from the experience of WMPs like Australia and Canada. The principal difference however is that behavioural approaches aim at a greater degree of theoretical abstraction, allowing for the application of certain theoretical approaches to other states. The definition, for example, by Cooper et al. (1993) presented in this section, has been applied to a number of states to demonstrate their middle power credentials. 4. On the role of intermediate actors in conflict management, see Princen (1992). 5. For example, a state like Iran is a key player in the non-proliferation regime, but does not pursue the forms of niche diplomacy reflective of a middle power behaviour. 6. Middle power works have often used the intellectual and entrepreneurial leadership definitions developed by Young (1991). 7. For an application of intellectual and entrepreneurial leadership to multilateral trade negotiations, see Deese (2008), Higgott and Cooper (1990), Lee (1998). 8. Such conditions explain to a great extent why middle powers like Australia, Canada and Sweden chose to deploy a number of diplomatic instruments to exert pressure on apartheid South Africa during the 1980s and strengthen their image in the West and in the Third World (Black, 1997, pp. 115–117). Such considerations also informed the internationalism of Western like- minded middle powers in promoting the North–South dialogue in the 1970s and acting as “the enlightened section of the industrialised North”

195 196 Notes

(Lovbraek, 1990, p. 35). It was only through humane internationalism that middle powers attained an international standing in the United Nations and other organisations that would be unreachable through other means (Holm, p. 118). 9. Critical approaches often accept the assumptions of the behavioural model (i.e. that middle powers project a distinct diplomatic behaviour) but underline the role of middle powers as stabilisers of the existing world order. 10. The privileged position of middle powers in the United Nations is reflected in their election as non-permanent members of the UNSC. Middle powers benefited from the principles of “functional representation” (such as con- tribution to UN peacekeeping) and geographical representation that guided the election of non-permanent members. See Glazebrook (1947). 11. An example of this trend is the launch of a number of conflict management and institution-building initiatives by Australia and Canada in the Asia- Pacific region (such as APEC) during the late 1980s/early 1990s in their effort to take advantage of increasing fluidity and shape the emerging regional order (Nossal, 1993). 12. Critical approaches underline the disciplinary process that emerging powers undergo (Palat, 2008) (Soederberg, 2002) (Bailin, 2005). On the decline of counter-hegemony and the spreading of neoliberalism in the developing world, see Augelli and Murphy (1988) and Biersteker (1992). 13. On similar accounts, see Nederveen Pieterse (2011) and Beeson and Bell (2009). 14. Recent studies, including Malamud (2011) and Prys (2012), have examined this condition for Brazil, India and South Africa.

2 The Doha Development Agenda, 2000–1

1. The original membership of the LMG included Cuba, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Tanzania and Uganda. 2. New members were the Dominican Republic, Honduras and Zimbabwe. 3. South Africa’s inﬂuence on Egypt was reﬂected in a joint paper signed by the two countries in 2001. The paper depicts Egypt departing from the position of the LMG and endorsing South Africa’s position (Third World Network, 5 April 2001). 4. These summits included the SADC meeting in Centurion, South Africa (20 July), the LDC meeting in Zanzibar (22–24 July), the COMESA Group meeting in Cairo (30–31 July) and the African Trade Ministers meeting in Abuja, Nigeria (19–23 September) (Keet, pp. 25–27). 5. Cairns Group members included Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Hungary, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Paraguay, the Philippines, South Africa, Thailand and Uruguay. 6. The 31 countries which attended the Mexico mini-ministerial were the United States, the European Union (counting as 15), Canada, Japan, Argentina, Egypt, Jamaica, South Africa, Tanzania, India, Hong Kong, Singapore, Switzerland, Uruguay, Mexico, Brazil and Australia. 7. The 35 countries which attended were the United States, the EU, (counting as 15), Canada, Japan, Singapore, Australia, Colombia, Gabon, Hong Kong, Notes 197

India, Indonesia, Jamaica, South Korea, Mexico, Qatar, South Africa, Switzerland, Tanzania, Egypt and Brazil. 8. These developing countries included LMG members such as Zimbabwe, Pakistan and Tanzania, plus Jamaica, Nicaragua, Bangladesh and Bolivia (Jawara and Kwa, 2004, p. 96). 9. The six facilitators, also called the “friends of the Chair”, were Canada on the Singapore Issues, Mexico on TRIPS, Chile on the environment, Singapore on agriculture, Switzerland on implementation issues and South Africa on trade rules. 10. Moore indirectly referred his relationship with Erwin when he was asked to comment on the violent nature of anti-WTO protests. Moore stated: “imag- ine the attitude of the (trade) minister from South Africa (Alec Erwin) who was imprisoned during South Africa’s struggle for freedom when faced with this attitude on the streets of Seattle” (Reuters News, 6 July 2001). 11. After Doha, South Africa was reported as lobbying to be the host country for the ﬁfth ministerial session of the WTO. Its candidacy largely derived from Erwin’s high diplomatic proﬁle in WTO negotiations (Reuters News, 27 November 2001).

3 The Middle Power Offensive, 2002–3

1. A detailed examination of South Africa’s changing position prior to the Cancun ministerial is provided in Efstathopoulos (2012b). 2. The countries that participated in the Sydney mini-ministerial were Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Colombia, Egypt, the European Union, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kenya, Lesotho, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Nigeria, Senegal, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, Switzerland, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago and the United States. 3. Twenty-two countries participated in the Tokyo mini-ministerial: the United States, the European Union, Japan, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Costa Rica, Egypt, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Nigeria, Senegal, Singapore, South Korea and Switzerland. South Africa, China and Trinidad and Tobago were invited but did not attend. 4. The countries that participated were Australia, Bangladesh, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Costa Rica, Egypt, the European Union, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Lesotho, Malaysia, Mexico, Morocco, Mauritius, New Zealand, Nigeria, Senegal, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, Switzerland, Thailand and the United States. 5. The countries that participated were Argentina, Australia, Bangladesh, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, the European Union, Guyana, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Kenya, Lesotho, Mexico, Morocco, New Zealand, Pakistan, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, Switzerland and the United States. 6. The nine Cairns Group members that endorsed the statement were Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, New Zealand and South Africa. South Africa appeared to fully endorse the Cairn Group threat (Business Report, 30 July 2003). Xavier Carim later clariﬁed, 198 Notes

however, that South Africa would exercise diplomatic pressure but would not actually walk out of the talks (Business Report, 31 July 2003). 7. The proposal was co-sponsored by Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, India, Mexico, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, South Africa, Thailand and Venezuela. On 9 September, Egypt joined (WT/MIN(03)/W/6/Add.1), while shortly after the Cancun ministerial Nigeria also requested to be listed as a co-sponsor (WT/MIN(03)/W/6/Add.2). 8. It is notable that the G-20 proposal did not indicate any speciﬁc numbers for reductions in order to allow the group to maintain greater ﬂexibility in the later phases of the negotiations. 9. Egypt and Zambia had also joined the G-20 during the conference. 10. The only country that defected from the G-20 during Cancun was El Salvador.

4 A New Leadership, 2004–5

1. Countries that participated were: Argentina, Australia, Bangladesh, Botswana, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, Costa Rica, the European Union, Egypt, Guyana, Hong Kong, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kenya, Malaysia, Mauritius, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Pakistan, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, Switzerland and the United States. 2. Key meetings included a meeting in the side-lines of the June UNCTAD summit in Sao Paulo, a meeting in Paris during 10–11 July and a videoconference on 20 July. 3. Attended by the United States, the European Union, Brazil, South Africa and Kenya.

5 The Informal Phase and Crisis Management, 2006–13

1. India’s divergence was reflected in its circulation of an informal paper on NAMA that appeared to move beyond the NAMA-11 red lines. 2. The draft specifically stated: “As an exception, South Africa shall have recourse to [1–6] additional percentage points in the flexibility provided under paragraph 7(b)(I)” (Third World Network, 23 May 2008). 3. G-11 members included the United States, the European Union, Canada, Australia, Japan, Brazil, China, India, Argentina, South Africa and Mauritius. Bibliography

Documents

World Trade Organisation – Online Documents Database (https://docs.wto.org)

International News Sources

Agence France Presse Associated Press Australian Associated Press BBC Monitoring Africa BBC Monitoring Americas BRICS Information Centre Bridges Weekly Bridges Daily Update BuaNews (South Africa) Business Day (South Africa) Business Line (India) Business Report (South Africa) Business Standard (India) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Australia) Department of International Relations (South Africa) Department of Trade and Industry (South Africa) Financial Times Financial Mail (South Africa) Focus on the Global South G-20 Group of Developing Nations Hindustan Times India-Brazil-South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum Inside US Trade Inter Press Service International Herald Tribune International Trade Reporter Kyodo News Mail and Guardian (South Africa) Ministry of Commerce and Industry (India) Reuters News South African Press Association South China Morning Post The Economic Times (India) The Financial Express (India) The Guardian The Hindu

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accommodative diplomacy, 110–13 mini-ministerial (Geneva), 115 ad valorem equivalents (AVEs), 114 multilateralism, 31 African National Congress (ANC), 38 in NAMA-11, 147, 182, 191 Amorim, Celso, 105, 137, 139 NAMA and services, 118 Australia New Quad proposal, 142, 190 Cairns Group, 88, 141, 186 role in WTO, 5, 61, 88, 114, 116, in G-6 group, 136, 138, 146 135, 153, 155, 164 in G-20 group, 179 Third Worldism, 38, 178 global governance, 30 trilateral continental alliance, 56 July Framework Agreement, 106 TRIPS declaration, 72 middle power concept, 15 in Uruguay Round negotiations, 90 on South Africa’s leadership role, 58 BRICS, 34, 39, 154–6, 159, 162–5, 174, as traditional middle power, 54 183, 184, 191–3 AVEs. See ad valorem equivalents Bush, G.W., 93, 148 Azevedo, Roberto, 158, 164 Cairns Group, 58 Blair, Tony, 71 Australia, 88, 141, 186 Brazil Brazil in, 186 agricultural policies, 138, 170, 173 Canada, 88, 186 BRICs Summit, 151, 184 in Cairns Group, 186 South Africa in, 58, 88 in Cancun, 89, 104, 171 Southern Middle Powers in Common Market of the South (SMPs), 186 (MERCOSUR), 35 Western Middle Powers as de facto leaders, 109, 181 (WMPs), 186 Doha Round, 2–3, 5, 161, 163 Canada in Five Interested Parties (FIPs), Cairns Group, 88, 186 107, 115 foreign policy, 15 foreign policy, 4 global governance, 30 G-11 negotiations, 162 NAMA-11 negotiations, 143–4, generic drugs exports, 82 148 G-4 negotiations, 139 Pretoria, optimal strategy, 57 global South leadership, 137, 140 Quad dissolution, 179 Green Room meeting, 98 South Africa’ s criticism, 146 G-7 negotiations, 150 Cancun Conference, 72, 80, 81, 84, G-6 negotiations, 136, 145 92–8, 101, 104–6, 177 G-20 proposal, 115, 141, 180, 187–9 Brazil in, 89, 104, 171 Hong Kong deal, 172 India, 92–3 in India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA), middle power diplomacy at, 92–8 34, 85, 90–1, 105 South Africa in, 92–4, 101 international affairs, 16, 92 Carim, Xavier, 82, 93, 96, 104, 118, in July Framework Agreement, 119, 132 106, 121 Chidyasiku, Boniface, 65

213 214 Index

China Erwin, Alec, 51, 61, 67–8, 82, 85, 91, bilateral FTAs, 116 93, 94, 96, 98, 101, 104, 106, 108 Copenhagen, climate change European Union, 3, 6, 50, 58–60, 65, negotiations, 34 67, 78, 80, 83–5, 87, 88, 90, 124, Dalian mini-ministerial, 114 125, 127, 129, 130, 132, 136, 139, DDA negotiation, 153, 155 141, 143, 148, 149, 153, 154, 159, Doha round, 2–3, 161, 163 168, 174, 175, 177–84 G-33 allies, 157 global governance, 1 Farm Security and Rural Investment G-20 membership, 89, 91–2, Act, 87 141 FIPs. See Five Interested Parties Five Interested Parties (FIPs), 107, 109, G-11 negotiations, 162 110, 113–16, 126, 131 Green Room diplomacy, 98 food security issues, 165 mediatory diplomacy, 62 foreign policy NAMA 11, 129 Brazil, 4 role in WTO, 184 confrontational types of, 28 trade relations with Africa, 192 India, 191 trilateral continental alliance, 56 innovation and middle power US–EU divide with India, 85 diplomacy, 25 Clinton, Bill, 58 middle power approach to, 16 Committee on Trade and middle power internationalism, 18 Development (CTD), 75–7, 120–2, middlepowermanship in, 4 127, 128 of reform internationalism, 30 Copenhagen, climate change South African, 162 negotiations, 34 Froman, Michael, 157, 158

DDA. See Doha Development Agenda GATS. See General Agreement on Doha Development Agenda (DDA), Trade in Services 156, 158, 161, 162, 169–74 GATT. See General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs draft declaration, 63 G-11 negotiations endgame and outcomes, 69–72 Brazil, 162 environment and labour, 53–4 China, 162 and India: approach to WTO, 43–6; India, 162 coalition-building, 51–5; veto General Agreement on Trade and diplomacy, 62–6 Tariffs (GATT), 2, 7, 10, 43, 75, informal negotiations of, 134–50 146, 164, 178, 185 mini-ministerial phases, 59–62 General Agreement on Trade in readjusting to, 77–80 Services (GATS), 10, 43, 45, 57, and South Africa: approach to WTO, 75, 146, 164, 178, 185 46–9; coalition-building, 55–9; generic drugs exports, 82 facilitator diplomacy, 66–9 Geneva process, 47, 52, 64, 89, 100, Doha Ministerial Conference, 14 107, 115, 138, 141 Doha Round global economic crisis (2008–13), Brazil, 2–3, 5, 161, 163 150–66 India in, 3, 6, 11, 51, 70–1 global economic governance, 52, 90, South Africa in, 3, 13–14, 51 150, 159, 174 Dunke, Arthur, 67 SMPs in, 167 Index 215 global economy, 50 global governance, 4, 166 global South leadership, 137, 140 Grand Alliance (G-110) global trade politics, 1–2 negotiation, 131 global trading system, 43 Green Room meeting, 98 “Green Men,” 66 G-16 coalition, 96 Green Room diplomacy, 98 G-20 coalition, 86–7, 89, 99–100, Green Room meeting, 10, 48, 59, 66, 106–7, 170, 173, 187–8 69, 98–100, 140, 141 India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) G-7 Okinawa summit, 58 Dialogue Forum, 85, 90–1, G-33 allies, 157 105, 148 G-20 countries July negotiations, 108, 110–13 Australia, 179 middle power inclination, 46 China, 89, 91–2, 141 minimalist agenda in 2001, 172 consolidation of, 103–10 mini-ministerial meeting (Mexico), emergence of, 86–92 59–61 India, 86–7, 89, 99–100, 106–7, 170, mini-ministerial meeting 173, 187–8 (Singapore), 62, 69 membership, China, 89, 91–2, 141 mini-ministerial meeting (Sydney), proposal, Brazil, 115, 141, 180, 81–2 187–9 ministerial conference (Hong Kong), South Africa, 86–7, 89, 96–7, 121–6, 130 99–101, 106–7, 150, 178–82, multilateral trading system, 52–3 188, 192 in NAMA, 75–6, 147, 150 NAMA and services, 118 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries New Quad diplomacy, 134–42, (HIPCs), 53 190–1 HIPCs. See Heavily Indebted Poor North and South interaction, 72 Countries post-Doha period, 169 HIV/AIDS, 82 pre-Doha mini-ministerial Hong Kong Declaration, 143, 145, 146 sessions, 86 reform diplomacy (2008 collapse), IMF. See International Monetary Fund 174 India reformism, 44 agricultural policies, 83–4, 94 regional leadership, 39, 92 approach to WTO, 43–6 role in WTO, 2, 4, 12, 40, 42, 43–7, assertive diplomacy, 14, 176–83 72, 74–5, 168, 171 bargaining strategies, 5, 57 S&D modiﬁcation, 77 Cancun ministerial conference, South Africa, comparison with, 59 92–3 in South Asian Association for coalition-building, 10, 31, 34, 51–5 Regional Cooperation crisis-management (2008-13), 150–9 (SAARC), 35 in CTD, intellectual leadership, in South–South cooperation, 83 76, 121 statements in WTO during in Doha Round, 3, 6, 11, 51, 70–1 2000–1, 44 FIPs and, 113–16, 189 in Third World, collective causes, food security issues, 165 38, 186 foreign policies, 16 trade and technology, 53 GATT record, 185 in Trade Negotiating Committee G-11 negotiations, 162 (TNC), 75 216 Index

India – continued Mandela, Nelson, 47–8, 182 trade-offs, 55 Mandelson, Peter, 115, 118, 124, UR agreements, 49–50 132, 139 US–EU rapprochement, 85 Maran, Murasoli, 47, 53, 63, 64, US retaliation, 104 69–71 veto diplomacy, 62–6 Marrakesh Agreement, 54 views of multilateral trade Matona, Tshediso, 60 negotiations, 43 Mbeki, Thabo, 56, 58, 71, 91, 93, 95, India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) 105, 109, 182 Dialogue Forum, 34, 85, 90–1, Mexico, 35, 59–60 105, 148 middle power internationalism African partners, 40 distinct form of, 24 approach to foreign policy, 16 middle power, 17–22 bargaining inﬂuence, 41–2 reform, 167–71 concept, 2, 14 renewed form of, 159 diplomacy at Cancun ministerial of SMPs, 29 conference, 92–8 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2, diplomacy in international 9, 164 relations. See international international relations, middle power relations, middle power diplomacy in diplomacy in international citizenship, 21–4 in Doha Round, 11–12 internationalism, 17–21 foreign policy, Western states, 15 multilateralism and of global South, 16–17 coalition-building, 31–4 good international citizenship, reform internationalism, 27–31 21–4 regional leadership, 34–7 internationalism, 17–21, 18 Southern leadership, 37–40 multilateral diplomacy, 13, international trade, 68 39, 41 investments of multinationals, research agenda, 3–6 67–8 stabilizing roles, 24–7 Jaitley, Arun, 83, 84, 86, 94, 96, 97, 99, see also Southern Middle Powers 100, 104, 105 (SMPs); Western Middle Powers July Framework Agreement, 106–10 (WMPs) middle power internationalism, 48 Kennedy Round, 12 Moore, Mike, 59, 66 multilateralism, 20 Lamy, Pascal, 58, 59, 69, 83, 98–100, burdens of, 33 105, 112, 130, 132, 141 contemporary, 40 LDCs. See less-developed countries forms of, 13 less-developed countries (LDCs), 8, key areas of, 91 10, 39, 71, 75, 100, 115, 118, principles of, 155 124, 125 SMPs, 31–4, 39 developmental potential of, 46 South Africa, 57 Like-Minded Group (LMG), 51–6, Southern African, 183 63–6, 86, 185–7 vision of, 40 LMG. See Like-Minded Group world view of, 31 Lula, Luiz Inacio da Silva, 105 WTO, 179 Index 217

NAM. See Non-Aligned Movement SAARC. See South Asian Association Nath, Kamal, 107, 108, 113–15, 123–6, for Regional Cooperation 130, 137, 139, 141, 148 SACU. See Southern African Customs Negotiating Group on Market Access Union (NGMA), 75, 77, 79 SADC. See Southern African NEPAD. See New Partnership for Development Community Africa’s Development Shourie, Arun, 82 New International Economic Order (NIEO), 31, 38, 185 Singapore Issues, 47, 50, 57, 62, 63, newly industrialised countries 68–71, 79, 83–5, 90, 92, 96–100, (NICs), 40 106–9, 170, 176, 185, 188 New Partnership for Africa’s Singh, Ajit, 83 Development (NEPAD), 35 Singh, Manmohan, 151 New Quad Skagen Declaration, 58 diplomacy, 134–42, 190–1 SMPs. See Southern Middle Powers proposal, Brazil, 142, 190 NGMA. See Negotiating Group on Soewandi, Rini, 96 Market Access South Africa NICs. See newly industrialised agricultural policies, 93 countries approach to WTO, 46–9 NIEO. See New International assertive diplomacy, 11 Economic Order non-agricultural market access bridge-building diplomacy, 50 (NAMA-11), 90, 98, 107, 110, 111, in Cairns Group, 58, 88 117, 125–31, 145–50 in Cancun Conference, 92–4, 101 Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), 32 coalition-building, 55–9 Nordic middle powers, 15, 27, 29, 58 as Commonwealth partner, 59 DDA reception, 70–83, 174 OAU. See Organisation of African Unity in Doha Round, 3, 13–14, 51 Obama, Barack 4, 158 facilitator diplomacy, 66–9 Organisation of African Unity FIPs formation, 116 (OAU), 48 followership, 184–8 foreign policy, 47 Pettigrew, Pierre, 96 Pretoria’s campaign, 56 in G-20 coalition, 86–7, 89, 96–7, public diplomacy, 20, 108, 117, 99–101, 106–7, 150, 178–82, 124, 166 188, 192 global governance, 4 Quad dissolution, 179 global South leadership, 183–5 global trading regime, 159–65 reform internationalism, 193, 194 Green Room within a Green Room, and bargaining strategies, 167–74 meeting, 98 conduct of, 32 multilateralism, 33 Hong Kong diplomacy, 117–19, precondition for, 42 126–32, 171 preferred vision of, 43 in India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA), Southern middle powers, 27–31 34, 85, 90–1, 105 Russia, 34, 151, 155, 163 international affairs, 16 218 Index

South Africa – continued negotiating outcomes, 103, 134, 193 July Framework, 108 post-Cold War era, 179 at Mexico, role of, 60 reform internationalism and micro-ministerial meeting bargaining strategies, 167–74 (London), 109 regional environment, 34–7 mini-ministerial meeting (Egypt), 84 role in WTO, 171 mini-ministerial meeting (Mexico), as Third World leaders, 33 59, 61 vs Western Middle Powers (WMPs), mini-ministerial meeting 17, 28–31, 174 (Singapore), 62 WMPs and, 28, 30 multilateralism, 31, 57 NAM, 32 Third Worldism, 38, 178 NAMA-11 diplomacy, 142–50, TNC. See Trade Negotiating 172–3, 182, 189–91 Committee process of trade liberalisation, 49 trade liberalisation reformist agenda, 169–70 benefits of, 53 regional leadership, 39, 92 new narrative of, 163 role in WTO, 2, 5–6, 8, 10–12, 40, principles of, 47–8 42, 47–51, 117, 119–22, process of, 49, 170 175, 177 Trade Negotiating Committee (TNC), in Southern African Development 75–8, 81, 110–12, 122, 142, 150 Community (SADC), 35 Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Third World image, 38 Property Rights (TRIPS), 53, 54, trade policymaking, 57 57, 63–5, 70–2, 83–5 and UR agreements, 50 TRIPS. See Trade-Related Aspects of US retaliation, 104 Intellectual Property Rights South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), 35, 53, 54 UNCTAD. See United Nations Southern African Customs Union Conference on Trade and (SACU), 32, 56, 146, 148, 149, 154 Development Southern African Development United Nations Conference on Trade Community (SADC), 35 and Development (UNCTAD), 32 Southern Middle Powers (SMPs), 41–3, United Nations Security Council 74, 101, 102, 103, 133 (UNSC), 32 bargaining influence, 184–92 decision-making structures of, 2 Cairns Group, 186 UNSC. See United Nations Security Cancun conference, 177–8 Council coalition-building, 34, 74–102, 166 Uruguay Round (UR), 2, 8, 10, 11, 44, combined leadership, 187 57, 67, 123, 139 diplomatic activism of, 36 agreements, 50, 64 followership, 184–92 deficiencies of, 47, 48, 52, 54 global economic governance, 167 of GATT, 43 good international citizenship, inequalities of, 44 21–4, 40 issue-based coalitions, 57 internationalism, 28, 29 negotiations, 90 internationalist role of, 30 US–EU divide with India, 85 international leadership, 37–9 leadership and limitations, 175–84 Vajpayee, Atal Bihari, 60, 71, 92, 93 multilateralism, 31–4, 165 veto diplomacy, 62–6 Index 219

Western Middle Powers (WMPs), 17, India approach to, 43–6 17, 29, 88, 133, 179 India role in, 2, 4, 12, 40, 42, 43–7, Cairns Group, 186 72, 74–5, 168, 171 diplomatic behaviour, 28 institutional development of, 6 followership, 37 July Framework Agreement, 106–10 foreign policy, 22 lack of transparency, 8 global governance, 30, 174 multilateralism, 179 reform internationalism, 29 SMPs role in, 171 Southern Middle Powers (SMPs) vs, South Africa approach to, 46–9 17, 32, 34 South Africa role in, 2, 5–6, 8, WMPs. See Western Middle Powers 10–12, 40, 42, 47–51, 117, World Bank, 2, 9, 82, 164 119–22, 175, 177 World Trade Organisation (WTO), WTO. See World Trade Organisation 12–14, 50–68 accommodative diplomacy, 110–13 agreements, 52–4 Zoellick, Robert, 60, 61, 83, 94, 95, Brazil role in, 5, 61, 88, 114, 116, 100, 106, 108 135, 153, 155, 164 Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the China role in, 184 South Atlantic (ZPCSA), 32 constitutionalisation of, 7 ZPCSA. See Zone of Peace and decision-making process of, 56 Cooperation of the South Atlantic diplomacy, 119–22 Zuma, Jacob, 162