Global Trends to 2030 Challenges and Choices for Europe
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Action 1: Support for the Production and Dissemination of Information and Content Linked to EU Cohesion Policy by Media and Other Eligible Entities
Support for information measures relating to the EU Cohesion policy Call for proposals 2019CE16BTA117 List of selected proposals Action 1: Support for the production and dissemination of information and content linked to EU Cohesion policy by media and other eligible entities Ranking Proposal Names of applicants Co-beneficiaries/Affiliated entities (AE) Country Title of the proposal Maximum No amount awarded ‘Solidarity matters.’ How the Cohesion policy 1 65 Polska Fundacja im. Roberta Schumana PL 79.680,76 reinforce the value of European solidarity Zavod Radio Študent (RŠ) Centre for Information Service, Co-operation and 2 114 SI Speaking Cohesion? – the learning continues 128.481,71 Development of NGOs (CNVOS) Uplifting Positive Perception of EU cohesion Policy 3 8 WAVEMAKER Slovakia Consulting Associates SK 228.209,60 Through Advanced Technology and Personalization Promowanie polityki spójności oraz zwalczanie Fundacja Centrum im. Prof. Bronislawa 4 59 PL dezinformacji na ten temat w mediach 94.570,08 Geremka spolecznościowych Czech regions in transition II: Leading ideas for the 5 123 Economia a.s. CZ 244.958,11 future 6 58 AGG Advertising LTD GR EU Changes Thessaly 299.257,60 Europejskie Media Spółka z o.o. NL-PL- Let’s meet Cohesion Policy: a journey through 7 70 EURACTIV Media Network HANZA MEDIA d.o.o. (EURACTIV CROATIA) 295.705,20 HR-RO regions’ challenges and success stories Asociatia DIGITAL BRIDGE (ADB) PETIT PRESS, a.s. FUTURE OF REGIONAL COHESION IN SLOVAKIA EU 8 61 I-Europa s.r.o. (EURACTIV Slovakia) TECHNICKÁ UNIVERZITA -
10 Turkey: a Middle Power in the New Order Meltem Mtifttiler and Mtiberra Ytiksel
10 Turkey: A Middle Power in the New Order Meltem Mtifttiler and Mtiberra Ytiksel This chapter analyses the role of middle powers in international politics in times of uncertainty and in regions which are marked by a high degree of instability. The focus is on Turkey's role in the post-Cold War era in the Near East region. Turkey has the personnel, resources and entrepreneurial capacities to become an impressive mid-level power in the next decade. l The question to be addressed, then, is whether Turkey fits into the concept 'middle power' and if so, in which foreign policy issue-areas Turkey has demonstrated this capacity. An underlying assumption of the chapter is that in international politics, in times of crisis and uncertainty, the role of middle powers increase. In keeping with this perspective, it is argued that Turkey's role has begun to expand to new areas. THE NEW ORDER Since 1989, the international system has gone through a period of funda mental change. With the end of the Cold War, the international system has been transformed from bipolarity to an uncertain fluid structure. The collapse of the Communist systems of Eastern Europe and the dismantling of the Soviet Union led to the breakdown of the post-1945 power struc ture. In addition, the European Community gained a new momentum which in 1993 resulted in the European Union. To be able to deal with such conditions of flux, states have had to modify their foreign policies. Competition is now between forces of global integration and regional fragmentation.2 Economic power struggles, nuclear capabilities held by the politically unstable small countries, immi gration, refugee issues and border problems provide possible areas of tension which should be handled in a regional context. -
Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States
Boston College Law School Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School Boston College Law School Faculty Papers 1-1-2020 Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States Vlad F. Perju Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/lsfp Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Vlad F. Perju. "Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States." Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 53, no.1 (2020): 207-273. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law School Faculty Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Identity Federalism in Europe and the United States Vlad Perju ABSTRACT The turn to identity is reshaping federalism. Opposition to the policies of the Trump administration, from the travel ban to sanctuary cities and the rollback of environmental protections, has led progressives to explore more fluid and contingent forms of state identity. Conservatives too have sought to shift federalism away from the jurisdictional focus on limited and enumerated powers and have argued for a revival of the political safeguards of federalism, including state-based identities. This Article draws on comparative law to study identity as a political safeguard of federalism and its transformation from constitutional discourse to interpretative processes and, eventually, constitutional doctrine. The experience of the European Union, where identity federalism also benefits from a textual anchor, reveals some of the complexities of this process. -
Analyzing Icelandic Support for EU Membership
It’s ot the Economy, Stupid? Analyzing Icelandic Support for EU Membership K. Amber Curtis Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder UCB 333 Boulder, CO 80309-0333 [email protected] Joseph Jupille Department of Political Science University of Colorado at Boulder UCB 333 Boulder, CO 80309-0333 ABSTRACT: What drives support for EU membership? We test the determinants of EU attitudes using original data from Iceland, whose recent woes have received wide attention. Given its crisis, we expect economic anxiety to drive public opinion. We find instead that economic unease is entirely mediated by assessments of the current government and that, despite the dire economic context, cultural concerns predominate. This suggests a potential disconnect between Icelandic elites’ desire for accession and the public will at large. Our results largely confirm prior findings on support for integration, further exposing the conditions under which individuals will evaluate EU membership favorably or negatively. They also highlight the utility of mediation analysis for identifying the mechanisms through which economic evaluations may operate and imply that economic indicators’ apparent insignificance in a host of other research areas may simply be a product of model misspecification. Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the European Union Studies Association, Boston, MA, Mar. 3-5, 2011. Jupille gratefully acknowledges financial support from National Science Foundation (NSF) Award #SES-1035102 (“RAPID: A Referendum on Debt: The Political Economy of Icesave”). What drives public support for European Union (EU) membership? Though this question would seem exhausted by decades of scholarship, we are particularly interested in two less commonly explored conditions: 1) public opinion in new candidate countries—as opposed to existing member states—and 2) individual attitudes in the context of economic duress. -
Middle Power in Action: the Evolving Nature of Diplomacy in the Age of Multilateralism
Middle Power in Action: The Evolving Nature of Diplomacy in the Age of Multilateralism Sook-Jong Lee, Chaesung Chun, HyeeJung Suh, and Patrick Thomsen East Asia Institute April 2015 EAI Middle Power Diplomacy Initiative (MPDI) EAI MPDI Special Report Knowledge-Net for a Better World The East Asia Institute(EAI) is a nonprofit and independent research organization in Korea, founded in May 2002. The EAI strives to transform East Asia into a society of nations based on liberal democracy, market economy, open society, and peace. The EAI takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the Korean government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. is a registered trademark. Copyright © 2015 by EAI This electronic publication of EAI intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. Unauthorized posting of EAI documents to a non-EAI website is prohibited. EAI documents are protected under copyright law. “Middle Power in Action: The Evolving Nature of Diplomacy in the Age of Multilateralism” ISBN 979-11-86226-29-2 95340 The East Asia Institute #909 Sampoong B/D, Euljiro 158 Jung-gu, Seoul 100-786 Republic of Korea Tel. 82 2 2277 1683 Fax 82 2 2277 1684 EAI Middle Power Diplomacy Initiative Middle Power in Action: The Evolving Nature of Diplomacy in the Age of Multilateralism Sook-Jong Lee, Chaesung Chun, HyeeJung Suh, and Patrick Thomsen East Asia Institute April 2015 The concept of middle power or junggyun-guk rose to prominence in Seoul’s policy circles follow- ing the inauguration of the Lee Myung-bak administration in 2008, under the banner of a “Global Korea.” This approach resulted in the nation playing host to major international events such as the G20 Seoul Summit, the Fourth High-level Forum for Development Effectiveness and the 2012 Nuclear Summit. -
Joint Letter from the the Visegrad Group /V4/, Republic of Bulgaria and Romania Environment and Climate Ministers to Mr
Joint letter from the the Visegrad Group /V4/, Republic of Bulgaria and Romania Environment and Climate Ministers to Mr. Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice-President of the European Commission on Impact Assessment (IA) for the European Union’s 2030 climate ambition and the action plan Mr. Frans Timmermans Executive Vice-President European Commission 13 July 2020 Dear Executive Vice-President, We would like to thank you and your team for all the hard work with regard to bringing climate issues to the forefront of the debate on Covid recovery in Brussels. These are difficult times for all Member States, yet we must not lose sight of our long-term goals and now, more than ever, enhance synergies of our actions. Nonetheless, we would like to take this opportunity to share our sincere hope that the upcoming Impact Assessment (IA) for the EU’s 2030 climate ambition and the action plan will provide a solid base for a decision to be taken by our leaders at the European Council. These documents should allow us to have a common understanding of the measures we will have to take in the EU by 2030 if we are to achieve the proposed targets enabling a just transition for all towards a climate neutral EU by 2050. We consider the IA to be the principal document for decision-making with regard to a potentially increased target. Therefore, the IA should constitute a thorough, detailed document which will inform us of the consequences, on all levels, of our potential decisions. This concerns the EU level, the Member States’ level and the sectoral level for Member States. -
Letter-EMF5G-Disinformation.Pdf
Ms Margrethe Vestager Executive Vice-President European Commission Ms Věra Jourová Vice-President for Values and Transparency European Commission Mr Thierry Breton Commissioner for Internal Market European Commission JOINT INITIATIVE ON COUNTERACTING THE SPREAD OF DISINFORMATION RELATED TO 5G NETWORKS AND THE NEED OF PUBLIC AWARENESS RAISING ACTIVITIES Letter regarding a proposal for the European Union to create a communication strategy that provides reliable information related to EMF and radio equipment including 5G to the Member States and European Citizens by: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Poland and Portugal, Slovakia, Sweden. Dear Madames Vice-Presidents Dear Commissioner We the undersigned Member States wish to express our concerns regarding the escalating disinformation around the effects of exposure to electromagnetic field (EMF) and fifth generation (5G) technology cellular networks and our condemnation of the recent acts of vandalism on critical telecommunication infrastructure. The European Union has demonstrated its commitment to the timely deployment and take-up of 5G networks in various legislative and non-legislative measures1. The Council Conclusions on the significance of 5G to the European economy and the need to mitigate security risks linked to 5G adopted on 3 December 20192 highlighted the need of public awareness raising activities regarding 1 Directive 2018/1972 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 December 2018 establishing -
Kosovo and Serbia Need Wide Consensus to Resolve Con Ict, Expert
Sections Home / Interviews / Global Europe / Enlargement / Kosovo and Serbia need wide consensus to resolve conict, expert says Kosovo and Serbia need wide consensus to resolve conict, expert says By Karolina Zbytniewska | EURACTIV.pl Sep 7, 2018 Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel (C) listens to Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic (R), next to Kosovo's President Hashim Thaci, at an informal EU summit with Western Balkans countries in Soa, on 17 May 2018. [EPA-EFE/VASSIL DONEV / POOL] The presidents of Kosovo and Serbia have oated the idea of a land swap to settle their disputes. The proposal, involving the predominantly Serb northern Kosovo and Preševo Valley in southern Serbia, has been welcomed by some and criticised by others for fear it might create further instability in the Balkans. Srđan Majstorović. Chairman at the European Policy Centre, Belgrade, shared his views on the controversial proposal in an interview with EURACTIV Poland’s Karolina Zbytniewska. The new initiative for settling the Serbia-Kosovo conict has stirred up international By continuing to browse the website, you are agreeing to our use of cookies I agree controversies. The feared scenario is that changing the two countries’ borders might re-open local frozen conicts but also set a precedent for territories abroad, like Crimea. Srđan Majstorović: First, it would be foolish to a priori disqualify an agreement that the two sides might reach and if they are truly dedicated to its implementation. However, a land swap idea could entail a lot of potential side eects that might inuence future relationships not only in the region but in wider Europe. -
Can the New Refugee Relocation System Work? Perils in the Dublin Logic and Flawed Reception Conditions in the EU Sergio Carrera and Elspeth Guild No
Can the new refugee relocation system work? Perils in the Dublin logic and flawed reception conditions in the EU Sergio Carrera and Elspeth Guild No. 332, October 2015 Key Points This Policy Brief argues that the newly adopted EU temporary relocation (quota) system constitutes a welcome yet timid step forward in addressing a number of central controversies of the current refugee debate in Europe. Two main challenges affect the effective operability of the new EU relocation model. First, EU member states’ asylum systems show profound (on-the-ground) weaknesses in reception conditions and judicial/administrative capacities. These prevent a fair and humane processing of asylum applications. EU states are not implementing the common standards enshrined in the EU reception conditions Directive 2013/33. Second, the new relocation system constitutes a move away from the much-criticised Dublin system, but it is still anchored to its premises. The Dublin system is driven by an unfair and unsustainable rule according to which the first EU state of entry is responsible for assessing asylum applications. It does not properly consider the personal, private and family circumstances or the preferences of asylum-seekers. Policy Recommendations In order to respond to these challenges, the Policy Brief offers the following policy recommendations: 1. The EU should strengthen and better enforce member states’ reception capacities, abolish the current Dublin system rule of allocation of responsibility and expand the new relocation distribution criteria to include in the assessment (as far as possible) asylum-seekers’ preferences and personal/family links to EU member states. 2. EU member countries should give priority to boosting their current and forward-looking administrative and judicial capacities to deal and welcome asylum applications. -
The Brookings Institution Dollar and Sense Podcast Will COVID-19 Mark the End of the Old International Order? August 16, 2021
The Brookings Institution Dollar and Sense podcast Will COVID-19 mark the end of the old international order? August 16, 2021 Thomas Wright Director, Center on the United States and Europe Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy program and Project on International Order and Strategy The Brookings Institution DAVID DOLLAR Senior Fellow, the Foreign Policy and Global Economy and Development programs and the John L. Thornton China Center The Brookings Institution * * * * DAVID DOLLAR: Hi, I'm David Dollar, the host of the Brookings trade podcast Dollar and Sense. Today, my guest is Tom Wright, director of the Center on the United States and Europe at Brookings. Tom has a new book coming out called "Aftershocks: Pandemic Politics and the End of the Old International Order." This shake up of the international order is going to be our topic today. Welcome to the show, Tom. THOMAS WRIGHT: Thanks, David, it's great to be on the podcast. DOLLAR: So one of the themes in your book is that this current pandemic shock is different. We have had a lot of different shocks to the postwar system going back 50, 60, 70 years. What's different about this shock? WRIGHT: I think the most striking thing—the book is co-authored with Colin Kahl, and Colin and I spoke early on in the pandemic. What really fascinated us was that this is a global shock when really there was no international leadership. Actually, there was a lot of rivalry, nationalism, unilateralism. If you compare it to the 2008-2009 financial crisis, it was an imperfect response, but the world did come together for a moment. -
Common Interest in a Dedicated Recovery Plan for the Automotive Sector in the European Union
Common interest in a Dedicated Recovery Plan for the Automotive Sector in the European Union We, the Ministers of Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Malta, Poland, Portugal, Romania, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia and Spain, express our common interest in introducing a Dedicated Recovery Plan for the Automotive Sector in the European Union. The automotive sector is one of the core and strategic activities in our economy, due to its weight and value added to the European manufacturing activity. It represents 7% of EU GDP, 6% of total EU employment and it accounts for more than 12% of the European exports. The automotive industry generates a trade surplus of 84.4 billion EUR for the EU. Investing 57.4 billion EUR in R&D annually, the automotive sector is Europe´s largest private contributor to innovation, accounting for 28% of total EU spending. It also has a significant multiplier effect on the rest of the sectors of the economy, and employs more than 10% of the total labour force in several EU countries. The automotive industry is one of the sectors where production has stopped almost completely for at least 2 months due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, and its entire value chain has been affected. At the same time, vehicle markets, i.e. consumer demand, fell dramatically. This has caused significant losses to all the car-manufacturing groups and the industries connected with them, as well as massive temporary employment regulations. This scenario is even more dramatic if we take into account that the crisis has come at a time when the sector was making significant economic investments, leading primarily towards the transition to a new, more sustainable mobility model, in line with the EU strategy to become climate-neutral by 2050. -
Global Governance and Middle Powers: South Korea's Role in The
Global Governance and Middle Powers: South Korea’s Role in the G20... http://www.cfr.org/south-korea/global-governance-middle-powers-sout... Current Issues in U.S.-ROK Relations Author: Kim Sung-han, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Republic of Korea Many issues today require unprecedented international cooperation. The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), terrorism, cybersecurity threats, climate change, and economic imbalances between developed and developing nations are all issues that great powers alone cannot resolve. Overcoming these challenges requires collaboration among all countries. Although great powers are useful in mobilizing cooperation, their efforts are insufficient to coordinate all involved actors. Solving today's complex challenges will require "middle powers" to play a Publisher Council on Foreign Relations greater, more active role. Press Middle powers are medium-size states with the capability and willingness Release Date February 2013 to employ proactive diplomacy with global visions. Their policies fulfill their respective interests but also benefit the world. Middle powers promote new visions and creative ideas that are acceptable to both their domestic constituencies and other states. They are also willing to make the necessary contributions to materialize such visions. Through various initiatives, such as its programs in green growth and development cooperation, South Korea has demonstrated the influence middle powers may have on global governance. In the Group of Twenty (G20), where factionalism is becoming increasingly prevalent, middle powers such as South Korea may be best suited to facilitate consensus building and revitalize momentum for cooperation. Global Governance: The G20 and Middle Powers Collective management over many world issues has yet to be established.