Italy's Major Political Parties
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The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf. -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: the Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest
International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 3553–3579 1932–8036/20180005 Lega Nord and Anti-Immigrationism: The Importance of Hegemony Critique for Social Media Analysis and Protest CINZIA PADOVANI1 Southern Illinois University Carbondale, USA In this study, I implement Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony critique to analyze the anti- immigration rhetoric promoted by the Italian ultraright party Lega Nord [Northern League]. Specifically, this case study focuses on the discourse that developed on the microblogging site Twitter during the Stop Invasione [Stop Invasion] rally, organized by Matteo Salvini’s party on October 18, 2014, in Milan. I argue that hegemony critique is helpful to investigate political discourse on social media and to theorize the struggle surrounding contentious topics such as immigration. The method, which is multilayered and includes content analysis and interpretative analysis, allows for the exploration of a considerable data corpus but also an in-depth reading of each tweet. The result is a nuanced understanding of the anti-immigration discourse and of the discourse that developed in favor of immigration and in support of a countermarch, which progressive movements organized in response to Lega’s mobilization on the same day in Milan. Keywords: Lega Nord, ultraright media, far-right media, anti-immigrationism, Twitter, critical social media analysis, mobilization, Gramsci, hegemony critique The rise of ultraright movements in Western Europe and the United States is an indication of the continuous crisis of capitalism and neoliberal ideologies. The financial and economic downturn that plagued Europe and North America beginning in late 2008 and the consequent Brussels-imposed austerity in the European Union have exacerbated the rift between the haves and the have-nots. -
Salvini Al Cap, Rixi: “Cambiamo Sede Solo Se Ce Lo Chiede Il Circolo”. Stasera Il Direttivo Di Katia Bonchi, Jenny Sanguineti 26 Aprile 2017 – 12:36
1 Salvini al Cap, Rixi: “Cambiamo sede solo se ce lo chiede il circolo”. Stasera il direttivo di Katia Bonchi, Jenny Sanguineti 26 Aprile 2017 – 12:36 Genova. “E’ il Cap che comanda, se non ce lo chiedono loro, noi non ci spostiamo. E’ un convegno sul lavoro, mica possiamo farlo al Bristol, sarebbe anche un’offesa nei confronti dei lavoratori in un momento di crisi come questo”. Edoardo Rixi, assessore regionale allo Sviluppo economico, risponde così alle polemiche esplose in questi giorni dopo che il Cap ha deliberato l’ospitalità per domenica al convegno ‘Riprendiamoci il lavoro’ che avrà fra i partecipanti anche il segretario della Lega Nord Matteo Salvini. “Come se io chiedessi al Cap di non ospitare lo Zapata perché è dell’autorità portuale, non mi viene manco in mente di farlo”, sbotta Rixi. Ma il problema in parte sta proprio nella proprietà della palazzina di via Albertazzi, che è oggi di una srl formata dallo stesso circolo (che detiene il pacchetto di maggioranza) e dell’autorità portuale. La società è tra quelle per cui la stessa Ap ha deciso la dismissione delle quote. La soluzione quindi sarebbe il ritorno della palazzina nel patrimonio dell’autorità portuale in cambio dell’usufrutto da parte del circolo Cap. Ma questa soluzione, durante tutto il periodo del governo di Luigi Merlo, non è stata mai formalizzata e oggi al governo del porto c’è il centrodestra con Paolo Signorini. Genova24.it - 1 / 2 - 26.09.2021 2 Nella decisione del direttivo del Cap di concedere lo spazio alla Lega Nord (che fra l’altro farà anche una donazione al circolo) questa situazione di incertezza ha indubbiamente influito. -
Italy and Possible Implications for Eurozone Stability
ITALY IMPLICATIONS Italy and possible implications for eurozone stability After Italy’s unsuccessful push for reform at the EU Summit last month, many of its European partners may be tempted to write-off the country’s concerns. However, this somewhat complacent stance may be dangerous in that it underestimates the recent shift in Italian political dynamics that culminated in the formation of an unexpected coalition government and the extent to which this may impact financial markets and potentially EU stability. Erik Jones Abstract: Italy’s recent election surprised many are not natural political allies. While there are observers who expected a hung parliament areas of policy overlap, the diverse nature of and who were subsequently caught off guard the M5S’s political movement, its relatively by the success of the right-wing Lega and the more expensive policy agenda, and Lega’s populist Five Star Movement (M5S). This growing strength all suggest maintaining a outcome can be attributed to an increasingly united front may prove difficult. Nevertheless, volatile Italian electorate and a shift in political this unexpected political partnership ought dynamics brought about by the economic and not to be written-off by European partners. financial crisis. As the protracted coalition Finding ways to interact with Italy’s new negotiations demonstrated, the Lega and M5S government poses a considerable challenge 81 to EU leaders and, subsequently, the outlook Conte’s success with this complex agenda for EU macroeconomic governance reforms was not obvious. Moreover, there is nothing and financial markets’ stability. However, surprising in this lack of accomplishment. such efforts will be necessary to stabilize the Few heads of state or government achieve all eurozone and contain anti-EU sentiment. -
Matteo Renzi Must Work with Italian Trade Unions Rather Than Against Them If He Is Serious About Reforming Italy's Labour Mark
201761 Matteo Renzi must work with Italian trade unions rather than against them if he is serious about reforming Italy’s labour market | New European Trad… Matteo Renzi must work with Italian trade unions rather than against them if he is serious about reforming Italy’s labour market Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi has made reforming the Italian labour market a priority for his government. Chiara Benassi and Niccolo Durazzi assess the argument that Italy’s trade unions are an obstacle to reforms on the basis that they support only their core membership, rather than a broader agenda which includes ‘atypical’ workers such as agency staff. They argue that unions have taken on a much broader stance than they are typically credited with and that if Renzi is serious about reforming the country’s labour market it would be beneficial to work with unions rather than against them. It is safe to say that in Italy the main centreleft party – including all the previous versions of the most recently branded Democratic Party (PD) – and its historical ally among the unions, the Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGIL), have never been more distant. The climax was reached on the weekend of 2526 October. On that weekend, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi held his annual ‘Leopolda’ event in Florence (named after the former train station where it takes place) which brought together government representatives, members of the PD, members of civil society, entrepreneurs and employers to present and discuss, among others, the reforms which are supposed to revitalise the stagnating Italian labour market. -
What Will France's Role in Europe Be Over the Next Five Years?
September 8th, 2017 Note n°23 Eurocité, 12 Citémalesherbes, 75009 Paris [email protected] www.eurocite.eu What will France’s role in Europe be over the next five years? Spain’s expectations, by Dídac Gutiérrez-Peris For once, France’s 2017 presidential elections had a strong sense of déjà-vu in Spain. A reminder of the rifts, the changes and the divides which have marked the Spanish political life in the past 10 years, such as the rise of a more radical left beside a worn out socialist party, exhausted by the exercise of power. Many similarities are to be found in the rise of Mélenchon’s party and its relationship with the PS with Podemos’ ascent and the PSOE. Another example would be the appearance of a new centrist party which also plays the anti-system card. It’s no surprise to see that Ciudadanos claims to belong to the same political trend as Macron’s party and that the new French President views the Orange movement as a positive development for Spain. And finally, the conservative right which, despite the many crises it went through, remains present on the political scene. Les Républicains and Partido Popular are both seing their reputation damaged due to corruption scandals and yet both remain key political elements, with Partido Popular in power in Spain and Les Républicains as the main party of opposition in Parliament in France. There are two main differences between the two countries though. Even though France was the last one to go through such a transition, En Marche’s victory was a much more significant disruption of the bipartisan state of play than in Spain. -
De Noordzee Moet Een Baken Van Vrijhandel Blijven, Ropa, Staat Sterk Onder Druk
L R Liberaal Reveil Liberaal Liberaal Reveil LR 4 De Noordzee moet een baken ‘‘ van vrijhandel blijven, met de maritieme blik op de wereld. Er is geen enkele economische reden om eeuwenoude handelstradities rondom de Noordzee te ontwrichten, 57 e december 2016 alleen omdat Brussel boos is december 2016 (4) jaargang, ,, Thema: Brexit Derk Jan Eppink Het correspondents dinner in de politieke communicatie De verengelsing van Nederlandse universiteiten 57e jaargang, december 2016 (4) Liberaal Reveil is een uitgave van de Prof.mr. B.M. TeldersStichting LR INHOUDSOPGAVE COLOFON LR LR Liberaal Reveil is een uitgave van de Prof.mr. B.M. TeldersStichting Ten geleide: dan liever het net op! 181 Redactie prof.dr. M.L.J. Wissenburg (voorzitter) Column: het Trilemma mw. drs. F.D. de Beaufort Roelof Salomons 182 dr. C.F. van den Berg prof.dr. R.M. Salomons Thema: Brexit dr. B. Steunenberg drs. D.P. Turk (eindredacteur) Voorwoord Redactieadres 183 Mauritskade 21 2514 HD Den Haag Nederland en Brexit telefoon: 070-3631948 Derk Jan Eppink 184 e-mail: [email protected] website: www.teldersstichting.nl Van Brexit tot soevereiniteit: over de noodzaak van een liberaal antwoord op maatschappelijk onbehagen Auteursrechten Philip van Veller 189 De auteursrechten liggen bij de uitgever. De vetgedrukte inleidingen bij de artikelen zijn opgesteld door de redactie, De verloren vader keert terug naar zijn kroost. Kan de Europese Vrijhandelsassociatie een oplossing bieden niet door de auteur(s). Schrijven in Liberaal Reveil geschiedt altijd op persoonlijke titel. voor Britse relaties met Europa in een post-Brexit periode? ISSN 0167-0883 Nathan Benit 201 Abonnementenadministratie Mauritskade 21 Koester Brits verzet tegen Europese militaire integratie 2514 HD Den Haag Daniël Turk 209 telefoon: 070-3631948 [email protected] Abonnementen Who’s afraid of humor in politics? Het correspondents dinner in de politieke communicatie Een papieren abonnement op Liberaal Reveil (4 nummers) kost €34,- euro per jaar (buitenland: €44,-). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
CG36(2019)02Final 2 April 2019
36th SESSION Report CG36(2019)02final 2 April 2019 Verification of new members’ credentials Bureau of the Congress Co-rapporteurs 1 : Michail ANGELOPOULOS, Greece (L, EPP/CCE) Johan VAN DEN HOUT, Netherlands (R, SOC) Resolution 439 (2019) ............................................................................................................................. 2 Summary The rapporteurs review the credentials of the new members in the light of the current criteria of the Congress Charter and Rules and Procedures. 1 L: Chamber of Local Authorities / R: Chamber of Regions EPP/CCE: European People’s Party Group in the Congress SOC: Socialist Group ILDG: Independent and Liberal Democrat Group ECR: European Conservatives and Reformists Group NR: Members not belonging to a political group of the Congress Tel ► +33 (0)3 8841 2110 Fax ► +33 (0)3 9021 5580 [email protected] CG36(2019)02final RESOLUTION 439 (2019)2 1. In compliance with the Congress’ Charter and Rules and Procedures, the countries listed hereafter have changed the composition of their delegation due to either the loss of mandate or the resignation of some members of the delegation of: Czech Republic, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Russian Federation, Serbia and Spain. 2. At present there are 4 representative seats and 16 substitute seats vacant out of a total of 648 seats. The countries concerned – Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, France, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom – are invited to complete their delegation. 3. The rapporteurs on the verification of credentials propose that the Congress approve the credentials of the members of the national delegations appended to this resolution and the new appointment procedure of Turkey. -
Are Gestures Worth a Thousand Words? an Analysis of Interviews in the Political Domain
Are Gestures Worth a Thousand Words? An Analysis of Interviews in the Political Domain Daniela Trotta Sara Tonelli Universita` degli Studi di Salerno Fondazione Bruno Kessler Via Giovanni Paolo II 132, Via Sommarive 18 Fisciano, Italy Trento, Italy [email protected] [email protected] Abstract may provide important information or significance to the accompanying speech and add clarity to the Speaker gestures are semantically co- expressive with speech and serve different children’s narrative (Colletta et al., 2015); they can pragmatic functions to accompany oral modal- be employed to facilitate lexical retrieval and re- ity. Therefore, gestures are an inseparable tain a turn in conversations stam2008gesture and part of the language system: they may add assist in verbalizing semantic content (Hostetter clarity to discourse, can be employed to et al., 2007). From this point of view, gestures fa- facilitate lexical retrieval and retain a turn in cilitate speakers in coming up with the words they conversations, assist in verbalizing semantic intend to say by sustaining the activation of a tar- content and facilitate speakers in coming up with the words they intend to say. This aspect get word’s semantic feature, long enough for the is particularly relevant in political discourse, process of word production to take place (Morsella where speakers try to apply communication and Krauss, 2004). strategies that are both clear and persuasive Gestures can also convey semantic meanings. using verbal and non-verbal cues. For example,M uller¨ et al.(2013) discuss the prin- In this paper we investigate the co-speech ges- ciples of meaning creation and the simultaneous tures of several Italian politicians during face- and linear structures of gesture forms. -
Italy a View From…
A view from… Italy News from FTI Consulting’s European affiliate network May 2019: Cattaneo Zanetto & Co. is part of FTI Consulting’s affiliate network and is the leading Italian public affairs, lobbying and political intelligence firm. They provide a range of specialised services structured in dedicated practice areas. Each practice has a specific set of tools and methods to make sure we’re always on the edge with creativity and innovation. Below the team provides an update ahead of the forthcoming EU Elections on the current Italian political landscape. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily the views of FTI Consulting, Inc. its management, its subsidiaries, its affiliates, or its other professionals, members of employees. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- European elections may represent a turning point for Italian politics. After almost a year of a Government led by Lega (former Northern League) and Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S - Five Star Movement), the two parties increasingly appear as fierce competitors. An outcome strongly favourable to Matteo Salvini may rebalance the power sharing, while the rise of an alternative from the opposition still looks unlikely. The EU elections come as first nation-wide test of strength within Italy’s governing majority after almost a year after the birth of the cabinet led by President Giuseppe Conte. After a solid run in regional elections, Matteo Salvini’s Lega reached a favourable position in the polls, possibly aiming at reverting the balance of powers in case of a landslide win on May 26th. The outcome of European elections will then be crucial to terminate or exacerbate the conflict-ridden atmosphere which is surrounding the Government over the last months, involving direct and intense confrontation between the two deputy-prime ministers: Matteo Salvini and Luigi Di Maio.