On “Third Worldism” and the Description of the “Three Worlds”
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What Is the Theory of Three Worlds?
To All Ldn cdes From DC WHAT IS THE THEORY OF THE THREE WORLDS? Tbe;DC was asked to give a lead in the effort to better under~tand Mao Zedong's Theory.o:f the Differentiation of the Three Worlds (TTW). Th1s paper is the first . of 3 or 4 to be distributed b.~fore we hold a London . meeting on the ·subject in late November. The Nat1onal c~nference on the 1nte~ national situation is due t.o be held next June and our study on a district level will be well directed in preparation for it. In the 4 years since the Editorial Dept of the People's Daily of China brought out the booklet expounding the theory very clearly and preciseq (Foreign Languages Press 1977) . it. has come t~ occupy. a most important position iri Marxist-Leninist circles everywhere. Acceptance of the theory as a strat-egic conce.pt has become the touchstone for .Marxist-Leninists, in the same way that the realisation that th~ Soviet Union had. become an M-L basic principle in the pre-vious 110 years. It is the TTW which proved.to be the tombstone for the social-chauvinist Birchites of the CPB(M-L) and reve~led the hollowness of the adulation o•f the Bainesites of the then CPE(M-L). Thc.y categorically rejected it. At the same time, sycophants of the ne.w :theory appeared who embraced _it so tightly that the pips. squeaked. · Today it has become a line of demarcation which marks us out . ~mong all the 'left' forces in Britain. -
Answer: Maoism Is a Form of Communism Developed by Mao Tse Tung
Ques 1: What is Maoism? Answer: Maoism is a form of communism developed by Mao Tse Tung. It is a doctrine to capture State power through a combination of armed insurgency, mass mobilization and strategic alliances. The Maoists also use propaganda and disinformation against State institutions as other components of their insurgency doctrine. Mao called this process, the ‘Protracted Peoples War’, where the emphasis is on ‘military line’ to capture power. Ques 2: What is the central theme of Maoist ideology? Answer: The central theme of Maoist ideology is the use of violence and armed insurrection as a means to capture State power. ‘Bearing of arms is non-negotiable’ as per the Maoist insurgency doctrine. The maoist ideology glorifies violence and the ‘Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army’ (PLGA) cadres are trained specifically in the worst forms of violence to evoke terror among the population under their domination. However, they also use the subterfuge of mobilizing people over issues of purported inadequacies of the existing system, so that they can be indoctrinated to take recourse to violence as the only means of redressal. Ques 3: Who are the Indian Maoists? Answer: The largest and the most violent Maoist formation in India is the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The CPI (Maoist) is an amalgamation of many splinter groups, which culminated in the merger of two largest Maoist groups in 2004; the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), People War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. The CPI (Maoist) and all its front organizations formations have been included in the list of banned terrorist organizations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. -
FROM MAOISM to TROTSKYISM -Reprinted from WORKERS VANGUARD, No.1, October 1971
iii PREFACE The Communist Horking Collective originated tvhen a small group of Ivlaoists came together in Los Angeles to undertake an intensive investigation of the history of the communist movement in order to develop a strategy for the U.S. ,socialist revolution. Its study of the essentials of Stalinist and Maoist theory led the CWC to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of IISocialism in One Country" is in irreconcilable opposition to revolutionary internationalism. The consolidation of the CWC around Trotskyism and its systematic study of the various ostensible Trotskyist international tendencies was culminated in the fusion between the CWC and the Spartacist League in September 1971. The brief history of the Ct'lC which appeared originally in the first issue of Workers Vanguard (see page viii) alludes to the splits of the CWC's founding cadre from the Revolutionary Union (RU) and the California Communist League (CCL). To convey the genesis of this process, we have included a number of forerunner documents going back to the original split from the CPUSA on the 50th anniver sary of the October Revolution. The original resignation of comrade~ Treiger and Miller began the "floundering about for three years ••• seeking in Mao Tse Tung Thought a revolutionary al ternati ve to the revisionists." Treiger went on to help found the CWC; fUller con tinued to uphold the dogmatic tradition and declined to even answer the "Letter to a IvIao~_st" (see page 30). Why the Critique of "Tvw Stages"? The lynchpin on which all variants of the fJIaoist "t"t'lO stage" theory of revolution rest--whether applied to the advanced countries or to the colonial world--is collaboration with the ruling class or a section of it during the initial "stage." Early in its develop ment the CWC had rejected the conception as it was applied to the Un1 ted States, but believed it remained applicable to the col'onial revolution. -
Siraj Sikder Works Statement No. 1 on the Question
Siraj Sikder Works Statement No. 1 on the question of Establishing Unity among the Sincere Proletarian Revolutionaries of East Bengal Siraj Sikder The Proletarian Party of East Bengal produced the original Bengali document in December 1972 and published it in 1973 The Communist Party Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Bangladesh translated the document in English and published online via www.sarbaharapath.com on 12 September 2014. Party slightly edited the translation on 9 February 2017 1 Plan for unity among the proletarian revolutionaries of East Bengal The People, proletariat and sincere revolutionaries of East Bengal are very sorry to see the disunity and repeated split among the proletarian revolutionaries. They want unity among the revolutionaries. We also declare solidarity with the sincere aspiration of people, proletariat and revolutionaries. This unity is far more essential at the present revolutionary situation of East Bengal. Therefore, we are giving a plan for establishing unity among the proletarian revolutionaries. We hope, the revolutionaries will sincerely consider the plan and respond to the unity effort. We should always keep in mind that the unity among the proletarian revolutionaries is a fundamental pre-condition for the unity of the proletariat and people, and a necessary pre- condition for the success of the sacrifices of revolutionaries. The basis of unity among the proletarian revolutionaries is as follows Take Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought as the guiding theoretical basis of revolution of East Bengal. Recognize the principle of concrete application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought to the concrete practice of revolution of East Bengal. Oppose the Soviet Social Imperialism-led modern revisionists and other various forms of revisionists and opportunists in domestic and international field. -
The Least Developed Country (LDC) Category at 40 Djalita Fialho
Aiming high, falling short: the Least Developed Country (LDC) category at 40 Djalita Fialho ISS - Institute of Social Studies Abstract Why have 94% of LDCs not escaped poverty during the last four decades? This paper analyses the motivation behind the UN decision to establish the LDC category in 1971. The reviewed literature highlights the conflicting interests of the actors involved. It provides a historical account of the creation of the category and an international political economy analysis of that process. Based on this literature, I argue that the initial LDC identification process - which set a precedent for future LDC categorizations - was manipulated in order to generate a reduced list of small and economically and politically insignificant countries. Contrary to the LDC official narrative, this list served the interests of both donors (by undermining the UN’s implicit effort to normalize international assistance) and other non-LDC developing countries (disturbed by the creation of a positive discrimination within the group, favoring the most disadvantaged among them). As a result of this manipulation, considerably less development-promoting efforts have been demanded from donors, which has, in turn, not significantly distressed the interests of other non-LDC developing countries. Keywords: LDCs, aid, trade, preferential treatment, graduation JEL Classification: N20, O19 1. Introduction In May 2011 the international community, under the auspices of the UN, gathered for the fourth time in 40 years to assess progresses made by the least developed country (LDC) group. The conference took place in Istanbul, under the grim shadow of a stagnant and non-evolving category, whose membership has not declined for most of its lifespan. -
Frantz Fanon and the Peasantry As the Centre of Revolution
Chapter 8 Frantz Fanon and the Peasantry as the Centre of Revolution Timothy Kerswell Frantz Fanon is probably better known for his work on decolonization and race, but it would be remiss to ignore his contribution to the debate about social classes and their roles as revolutionary subjects. In this respect, Fanon argued for a position that was part of an influential thought current which saw the peasant at the center of world revolutionary struggles. In The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon argued that “It is clear that in the co- lonial countries the peasants alone are revolutionary, for they have nothing to lose and everything to gain. The starving peasant, outside the class system, is the first among the exploited to discover that only violence pays.”1 This statement suggests not only that the peasant would play an important part in liberation and revolutionary struggles, but that they would be the sole revolu- tionary subjects in forthcoming change. Fanon’s attempt to place the peasant at the center was part of a wider cur- rent of thought. This can be seen in the statement of Lin Biao, one of the fore- most thinkers of Maoism who argued, “It must be emphasized that Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s theory of the establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and the encirclement of the cities from the countryside is of outstanding and universal practical importance for the present revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed nations and peoples, and particularly for the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed nations and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism and its lackeys.”2 It was this theorization that “turn[ed] the image of the peasantry upside down,”3 especially from Marx’s previous assessment that peasants constituted a “sack of potatoes”4 in terms of their revolutionary class-consciousness. -
The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 23 Number 1 Himalaya; The Journal of the Article 8 Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies 2003 The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India Richard Bownas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Bownas, Richard. 2003. The Nepalese Maoist Movement in Comparative Perspective: Learning from the History of Naxalism in India. HIMALAYA 23(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol23/iss1/8 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RICHARD BowNAS THE NEPALESE MAOIST MovEMENT IN CoMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: LEARNIN G FROM THE H ISTORY OF NAXALISM IN INDIA This paper compares the contemporary Maoist movement in Nepal with the Naxalite movemelll in India, from 1967 to the present. The paper touches on three main areas: the two movemems' ambiguous relationship to ethnicity, the hi stories of prior 'traditional' m obilization that bo th move ments drew on, and the relationship between vanguard and mass movement in both cases. The first aim of the paper is to show how the Naxalite movemem has transformed itself over the last 35 years and how its military tacti cs and organizational· form have changed . I then ask whether Nepal's lvla o ists more closely resemble the earli er phase of Naxali sm , in which the leadership had broad popular appeal and worked closely with its peasant base, o r its later phase, in which the leadership became dise ngaged fr om its base and adopted urban 'terror' tactics. -
Verge 7 Re-Orienting Neo-Liberal Development and Mainstreaming
Verge 7 Re-Orienting Neo-liberal Development and Mainstreaming HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa Brianna Bowman The countries of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) have been sites of turbulent development practices since the Third World debt crisis of the 1970s. As illustrated in Tanzania, attempts by International Financial Institutions (IFIs), namely the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to stabilize and liberalize the economy through the implementation of neo-liberal contingency based Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) only worsened conditions. It was in the shadow of deepening poverty and increasing debt obligations that the HIV virus began to permeate and devastate SSA. Government implementation of SAPs facilitated transmission of the disease by raising unemployment, increasing labor mobility, and restricting social services. Institutional reforms abated structural violence, defined by John Galtung as a process that causes ―avoidable insults to basic human needs, and more generally to life,‖ (292) and compromised the human right to health, as set forth in Article 25 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Under these conditions, AIDS deaths in SSA continued to rise throughout the 1980s. Poverty, debt, and illness lformed a destructive cycle that set back development gains, worsened poverty, and impeded the ability of governments to adequately assist their people or help resolve their mounting debts. In the early 1990s, worsening conditions and increasing discontent throughout the developing world necessitated that the World Bank and IMF revise their development approach. Acknowledging the incompatibility of goals for economic growth and expectations that countries Verge 7 Bowman 2 fulfill their crippling debt obligations, the IFIs introduced their most recent development programs, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) in 1996, followed by the the enhanced version in 1999, and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) in 2006. -
War in the Fourth World
The Worlds ■ First World: the capitalistic west. ■ Second World: the communistic east. Much reduced today. ■ Third World: originally non-aligned but really means poor or developing states. ■ Fourth World: nations or peoples that exist largely within the bounds of third world states and who are defending themselves against territorial invasion and have desires for autonomy or independence. Worlds 1-3 Nations and States in the Fourth World ■ Nation: a community of self- identifying people who have a common culture and a historically common territory. They see themselves as a people on the basis of common ancestry, history, society, institutions, ideology, language, territory, and often, religion. A person is born into a particular nation. About 5,000 exist today ■ State: a centralized political system within international legal boundaries recognized by other states. It uses a civilian- military bureaucracy to establish one government and to enforce one set of institutions and laws. 191 states recognized by the UN. Nations and States { 95% of the 191 states in the world today are m ultinational (m ultiethnic) and assert sovereignty over som e 5,000 nations. { Nation states such as Portugal, I celand, or Senegal are rare. { 80% of today's (1993) 120 wars are between nations and states. State versus Nation Terminology State Terms and Fourth World Translations Categorizations peasants unarmed members of an unnamed nation separatists a nation that never joined a state rebels a large group of armed nation people terrorists a small group of armed -
Siraj Sikder Works Some Problems of Building an Armed Force Under the Leadership of the Political Party of the Proletariat of East Bengal (30 April 1974)
Siraj Sikder Works Some Problems of Building an Armed Force Under the Leadership of the Political Party of the Proletariat of East Bengal (30 April 1974) [Famous as 30 April document, it is one of the most important documents produced by Comrade Siraj Sikder published as the statement of the Supreme commanders of the Armed Patriotic Force of East Bengal on the occasion of its third anniversary of formation — Sarbaharapath] 1. Introduction In 30 April 1971, the East Bengal Workers Movement—the preparatory organization of establishing a political party of the proletariat of East Bengal led in forming a regular armed force in Payarabagan (Atghar, Kuriana, Bhimruli, Dumuria and other villages in the adjacent areas of Barisal Proper, Banaripara, Jhalokhathi, Kaukhali and Sworupkathi) in Barisal [Payarabagan is a riverine guava forest area — Sarbaharapath]. Thus, for the first time in the history of East Bengal, a regular armed force developed under the leadership of the proletarian revolutionaries. The force developed under the direct guidance and personal initiative of comrade Siraj Sikder. It developed in such a time when all the resistances of the Awami traitors collapsed in face of 1 severe strategic offensive the Pak military fascists. By throwing people of East Bengal in helpless condition, the Awami traitors fled to India to save themselves. Then, no forces remained in East Bengal to resist the Pak military fascists. At that time, in Payarabagan, the Liberation Force (The National Liberation Force led by the East Bengal Workers Movement led by Comrade Siraj Sikder — Sarbaharapath) heroically carried national liberation war of East Bengal and developed huge resistance against the Pak military fascists, established Base Area by liberating vast areas, achieved important experience in armed struggle and organizing people and restored confidence among people. -
The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line *** Bangladesh Nurul Amin The Pro-Chinese Communist Movement in Bangladesh First Published: Journal of Contemporary Asia, 15:3 (1985) : 349-360. Taken from http://www.signalfire.org/2016/06/08/the-pro-chinese-communist-movement-in- bangladesh-1985/ Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Introduction The Communists in the Indian sub-continent started their political journey quite early, founding the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1920. 1 After the Partition of India a section of young CPI members under the leadership of Sajjad Zahir established the Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) in 1948. 2 By 1954 the CPP had been banned all over Pakistan. As a result, CPP started working through the Awami League (AL) and other popular organisations. The AL witnessed its first split in 1957 when it was in power. Assuming the post of Prime Minister in Pakistan, S.H. Suhrawardy pursued a pro-Western foreign policy and discarded the demand for “full provincial autonomy ” for East Pakistan (Bangladesh). The Awami League Chief Maulana Bhasani did not agree with the policy of the Prime Minister. On this ground, Maulana Bhasani left the AL and formed the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957 with progressive forces. -
Globalization and National Development
Globalization and National Development The Perspective of the Chinese Revolution A RIF D IRLIK University of Oregon globalization: the problem of national development under the regime of globalization. The juxtaposition of the terms globalization and national development points to a deep contradiction in contemporary thinking, or a nostalgic longing for an aspiration that may no longer be relevant, but is powerful enough still to disturb the very forces at work in relegating it to the past. There is a suggestion in arguments for globalization that national devel- opment may be achieved through globalization, which in turn would be expected to contribute to further globalization, and so on and so forth into the future, which goes against the tendency of these same arguments to set the global against the national as a negation of the latter. While it may not be a zero-sum relationship, the relationship between globalization and national development is nevertheless a highly disturbed one. Understood as the persistence of commitments to autonomy and sovereignty, most impor- tantly in the realm of the economy, the national obstructs globalization just as globalization erodes the national, at the same time rendering irrelevant ● 241 242 ● Globalization and National Development any idea of development that takes such autonomy and sovereignty as its premise. If we are to take globalization seriously, in other words, the very idea of national development becomes meaningless. On the other hand, if national development as an idea is to be taken seriously, as it was for most of the past century, then globalization appears as little more than an ideo- logical assault on the national, to rid the present of the legacies of that past.