Trade Union Strategies in the EU to Address Trade Union Members' And
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CBC Rapport 2005 EN
The Coordination of Collective Bargaining in Europe Annual Report 2005 Maarten Keune Senior Researcher European Trade Union Institute EUROPEAN TRADE UNION CONFEDERATION CONFEDERATION EUROPEENNE DES S Y NDICATS J o h n M o n k s , G e n e ra l S e c re ta ry B o u le v a rd d u Ro i Alb e rt II, 5 • B œ 1 2 1 0 B ru x e lle s • Te l: + 3 2 2 2 2 4 0 4 1 1 Fa x : + 3 2 2 2 2 4 0 4 5 4 / 5 5 • e -m a il: e tu c @ e tu c .o rg • w w w .e tu c .o rg 1 1. Introduction Exchange of information on the practices and outcomes of collective bargaining and wage formation is of ever greater interest to trade unions in Europe on account of ongoing economic integration. Increasingly they use such information as a reference to develop their bargaining strategies in their own countries and to coordinate it with developments elsewhere. It enables them to deal better with the increasing economic integration of Europe and to learn lessons from their colleagues in other countries. In some cases it also helps them to argue against employer and government strategies when they refer to developments abroad in support of their demands at home. All in all, such information allows trade unionists to cope more effectively with issues like competitive wage dumping, sectoral bargaining, collective bargaining in multinationals, etc. This report provides information on collective bargaining around Europe, focusing on the period 2002-2005. -
Immigration Policy Paradoxes in Catalonia, Spain, 1985-2011: a Political Economy Approach
Immigration policy paradoxes in Catalonia, Spain, 1985-2011: a political economy approach by Luke Stobart submitted to the University of Hertfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of PhD in Business and Management Studies March 2016 Abstract Before the crisis Catalonia and the rest of Spain received high volumes of immigration – of which much was “illegal”. This was despite formally strict controls – EU policy – and different governments in Madrid claiming to operate a legal model of migration – leading to identification of a “policy paradox”. In the same period immigration became problematized, which in Catalonia allowed xenophobic politics to gain popular support – despite being a territory proactive at integrating newcomers. This research aimed to identify the undercurrents of these contradictions and respond to questions on the relative impact of business, state, national and electoral factors. It surveys literature on migration paradoxes and theories, develops an original conceptual framework by critically assessing a range of radical writing, performs quantitative and secondary study of the Catalan, Spanish and European economic and policy contexts (in general and regarding immigration), and analyses findings from interviews with privileged “insiders” and observers (employers, union leaders, migrant activists and policy advisors). Policy contradictions and the problematization of immigration were identified as rooted firstly in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist state. States must ensure availability of new reserves of labour to guarantee accumulation and make savings by not having to “socially reproduce” “imported” labour power. Yet their abstract national and bounded character propels constant nationcraft – a process best performed invisibly and negatively by symbolically and practically excluding migrants from territory, rights and citizenship. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
An Unholy Alliance
An Unholy Alliance The European Far Right and Putin’s Russia Antonis Klapsis Antonis Klapsis Antonis Credits Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE 1000 The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. For more information please visit: www.martenscentre.eu Editor: Ingrid Habets, Research Officer, Martens Centre External editing: Communicative English bvba Layout and cover design: RARO S.L. Typesetting: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Drukkerij Jo Vandenbulcke This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies 2015 The European Parliament and the Wilfied Martens Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies with the author of this publication. ISBN (to come) Table of Contents About us 04 About the author 06 Acknowledgements 08 Executive summary 10 Introduction 12 The ideological connection 16 Russia as a geopolitical alternative 24 Maintaining close contacts 32 Ukraine and Crimea 38 Exercising pressure from within 48 Conclusions 54 Policy recommendations 58 Bibliography 60 Keywords Far right – Political extremism – Russia – European Union – NATO – Anti-Americanism – Euroscepticism – Ukraine – Crimea – Populism About us Martens Centre profile The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, established in 2007, is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP). The Martens Centre embodies a pan-European mindset, promoting Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. -
Spain 2012 International Religious Freedom Report
SPAIN 2012 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution and other laws and policies protect religious freedom and, in practice, the government generally respected religious freedom. However, some local governments imposed restrictions that affected members of religious minority groups. For example, some Muslim and non-Catholic Christian groups stated that restrictions and policies at the local level inhibited them from assembling to practice their beliefs. The law provides taxpayers the option of allocating a percentage of their income tax to the Catholic Church but not to other religious groups. The trend in the government’s respect for religious freedom did not change significantly during the year. There were reports of societal discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Prominent societal leaders, however, took positive steps to promote religious freedom. Muslims continued to experience some societal prejudice and challenges related to integration. Some expressions of anti-Semitism persisted, including graffiti and the dissemination of neo-Nazi messages. U.S. officials engaged with government and religious leaders to foster dialogue and promote religious tolerance and freedom. The embassy and consulate general in Barcelona organized events with leaders of minority religious groups, and hosted speakers to share U.S. perspectives on religious freedom. Section I. Religious Demography The National Statistics Institute estimates the population to be 47 million. The government does not collect data on religious affiliation. According to a survey conducted in October by the Spanish Center for Sociological Investigation, approximately 71 percent of respondents identified themselves as Catholic and nearly 3 percent as followers of another religion. In addition, 16 percent described themselves as “non-believers,” and 9 percent as atheists. -
The Year of Rearrangement
The Year of Rearrangement The Populist Right and the Far-Right in Contemporary Hungary The Year of Rearrangement The Populist Right and the Far-Right in Contemporary Hungary Authors: Attila Juhász Bulcsú Hunyadi Edited by: Eszter Galgóczi Attila Juhász Dániel Róna Patrik Szicherle Edit Zgut This study was prepared within the framework of the project “Strategies against the Far-Right”, in cooperation with the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung e.V., in 2017. Table of Contens The opinions expressed in the study are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung. Introduction ___________________________________________________________________ 7 Executive Summary ____________________________________________________________ 9 Political Environment __________________________________________________________ 12 Competing for Votes: The Voters of Fidesz and Jobbik ____________________________ 19 Socio-Demographic Composition ______________________________________________ 20 Political Preferences __________________________________________________________ 25 Election Chances ____________________________________________________________ 31 Competition on the Far End: The Extremist Rhetoric of Fidesz and Jobbiki __________32 Anti-Immigration Sentiments ___________________________________________________ 32 Anti-Semitism _______________________________________________________________ 41 Anti-Gypsyism ______________________________________________________________45 Homophobia ________________________________________________________________46 -
Morality and Nationalism
Morality and Nationalism This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism. Drawing on nationalist writings and examining almost 200 years of nationalism in Ireland and Quebec, the author develops a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. The study of nationalism has tended towards the construction of dichotomies – arguing, for example, that there are political and cultural, or civic and ethnic, versions of the phenomenon. However, as an object of moral scrutiny this bifurcation makes nationalism difficult to work with. The author draws on primary sources to see how nationalists themselves argued for their cause and examines almost two hundred years of nationalism in two well-known cases, Ireland and Quebec. The author identifies which themes, if any, are common across the various forms that nationalism can take and then goes on to develop a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. This representation-based approach provides a basis for the moral claim of nationalism while at the same time identifying grounds on which this claim can be evaluated and limited. It will be of strong interest to political theorists, especially those working on nationalism, multiculturalism, and minority rights. The special focus in the book on the Irish and Quebec cases also makes it relevant reading for specialists in these fields as well as for other area studies where nationalism is an issue. Catherine Frost is Assistant Professor of Political Theory at McMaster University, Canada. Routledge Innovations in Political Theory 1 A Radical Green Political Theory Alan Carter 2 Rational Woman A feminist critique of dualism Raia Prokhovnik 3 Rethinking State Theory Mark J. -
19 Spain. Populism from the Far Right to the Emergence of Podemos
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Mary's University Open Research Archive 19 Spain. Populism From the Far Right to the Emergence of Podemos Karen B. Sanders, Rosa Berganza, and Roberto de Miguel Introduction There is a lack of systematic research on populism and populist political communication in Spain, consisting as it does of mainly descriptive and case study work. This state of research contrasts to the greater body of work carried out in the Latin American context. The absence of a developed corpus of theoretical and empirical research leads us to argue that caution should be exercised in assessing and classifying populism and populist communication in the Spanish context at this stage. However, the evidence that we have been able to collect from published research, survey data, media accounts, and interviews with political actors allows us to present what we hope is a useful review of the state of political populism scholarship regarding Spain. Research on Populism in Spain In the May 2014 European Parliament elections, Podemos (We Can), a party registered in March 2014, won five seats and 1.2 million votes. Podemos emerged from Spain’s 2011 Outraged Movement. Although its activists and leaders claim that it is “neither of the left or of the right” (Carlin, 2015), most Spanish commentators consider it to be Spain’s most significant left-wing populist party (see, e.g., Carlin, 2015), despite the as yet limited number of publications analyzing its rise and characteristics. Until the appearance of Podemos, most research that centered on Spanish political populism relied on single case studies and treated the phenomenon as typical of the far right of Spanish politics in common with developments in other European countries (see Hernández-Carr, 2011, 2013). -
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Racializing the Ancient World: Ancestry and Identity in the Early United States by Lyra D. Monteiro B.A., Anthropology and Classical Civilization, New York University, 2004 M.A., Classical Art and Archaeology, University of Michigan, 2006 M.A., Classical Studies-Latin, University of Michigan, 2006 M.A., Public Humanities, Brown University, 2009 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World Brown University May 2012 Text copyright © 2012 by Lyra D. Monteiro All images are copyright their respective creators This dissertation by Lyra D. Monteiro is accepted in its present form by the Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date_____________ _________________________________ Susan E. Alcock, Advisor Date_____________ _________________________________ Seth Rockman, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date_____________ _________________________________ Corey D. B. Walker, Reader Date_____________ _________________________________ Ömür Harmanşah, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date_____________ _________________________________ Peter M. Weber, Dean of the Graduate School iii VITA Lyra Diana Monteiro was born in Port Townsend, Washington, on December 29, 1981. She studied Anthropology and Classical Civilizations at New York University, was elected to Phi Beta Kappa in 2003, and graduated summa cum laude in 2004. Between 2004-2006, she studied at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, and earned Masters degrees in Classical Art and Archaeology, and in Classical Studies-Latin. At Brown University, she earned a Masters degree in Public Humanities in 2009. Her doctoral studies were supported by the Mellon Fellowship for Humanistic Studies, the Rackham Merit Fellowship from the University of Michigan, the Joukowsky Presidential Fellowship from Brown University, a Graduate Teaching Fellowship from Brown University, the J.M. -
Darya Bazarkina Moscow State University for Humanities Sholokhov, Russia
Originalan naučni rad UDK 329.055.1:323.28 329.18:316.774(4-672 EU) Primljeno: 14.10.2015. Odobreno: 02.11.2015. Darya Bazarkina Moscow State University for Humanities Sholokhov, Russia RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM IN THE TERRITORY OF THE EU: FROM “STREET FIGHTERS” TO “NATIONAL-SOCIALIST UNDERGROUND” Abstract In this paper are elaborated contemporary forms of extreme right-wing in the terri- tory of the EU, with special emphasis on right-wing terrorist activities. The author paid special attention to communicational aspect of contemporary extreme right- wing actions through comparative analysis of media from the EU territories. The goal of this paper is examination of causes and consequences of the contemporary European extreme right-wing and the consequences of their actions. The ideology of neo-Nazism is explained, within which the author pointed out similarities and differences between the old and the new reforms of the right-wing extremism. The author concludes that the two main communication channels that were on-going previous years – internet and WPM scene – are still continuously used with a goal of spreading the neo-Nazi idea throughout Europe. Key words: extreme right-wing, Nazism, neo-Nazism, fascism, communication, violence, terrorism, EU. Ultra-right-wing spirits have become a big problem of the European society during the actual economic crisis. That is, for example, according to survey data which was collected by Institute for market researches in Linz, ordered by the Austri- an magazine Standard, “more than a half of the population (54%) believes that Nazis are very possible to win the elections, if it is assumed that banning of the Nauka i drustvo 2-2015.indd 85 16.12.2015 17:08:14 86 Darya Bazarkina national-socialist ideology will be overthrown”1. -
Seminario De Historia
SEMINARIO DE HISTORIA Dpto. de Hª Social y del Pensamiento Político, UNED Dpto. de Hª del Pensamiento y de los Movimientos Sociales y Políticos, UCM Fundación José Ortega y Gasset-Gregorio Marañón Curso 2015-2016 Documento de trabajo 2015/9 BRIDLED NATIVISM? ANTI-MUSLIM PREJUDICE IN SPANISH NORTH AFRICA AND IN CATALONIA Aitana Guía (Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute) SESIÓN: JUEVES, 17 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2015, 19 H. Lugar: Aula 11 Instituto Universitario de Investigación Ortega y Gasset c/ Fortuny 53, 28010 Madrid Contacto: [email protected] DRAFT – PLEASE DO NOT QUOTE WITHOUT PERMISSION Bridled nativism? Anti-Muslim prejudice in Spanish North Africa and in Catalonia - AITANA GUIA - Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence, Italy - [email protected] Introduction The worrisome rise of xenophobia in Europe in the post-Cold War period is not in doubt any longer. If for the past couple of decades analysts considered that support for the French Front National, the Austrian Freedom Party, and people’s parties in Switzerland, Denmark, or the Netherlands was a temporary phenomenon that had reached its upper limits at around 20 percent of the electoral vote, by 2014 it is clear that populism and xenophobia are growing in all European countries and have surpassed the 20 percent electoral mark in Austria, Switzerland, United Kingdom, France, Denmark, Norway, and Hungary.1 Scholars trying to make sense of the resurgence of populism and xenophobia in Europe catalog these parties and movements as extreme-right or radical right populists.2 While I think this approach yields useful results in understanding the discourse, policies, and electoral success of xenophobic parties in Europe, it does not fully explain the widespread and growing appeal of these parties to so many Europeans. -
3G INTERNET and CONFIDENCE in GOVERNMENT∗ Sergei Guriev R Nikita Melnikov R Ekaterina Zhuravskaya Forthcoming, Quarterly
3G INTERNET AND CONFIDENCE IN GOVERNMENT∗ Sergei Guriev ○r Nikita Melnikov ○r Ekaterina Zhuravskaya Forthcoming, Quarterly Journal of Economics Abstract How does mobile broadband internet affect approval of government? Using Gallup World Poll surveys of 840,537 individuals from 2,232 subnational regions in 116 countries from 2008 to 2017 and the global expansion of 3G mobile networks, we show that, on average, an increase in mobile broadband internet access reduces government approval. This effect is present only when the internet is not censored, and it is stronger when the traditional media are censored. 3G helps expose actual corruption in government: revelations of the Panama Papers and other corruption incidents translate into higher perceptions of corruption in regions covered by 3G networks. Voter disillusionment had electoral implications: In Europe, 3G expansion led to lower vote shares for incumbent parties and higher vote shares for the antiestablishment populist opposition. Vote shares for nonpopulist opposition parties were unaffected by 3G expansion. JEL codes: D72, D73, L86, P16. ∗We thank three anonymous referees and Philippe Aghion, Nicolas Ajzenman, Oriana Bandiera, Timothy Besley, Kirill Borusyak, Filipe Campante, Mathieu Couttenier, Ruben Durante, Jeffry Frieden, Thomas Fuji- wara, Davide Furceri, Irena Grosfeld, Andy Guess, Brian Knight, Ilyana Kuziemko, John Londregan, Marco Manacorda, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, Chris Papageorgiou, Maria Petrova, Pia Raffler, James Robinson, Sey- hun Orcan Sakalli, Andrei Shleifer, Andrey Simonov,