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The Religion and the Pantheon of the Sogdians (5Th–8Th Centuries CE) in Light of Their Sociopolitical Structures1

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The Religion and the Pantheon of the Sogdians (5Th–8Th Centuries CE) in Light of Their Sociopolitical Structures1 The ReligiOn and the PantheOn Of the SOgdians (5th–8th centUries CE) in Light Of their SOciOpOlitical StrUctUres1 MICHAEL SHENKAR SOGDIANA As A “CITY-sTATE CULTURE”1 Politically, these cities were part of a single state only when ruled by an external power – a “macro-state”. Sogdiana (Sog. Suγδ) is first and foremost a geo- Many city-states throughout history have had a repub- graphical term. It refers to the region around the Zer- lican form of government.6 In contrast, most Sogdian avshan and Kashkadarya river valleys, which was home city-states were headed by a “lord” (written as xwβ or to a distinctive Sogdian civilization from the fifth–ninth with an arameogram MRY’).7 The ruler of the largest centuries CE.2 In terms of political organization, there Sogdian city, Samarkand, also claimed the title “king of was never a “Sogdian State” or a “Sogdian Empire”. In Sogd” (sγwδyk MLKʼ).8 Despite these titles, in all cases fact, for most of this period Sogdiana represented a net- where sufficient historical data is available it is clear work of independent or semi-independent principalities that these rulers were not absolute monarchs, but had centered around a number of oases with a complex – and their power limited by the city community (n’β) and not always sufficiently understood – system of interactions­ were undoubtedly controlled and regulated through pub- and interdependencies between “major” and “minor” cit- lic institutions.9 Furthermore, the available evidence sug- ies (such as Samarkand and Panjikent, for instance).3 gests that in most cities the rulers were not only elected These principalities were inhabited by people who pos- by the community but could be deposed by it.10 sessed many elements of common culture, language and Coins of the Sogdian cities were customarily inscribed background and were conscious of their shared heritage, with the names of their rulers, but the dominant (and but their primary political and social identification was often the only) iconographic element to appear on Sogdian to the city of their origin.4 According to these parameters, coins in the seventh–eighth centuries are tamgha-signs. Sogdiana between the fifth and the eighth centuries was In the Iranian world the tamghas usually functioned as a classical “city-state culture” – distinct from territorial symbols of a particular clan or dynasty. However, as was “macro-states” as defined by the Copenhagen Polis Centre.5 the Centre, see http://www.teachtext.net/bn/cpc/. It is regrettable, although hardly surprising, that Sogdians are not included among the 1 I am grateful to Frantz Grenet, Pavel Lurje and Shaul Shaked for thirty-seven “city-state cultures” identified by the Copenhagen Polis their important remarks, which helped to improve this paper. Center from all continents and historical periods. For a brief description 2 A useful survey of the main stages of Sogdian history can be of these cultures, see Hansen 2006, pp. 17–24. found in de la Vaissière 2011; Marshak 2002, pp. 1-25; Grenet and 6 Hansen 2006, p. 12. Rapin 2013. Smirnova 1970 is still indispensable for the social history 7 For the suggestion that MRY’ should rather be read as afšīn, see of Sogdiana and for the account of the Arab conquest. For the history de la Vaissière 2007, pp. 28-29. of research of Sogdiana and important insights into Sogdian history, see 8 For the recent discussion of the Sogdian nobility ranks and titles, also Livshits 2008. see de la Vaissière 2007, pp. 28-38. 3 de la Vaissière 2007, pp. 23-28. 9 Smirnova 1970, p. 38; de la Vaissière 2007, pp. 37-38. As Vasilij 4 This is reflected in the different surnames (9 in number) that the Bartol’d has pointed out, unlike Persia, the kings of Mawarannahr were Sogdians were given in Chinese, depending on their city of origin. See only the first among other nobles and resembled more the “Greek Yoshida 2006. basileis” than “Asian despots”. Bartol’d 1963, p. 324. 5 According to this definition “a city-state culture arises when a 10 Marshak 2002, p. 13. The most famous case is that of Tarkhūn, region is inhabited by a people who have the same language (or a king of Samarkand, who was deposed in 710 for signing the agreement common lingua franca), the same religion, the same culture and the with the Arabs. See Ṭabarī (ed. and tr. Hinds 1990), p. 176. Some cit- same traditions, but is divided politically into a large number of small ies, such as Paykand in the Bukhara oasis, even had no king at all by states, each of which consists of a city and its immediate hinterland”: the time of the Arab conquest. Narshakhī mentions only the “people of Hansen 2006, p. 9. For a brief introduction and definition of the “city- Paykand” when describing the interaction of the Arabs with the city’s state” and the “city-state culture”, see Hansen 2006, pp. 7–31, with officials: Narshakhī, (ed. and tr. Frye 2007) pp. 59–60, and Ṭabarī references to numerous publications on the subject by the Copenhagen explicitly refers to it as the “city of merchants”: Ṭabarī (ed. and tr. Polis Center. For an overview of the research and the publications of Hinds 1990) p. 135. Journal Asiatique 305.2 (2017): 191-209 doi: 10.2143/JA.305.2.3262803 192 michael shenkar demonstrated by Naymark, in Sogdiana in the seventh– The city functioned as a basic unit of Sogdian culture eighth centuries, tamghas were not dynastic symbols, but in general, not only with regard to its political organiza- rather “signs of polities”11 – reflecting the rise of civic tion. The publications of the Copenhagen Polis Centre communities in the Sogdian cities and a decline in the highlight numerous elements of social, political and eco- power of the princes. In fact, it appears that no “dynas- nomic structures shared by city-state cultures.16 Given ties” existed in Sogdiana for some two centuries before these similarities, and the fact that the Sogdians of the the Arab conquest, in the sense that almost no Sogdian fifth–eighth centuries fully belong with these city-state king managed to make his rule hereditary and to pass it cultures in terms of their political, social and economic to his son.12 It was only after the Sogdian cities began to organization,17 it is reasonable to presume that Sogdian succumb to the Arabs (who brought with them a strictly religious structures – being of course, a social phenome- patrilineal concept of kingship) that we see sons of pre- non – may also bear a certain resemblance to those of vious Sogdian kings being routinely appointed to ruler- other city-state cultures. Our corpus of sources (espe- ship in Sogdiana, and actual royal dynasties appear.13 cially textual ones) for the study of Sogdian religion is The most notable examples are Tughshada, installed by dispiritingly meagre,18 and it may therefore prove useful Qutayba b. Muslim in Bukhara, and Turghar, son of to look at the religious institutions and traditions of other Ghūrak, who was made king of Samarkand in 738. city-state cultures. With all due deliberation and aware- They were followed by their sons – Qutayba and Yazid ness of the methodological problematic involved in such respectively14 – and at least in Bukhara all subsequent a comparative study, I hope to demonstrate that a student Bukharkhudas appear to have been Tughshada’s descend- of Sogdian religion can benefit from the immense amount ants. Therefore, the establishment of the real dynasties in of scholarship, models and approaches developed for the Sogdiana (such as the Bukharan Bukharkhudas) was in study of Classical Greek religion. I have chosen the reli- fact a by-product of the Arab conquest.15 gion of the Classical Greek poleis as a comparison for one simple reason – it is by far the best known and researched religious tradition among the city-states cultures and 11 Naymark 2005. 12 The known rulers of Panjikent do not seem to have been related therefore provides an unmatched wealth of scholarship to each other, and of the seven kings who ruled Samarkand in the and material, both written and archaeological. Moreover, seventh and the beginning of the eighth centuries, there is only one many models and approaches first developed in the study case of direct succession from father to son Dusuoboti (probably Sog. of Greek religion have also been later successfully δ twk’ sp’ ’ k) was succeeded by his son whose name the schinese applied to other religious traditions. sources give as Ninje-shi-shi who probably ruled from 696 to 698. For a list of these kings with brief accompanying information, see Livshits The only attempt to summarize our knowledge of 2008, pp. 199–200. It is worth noting, however, that according to Sogdian religion as a unified system was made by Mar- some (late) sources, Ghūrak was a brother of Tarkhūn, who preceded shak in 1999.19 In this work, he emphasizes the common him as the king of Samarkand and was deposed in 710 for signing the pantheon of the Sogdians and their worship of common agreement with the Arabs. See Smirnova 1970, pp. 211–212. In the text of a treaty between Qutayba and Ghūrak (Smirnova 1970, p. 208) the gods. However, he also notes apparent similarities latter is called “son of ikhshid”, which means that he was probably a between the Sogdian pantheon and the Olympian pan- son of one of the past kings of Samarkand. However, since the text of theon of Classical Greece, and even employs the term this agreement, and (most importantly) Ṭabarī, do not mention any “polis” religion (!) to characterise the phrase “Samar- family relations between Ghūrak and Tarkhūn, these cannot be consid- kand gods”, used by the Čaghānian envoy in the inscrip- ered proven (cf.
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