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“AN ABYSS of ANARCHY, NIHILISM, and DESPAIR”: HISTORICAL REPRESENTATIONS of ANARCHISTS in BRITAIN by Alexander Lee Jutila A

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“AN ABYSS of ANARCHY, NIHILISM, and DESPAIR”: HISTORICAL REPRESENTATIONS of ANARCHISTS in BRITAIN by Alexander Lee Jutila A “AN ABYSS OF ANARCHY, NIHILISM, AND DESPAIR”: HISTORICAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ANARCHISTS IN BRITAIN by Alexander Lee Jutila A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of North Carolina at Charlotte in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Charlotte 2018 Approved by: ______________________________ Dr. Peter Thorsheim ______________________________ Dr. Amanda Pipkin ______________________________ Dr. Christine Haynes ii ©2018 Alexander Lee Jutila ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ABSTRACT ALEXANDER LEE JUTILA. “AN ABYSS OF ANARCHY, NIHILISM, AND DESPAIR”: HISTORICAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ANARCHISTS IN BRITAIN (Under the direction of Dr. PETER THORSHEIM) Studies on historical representations of anarchists tend to focus on terrorist depictions and how they compare to the actual activities of the anarchist movement. Using British print media, this thesis explores other political, cultural, and social representations of anarchists in an effort to expand the field beyond a strict focus on terrorism. In addition, this thesis will also investigate the ways Cesare Lombroso and Havelock Ellis shaped discussions of anarchists in the British public sphere. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES V INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: THE ANARCHIST MOVEMENT 12 CHAPTER 2: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE ANARCHIST THREAT 26 2.1 CRIMINOLOGY, SUPERSTITION, AND PSEUDO-SCIENCE 26 2.2 IF IT BLEEDS IT LEADS (FACTS NEED NOT APPLY) 35 CHAPTER 3: THE POLITICAL CONSPIRACY: THE HIERARCHY DILEMMA, PUPPETRY, AND ARMAGEDDON 48 3.1 ANARCHISTS AS BOTH LEADERS AND THE LEADERLESS 48 3.2 ANARCHISTS AS POLITICAL PUPPETS 56 3.3 THE ANARCHIST ARMAGEDDON 63 CHAPTER 4: THE CULTURAL THREAT: ANARCHISTS AS THE BANE OF BRITISH SOCIETY 68 4.1 PHYSIOGNOMY 69 4.2 SLOTH AND GREED 75 4.3 THE FAMILY STRUCTURE 83 CHAPTER 5: THE DEPICTION OF GENDER UNDER ANARCHISM: SIRENS, AMAZONS, AND THE GENDER CRISIS 95 5.1 ANARCHIST WOMEN AS SIRENS AND AMAZONS 96 5.2 GENDER TROUBLE 108 5.3 LOUISE MICHEL 111 CONCLUSION 133 BIBLIOGRAPHY 142 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: "The Anarchist's Revenge: A May Day Romance" 74 Figure 2: "An Anarchist Sensation: A Spy in the Camp" 106 Figure 3: "Emma Goldman" 110 1 INTRODUCTION In 1904, John Sweeney, a recent retiree from the London Metropolitan Police Special Branch, published his memoirs detailing his time in the service. He considered himself an “Anarchist-hunter,” explaining that “I have done more work in connection with the Anarchists than in connection with criminals of any other type.”1 In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, nations across the world viewed the anarchist movement as a major threat to their stability. As historian Richard Jensen illustrates, “It is very little exaggeration to claim that anarchism was the terrorism of the era between the years 1878 and 1934. In the public mind, however erroneously, anarchism and anarchist became synonymous with terrorism and terrorist.”2 Yet, regarding anarchist terrorism, Sweeney further explained that in Britain “fewer [anarchists] still have the courage to practise what they preach. They are loafers for the most part, who join the Anarchist clubs for the purpose of securing shares of the funds disbursed amongst the members.”3 The English novelist Joseph Conrad echoed Sweeney in his well-known 1907 work, The Secret Agent: A Simple Tale. In the story, only one of the anarchist characters is connected to terrorism, the rest simply seek and maintain relationships with wealthy women to finance their idleness. These narratives of anarchist laziness, among many others, have seemingly become lost as both historical and general discussions on anarchism remain narrowly focused on terrorism. 1 John Sweeney, At Scotland Yard: Being the Experiences during Twenty-Seven Years' Service of John Sweeney (London: London Grant Richards, 1904), 204. 2 Richard Bach Jensen, The Battle Against Anarchist Terrorism: An International History, 1878-1934 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 1. 3 Sweeney, At Scotland Yard, 207. 2 As historian Constance Bantman observes, “one consequence of the disproportionate focus on anarchist terrorism has been to compound an earlier ‘image problem,’ which historically, participants in the anarchist movement have both cultivated and suffered from, and which has resulted in distorted representations of their aims and methods.”4 Another consequence of the disproportionate focus on anarchist terrorism is that other historical representations of anarchists have been overshadowed. In Britain, historical representations of anarchists contained a wealth of other concerns and allegations, from fears that the institution of marriage would collapse from unhindered anarchist activity to charges that women were often the main recruiters for and the most dangerous aspect of the movement. Despite the multifaceted depictions of anarchists, historical discussions over the terrorist representations remain dominant. Thus, when the turn-of-the-century anarchist movement emerged as an interest in historical studies in the 1960s, much of the historical work continued to revolve around the question of terrorism—whether investigating anarchist terrorism or refuting terrorism as the defining element of the anarchist movement. Initially, the anarchist movement in Britain was ignored. George Woodcock’s acclaimed 1962 work Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements declared, “English anarchism has never been anything else than a chorus of voices crying in the wilderness, though some of the voices have been remarkable.”5 British anarchism remained largely unstudied until John Quail’s 1978 The Slow Burning Fuse: The Lost History of the British Anarchists, the first work to give the British anarchist movement serious treatment. Quail’s work was limited in two 4 Constance Bantman, The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914: Exile and Transnationalism in the First Globalization (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2013), 6. 5 George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (New York: New American Library, 1962), 439. 3 important ways, however, as it failed to take into account London’s role as a key hub in the European anarchist movement and it lacked a serious study of anarchist women. Hermia Oliver’s The International Anarchist Movement in Late-Victorian London (1983) addressed these issues and more seriously explored the social dynamics of the anarchists in London. Both studies were critical in laying the groundwork for future studies of British anarchism, but both framed their studies around the question of terrorism—and, in small ways, succumbed to sensationalism themselves.6 The question of anarchist terrorism within the context of Britain, usually accepted with little objection, was finally critically examined in Bernard Porter’s The Origins of the Vigilant State: The London Metropolitan Police Special Branch Before the First World War (1987). While Porter’s main interest is the development of the London Metropolitan Police Special Branch, the Special Branch was formed out of a dual concern over Fenian and anarchist terrorism in the 1880s (which were not mutually exclusive in the eyes of the British state). Thus, much of Porter’s study covers the British state’s interactions with and perceptions of the British anarchist movement. Through state records, Porter shows that “most anarchists [the Special Branch] regarded as harmless” and that “so far as the British people were concerned the excitement the anarchist crime wave caused was mainly vicarious.”7 Historians focusing on representations of anarchists in the British media came to similar conclusions. Barbara Melchiori’s Terrorism in the Late Victorian Novel (1985) surveys a wide range of literary works and terrorist narratives. Melchiori finds that the 6 Constance Bantman, The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914: Exile and Transnationalism in the First Globalization (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2013), 3-4. 7 Bernard Porter, The Origins of the Vigilant State: The London Metropolitan Police Special Branch Before the First World War (New York: The Boydell Press, 1987), 103, 121. 4 media often purposely vilified the anarchists, which led to the Western construction of the “familiar equation that social protest and terrorism were synonymous.”8 Haia Shpayer-Makov concludes her study of British newspapers, “Anarchism in British Public Opinion 1880-1914” (1988), with the following: Perhaps the stereotype served the purpose of curbing the spread of anarchism. The public was confronted by an impermeable image that isolated anarchism and its propounders from any sympathy. The image led the public to act as its own censor and thus prevented serious ideological debate about anarchist tenets. In the light of such circumstances, other repressive measures were superfluous. The dichotomy created by the image between society and its enemies - the anarchists - sharply differentiated the normal from the exceptional. The stereotype could in this way serve as an important social cement, strengthening the status quo.9 Yet, the conclusions of Porter, Melchiori, and Shpayer-Makov seemed lost on the post- September 11th boom in terrorist studies, which brought the anarchist movement into the spotlight, reorienting it around terrorism. The most recognizable of this wave is James Gelvin’s “Al-Qaeda and Anarchism: A Historian’s Reply to Terrorology” (2008), in which Gelvin seeks to situate Al-Qaeda into the anarchist movement. Gelvin’s argument received plenty of pushback from historians of anarchism
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