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Truth Commissions and War Crimes Tribunals
Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict: Options for Negotiators 4.10 Reckoning for Past Wrongs: Truth Michael Lund Commissions and War Crimes Tribunals 4.10 Reckoning for Past Wrongs: Truth Commissions and War Crimes Tribunals As discussed in the previous section, when communities have been victimized by the government or by another group during a conflict, underlying feelings of resentment and the desire for revenge cannot be alleviated unless the group is allowed to mourn the tragedy and senses that wrongs have been acknowledged, if not entirely vindicated. In an environment where there is no acknowledgement of or accountability for past violent events, tensions among former disputants persist. Hence, confronting and reckoning with the past is vital to the transition from conflict to democracy. This section addresses two mechanisms to achieve this accounting: truth commissions and war-crime tribunals. 4.10.1–4.10.4 Truth commissions: description, tasks, strengths, limitations and organization 4.10.5–4.10.8 War crimes tribunals: description, tasks, strengths, limitations, and organization 4.10.9 Conclusion Box 11 Examples of Truth Commissions (p. 283) Factsheet 3 Designing a Truth Commission (pp. 287–288) Box 12 Examples of War Crimes Tribunals (p. 289) Factsheet 4 Designing a War Crimes Tribunal (pp. 295–296) During protracted periods of authoritarian rule and violent conflict, support for democratic mechanisms and the rule of law can atrophy. It is important to rebuild confidence in democra- tic government and eliminate such practices as political killings and ethnic cleansing in order to facilitate the transition to a civil society. The transformation can also be hindered by lingering feelings of injustice and mistrust on the part of the population against the government and other ethnic groups. -
Have Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Helped Remediate Human Rights Violations Against Women? an Analysis of the Past and Formula for the Future
Boston University School of Law Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2011 Have Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Helped Remediate Human Rights Violations Against Women? An Analysis of the Past and Formula for the Future Peggy Maisel Boston University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.bu.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Human Rights Law Commons Recommended Citation Peggy Maisel, Have Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Helped Remediate Human Rights Violations Against Women? An Analysis of the Past and Formula for the Future, 20 Cardozo Journal of International & Comparative Law 143 (2011). Available at: https://scholarship.law.bu.edu/faculty_scholarship/526 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Boston University School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Have Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Helped Remediate Human Rights Violations Against Women? A Feminist Analysis of the Past and Formula for the Future By Margaret (Peggy) Maisel FIU Legal Studies Research Paper Series Research Paper No.12-05 March 2012 This paper can be downloaded without charge from the Social Science Research Network electronic library at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2031181 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2031181 HAVE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSIONS HELPED REMEDIATE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS AGAINST WOMEN? A FEMINIST ANALYSIS OF THE PAST AND FORMULA FOR THE FUTURE Margaret (Peggy) Maisel* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCT ION .. -
Participatory Democracy? Exploring Peru's Efforts to Engage Civil
Participatory Democracy? Exploring Peru’s Efforts to Engage Civil Society in Local Governance Stephanie McNulty ABSTRACT As institutions are created to engage citizens and civil society organizations more directly, who participates, and what effect does participation have? This article explores two of Peru’s participatory institutions, the Regional Coordination Councils and the participatory budgets, created in 2002. Specifically it asks, once these institutions are set up, do organizations participate in them? and what effect does this participation have on the organizations? The data show that the participatory processes in Peru are including new voices in decisionmaking, but this inclusion has limits. Limited inclu- sion has, in turn, led to limited changes specifically in nongovernmental organizations. As a result, the democratizing potential of the participatory institutions is evident yet not fully realized. s institutions are created around Latin America to engage citizens and civil soci- Aety organizations directly, who participates? What effect does this participation have? Increasingly, local, regional, and national governments around Latin America are designing new institutions that allow citizens and civil society organizations (CSOs) to participate directly in policy decisionmaking with voice and vote. Partic- ipatory institutions (or PIs), such as development councils, participatory perform- ance monitoring, and participatory budgets, have been implemented around the region in countries such as Mexico, Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Peru.1 Often, these institutions are created to complement existing representative democratic institu- tions that are failing to meet the needs and demands of citizens. Reformers hope to increase transparency and accountability, as well as to encourage a more active and engaged civil society. -
Peruvian Ombudsman Calls for Meaningful Participation of Forest Peoples in All Policy Processes
Making the Forest Sector Transparent Peruvian Ombudsman calls for meaningful participation of forest peoples in all policy processes A policy briefing based on ‘The forest policy and the Peruvian Amazonia: progress and obstacles on the path to sustainability’, a report prepared by the Peruvian Ombudsman, Defensoría del Pueblo, in July 2010.1 Key Messages The government of Peru should promote and guarantee the multiple benefits that forests provide. It should ensure the conservation and sustainable management of natural resources, and equitable distribution of benefits. The sustainable management of forests has been a stated policy objective since 2000 but is yet to be achieved. The state needs to guarantee mechanisms that allow indigenous peoples to engage and benefit. This requires Congress to incorporate measures for ensuring the participation of stakeholders in the new forest law, in particular indigenous peoples, through their representative institutions, and in line with Convention 169 of the International Labour Organisation. This will also to help the meet poverty-alleviation objectives of the state. There is a clear deficit in capacity, especially within regional governments to which responsibility for forest management has been transferred. Financial resources have yet to be transferred and little has been done to build the capacity of civil servants responsible for carrying out these functions. Existing illegal logging problems are likely to worsen if the decentralisation process is not strengthened and timely. I. The ombudsman’s report Background Over 50% of Peru is covered by native forests, which ranks the country ninth in terms of forest cover in the world and second within Latin America. -
The Case of the Peruvian Human Rights Ombudsman 1996–2001*
J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 40, 51–82 f 2008 Cambridge University Press 51 doi:10.1017/S0022216X0700363X Printed in the United Kingdom Accountability in Hostile Times: the Case of the Peruvian Human Rights Ombudsman 1996–2001* THOMAS PEGRAM Abstract. This article examines the record of the Peruvian human rights ombudsman between 1996 and 2001, seeking to explain its relative effectiveness under conditions of semi-authoritarian government. It suggests that this can be attributed to three factors: (1) the robustness of the institution’s foundations; (2) the capacity of the first appointee and personnel, and; (3) the ability of the institution to build alliances which were able to enhance accountability. Drawing on O’Donnell’s theory of a new generation of horizontal accountability mechanisms – that is, appointed, as opposed to elected, institutions – it argues that the human rights ombudsman occupied a distinct position in the Peruvian political system during this period that allowed it to interconnect different actors and arenas of accountability. Keywords: ombudsman, accountability, Peru, democratisation, human rights, in- stitutions Introduction The persistence of human rights violations and unstable citizenship rights in many ostensibly democratic states in Latin America has raised the spectre of democratic erosion or even breakdown. Yet one striking feature of the past 30 years has been the spread of the human rights ombudsman institution throughout Latin America.1 Mandated to protect citizens’ fundamental rights, this new generation of horizontal accountability institutions is in- tended to strengthen democratic systems by protecting citizens’ rights and upholding the constitutional order. However, the ability of the ombudsman to fulfil its mandate is often undermined by adverse political contexts. -
The Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission Revisited
DISCUSSION PA P E R 3 6 Does One Size Fit All? The Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission Revisited AMADU SESAY Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala 2007 The research for this work was funded by a grant from Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Field work was done in in Freetown, Sierra Leone, in early January 2006. Indexing terms: Civil war Conflicts Violence Reconciliation Post-conflict reconstruction Peace building Truth and Reconciliation Commission Sierra Leone The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet Language editing: Elaine Almén ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN printed version 978-91-7106-586-5 ISBN electronic version 978-91-7106-562-9 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2007 Printed in Sweden by Elanders Gotab AB, Stockholm 2007 Contents 1. Introduction .................................................................................................5 2. Objectives of the study .................................................................................6 3. Scope of the study ........................................................................................7 4. Methodology................................................................................................ 8 5. Civil war and paradise lost ........................................................................... 8 6. TRCs and post conflict reconciliation: A synoptic review of the literature ..............................................................13 7. The Sierra Leone -
Truth Commissions and Reparations: a Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Honors Theses (PPE) Philosophy, Politics and Economics 5-2021 Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Anthony Chen Student Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Political History Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Chen, Anthony, "Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru" (2021). Honors Theses (PPE). Paper 43. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors/43 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Abstract This paper seeks to gauge the effectiveness of truth commissions and their links to creating material reparations programs through two central questions. First, are truth commissions an effective way to achieve justice after periods of conflict marked by mass or systemic human rights abuses by the government or guerilla groups? Second, do truth commissions provide a pathway to material reparations programs for victims of these abuses? It will outline the conceptual basis behind truth commissions, material reparations, and transitional justice. It will then engage in case studies and a comparative analysis of truth commissions and material reparations programs in four countries: Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Peru. -
Chad: the Victims of Hissène Habré Still Awaiting Justice
Human Rights Watch July 2005 Vol. 17, No. 10(A) Chad: The Victims of Hissène Habré Still Awaiting Justice Summary......................................................................................................................................... 1 Principal Recommendations to the Chadian Government..................................................... 2 Historical Background.................................................................................................................. 3 The War against Libya and Internal Conflicts in Chad....................................................... 3 The Regime of Hissène Habré................................................................................................ 4 The Documentation and Security Directorate (DDS) ........................................................ 5 The Crimes of Hissène Habré’s Regime ............................................................................... 8 The Fall of Hissène Habré and the Truth Commission’s Report ................................... 14 The Chadian Association of Victims of Political Repression and Crime....................... 16 Victim Rehabilitation.............................................................................................................. 17 The Prosecution of Hissène Habré...................................................................................... 18 The Victims of Hissène Habré Still Awaiting Justice in Chad .............................................22 Hissène Habré’s Accomplices Still in Positions -
Afro-Peruvian Perspectives and Critiques of Intercultural Education Policy Luis Martin Valdiviezo University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected]
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Open Access Dissertations 5-2012 Afro-Peruvian Perspectives and Critiques of Intercultural Education Policy Luis Martin Valdiviezo University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations Part of the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons Recommended Citation Valdiviezo, Luis Martin, "Afro-Peruvian Perspectives and Critiques of Intercultural Education Policy" (2012). Open Access Dissertations. 602. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/602 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AFRO-PERUVIAN PERSPECTIVES AND CRITIQUES OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY A Dissertation Presented by LUIS MARTIN VALDIVIEZO ARISTA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION May 2012 Social Justice Education © Copyright by Luis Martin Valdiviezo Arista 2012 All Rights Reserved AFRO-PERUVIAN PERSPECTIVES AND CRITIQUES OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY A Dissertation Presented by LUIS MARTIN VALDIVIEZO -
Truth Commissions, Transitional Justice, and Civil Society
TRUTH COMMISSIONS, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE, AND CIVIL SOCIETY David A. Crocker (Forthcoming in Robert I. Rotberg and Dennis Thompson, eds. Truth v. Justice: The Moral Efficacy of Truth Commissions: South Africa and Beyond (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press) Many societies seeking a just transition from authoritarian regimes or civil wars to democracy have employed official truth commissions to investigate systematic violations of internationally recognized human rights.1 These abuses – which include extrajudicial killing, genocide, disappearance, rape, torture, and severe ill treatment – may have been committed by a previous government against its own citizens (or those of other countries), by its opponents, or by combatants in a civil or international armed conflict. Recently utilized in South Africa and Guatemala, such investigative bodies have been employed in at least 20 countries and are being considered for such nations as Bosnia, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Kenya. Truth commissions can contribute to achieving many important goals in societies during the transition to democracy. But, as we shall see, they must be supplemented by other measures and institutions, such as trials and judicial punishment. This paper will first clarify eight goals for reckoning with past wrongs and, in the light of this framework, assess the strengths and weaknesses of official investigatory bodies. Second, the paper shows that a nation's civil society – especially when it practices public deliberation or deliberative democracy – is often indispensable to the success of truth commissions and, more generally, to reckoning with past wrongs. Third, the essay contends that international civil society may play a useful role in advancing the goals of national truth commissions and transitional justice. -
The Paradox Between Good Economic Performance and Social Unrest in Peru: 2000-2015 Abstract
The paradox between good economic performance and social unrest in Peru: 2000-2015 Prof. Enrique Vásquez 1 Visiting Research Fellow, Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals (IBEI), España Professor of Economics, Universidad del Pacífico ,Perú [email protected] Abstract During 2000-2015, Peru achieved an average annual growth rate of GDP - higher than the average of Latin America (2.85%) - of 5.3% (World Bank, 2017). This generated an increase in the average monthly salary of US$ 505.6 PPP in 2004 to US$ 851.4 PPP in 2015 (INEI, 2016). This improvement of growth and real income resulted in a reduction of both the monetary poverty (42.4% in 2007 to 27.8% in 2011), (INEI, 2012, p. 26), as well as the multidimensional poverty index (55.47% in 2007 to 37% in 2011), (Vásquez, 2012). Moreover, the Gini index changed from 0.525 in 2001 to 0.439 in 2014 (ECLAC, 2017). However, some labour indicators showed that in 2015, only 50.8% of the Occupied EAP had an adequate employment and 45.7% was underemployed (INEI, 2016). In turn, the number of conflicts increased from 47 in 2004 to 211 in 2015, according to the Peru Ombudsman Office (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2015). The aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of the paradox of a country that grows in macroeconomic terms under social unrest. The Peruvian economy generated positive conditions for growth from 2000 through 2015. However, there was not a fair distribution of economic outcomes across the 25 regions within Peru (CIES & BID, 2012). -
Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice
Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper Number 25, March 2019 Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice Mia Swart PALESTINIAN RECONCILIATION AND THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE Mia Swart The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2019 Brookings Institution THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha Table of Contents I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ..........................................................................................................3 III. Background on the Rift Between Fatah and Hamas ...............................................7 IV. The Concept