DOCSLIB.ORG

Peruvian National Confederation of People with Disabilities Confenadip Peruvian National Confederation of Persons with Disabilities

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Peruvian National Confederation of People with Disabilities Confenadip Peruvian National Confederation of Persons with Disabilities PERUVIAN NATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES CONFENADIP PERUVIAN NATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES (CONFENADIP) REPORT – BALANCE OF THE COMPLIANCE OF PERUVIAN STATE’S OBLIGATIONS WITH A VIEW TO THE CRPD Introduction The entry into force of the Convention of the UN on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (hereafter called ―The Convention‖ or ―CRPD‖) and its Optional Protocol1, paved the way for its real implementation and compliance. It also promoted the ardent desire for the opportunity to engage in participation and monitoring by persons with disabilities (PWDs) and their organisations throughout the world, and as expected, also in Peru. Two years after the entry into force of the CRPD, the Peruvian State has provided the Monitoring Committee (hereafter ―The Committee‖) with its official report on the measures adopted to comply with the obligations set forth in the Convention. Persons with disabilities and their most representative organisations are aided by the right to submit alternative reports on their opinions about the compliance of the CRPD. By using this right, the Peruvian National Confederation of Persons with Disabilities (CONFENADIP) hereby submits to the Convention Monitoring Committee this Alternative Report (AR), containing the perspective of persons with disabilities regarding the real and effective exercise of their rights as recognised in the CRPD. This Report contains considerations on the general framework for the promotion and protection of human rights, and specifically the rights of persons with disabilities, as well as the application of the specific mandates of the CRPD in Peru. Given that this is the first alternative report on the compliance with the Convention in Latin America, we took on the challenge of drafting it with the conviction that pointing out problems and proposing solutions, from the perspective of the compliance with human rights, is the primary responsibility of the Peruvian State, with the direct participation of and in close consultation with persons with disabilities and their organisations, as established in Articles 4 and 33 of the Convention. From this point on, the CONFENADIP will work to disseminate this report, seeking commitments to the compliance of the CRPD mandate, with the national, regional and local governments of our country; as well as looking for support and involving more people with disabilities and their families, human rights organisations in the country, and other public and private working to promote sustainable and concerted development, as well as the different collectives of excluded sectors without disabilities. Regarding the methodology used for the drafting of this Optional Report, it has been structured thoroughly in order to grant persons with disabilities the most possible participation; from the capital of Lima, as well as from inside the country, for both urban and rural zones. The developed research has used primary instruments (questionnaires and surveys) validated with the participation of the parties involved; as well as secondary instruments. But particularly, through the review of the national and international laws that obliges Peru in this matter, the review of the official report presented to the UN on the compliance of the CRPD, the review of official documents about 1 The Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities was signed on March 30th, 2007, in New York, United States of America, and approved by the Peruvian Congress through Legislative Resolution No 29127 of October 31st, 2007. Such instruments were subsequently ratified by the Peruvian State in December 2007 through the Supreme Decree No 073-2007-RE. PERUVIAN NATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES CONFENADIP activities carried out, letters, and interviews of officials, NGOs‘ representatives and human rights organizations of the country. CHAPTER I COUNTRY GENERAL CONTEXT 1. General description The Republic of Peru is located in the Midwest of South America. On the West it is bounded by the Pacific Ocean, on the Northwest by Ecuador, on the Northeast by Colombia, on the East by Brazil, on the Southeast by Bolivia and on the South by Chile. Its territory comprises 1 285 216 km2 or 496 223 miles2. It is the third biggest country in South America, and it has 3 very distinct geographic regions: Coast, Highlands and Jungle. At present, its population amounts to 29 132 013 million of inhabitants3. Its nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is US$ 127 598 millions and a real GDP of 0.9% regarding year 2009, and its per capita GDP amounts to US$ 4 453. The total volume of its exports currently amounts to 2 376 millions of dollars4, which means a percentage increase of 46% regarding the existing values by March 2009. As for its Human Development Index (HDI)5, it is ranked in 0, 806 (taking the 78th place of the scale of 182 countries considered by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), which – on the base of standardized values between 0 and 1 – is considered in the High rank6. However, in accordance with available information by year 2008, the 36.2% of its population is under the poverty line, while the 12.6% is in extreme poverty78. Likewise, poverty is distributed regionally in the following way: 21.3% in the coast, 56.2% in the highlands and 40.9% in the jungle.9 The Peruvian economy growth and the reduction of the poverty and extreme poverty rate in the country must not, however, make us ignore the fact that it has a strong inequality. In fact, according to the GINI Coefficient, Peru – with a rate of 0.476 – is in 4th place in income inequality in the whole Latin America.10 2. Politic Regime 2.1 Form of Government The Peruvian State is a republic, structured within a mainly presidential system11. The Head of State and Government is the President, who is elected by popular vote. The executive and legislative 2 Source: National Geographic Institute (IGN) – Geography Direction. 3 Source: National Institute of Statistics and Data Processing (INEI). 4 Source: Ministry of Foreign Trade and Tourism (MINCETUR). 5 The HDI is a synoptical measure of the human development in order to place again people in the development process center, in terms of economical discussions, policies creation and promotion. 6 Source: Report on Human Development 2009. ―For a density of the State at people‘s disposal‖. United Nations Development Program (UNDP). 7 Source: National Institute of Statistics and Data Processing (INEI). 8 According to the XXX of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (UNECLAC or ECLAC) 2008, the rest of the economies of Latin America grew also in a steady way between 2003 and 2008, reducing poverty from 44% to 35% and extreme poverty from 18.6% to 12,7% between 1980 and 2007. Source: 9 Source: National Institute of Statistics and Data Processing (INEI). 10 The Gini Coefficient is a figure expressed in percentages between 0 and 1, in which 0 corresponds to the perfect income equality and 1 corresponds to the perfect income inequality. United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (UNECLAC or ECLAC). Statistics Yearbook 2009. 11 PLANAS Pedro, Regímenes Políticos Contemporáneos, Fondo de Cultura Económica, Lima, 1997, pages 70-82. PERUVIAN NATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES CONFENADIP branches are separated. As the President, Congress members are also elected by direct elections, the first one is entitled to making and observing laws12, as well as choosing and dismissing his Ministers.13 2.2 Electoral Regime The politic regime of Peru is in line within a democratic system, in which citizens choose their representatives (President of the Republic, Congressmen, Regional Presidents and local and provincial Municipal Authorities) by direct and free elections. Voting is universal and compulsory until the person is 70 years old, except for the restrictions set forth in the law.14 The electoral system is established in multi-member districts (in other words, where two or more seats are distributed per district). 2.3 State Structure 2.2.1 Horizontal dimension of the State’s structure In order to understand the structure and organization of the Peruvian State, two dimensions must be taken into consideration: a vertical and horizontal dimension. The vertical one refers to the application of the principle of separating public branches in Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches. These branches are autonomous at politic, economic and administrative levels; and they are of national competence (in the whole territory). This autonomy is reflected in the faculty of: a) adopting and regulating their plans and programs, as well as other issues of its competence (politic autonomy); b) establishing its internal organization (administrative autonomy), and c) collect and manage its own revenues and income, as well as approving its institutional budgets (economic autonomy). 2.2.1.1 Executive Branch The Executive Branch consists of the President of the Republic, Council of Ministers, Presidency of the Council of Ministers, Ministries and public entities of the Executive Branch15. It holds exclusive competences and shared competences with Local and Regional Governments. The first ones are included in article 4 of the Organic Law of the Executive Branch (OLEB), regarding the design and supervision of the national and sectorial plans and policies, as well as other topics, such as: - Safety, Armed Forces and National Defence - Foreign Affairs, Justice (as long as it is not about Justice Administration) - Internal Order, National Police and Frontiers - Tax Administration - Trade Regime and Tariff - Regulation of the Merchant Marines and Commercial Aviation - Public Services of its responsibility - Public Infrastructure The Executive Branch is in charge of law regulation, as well as its application and evaluation; planning and execution of plans and national policies; establishing cooperation mechanisms with entities of Public Administration, etc.16 2.2.1.2 Legislative Branch 12 Article 108 of the Constitution. 13 Idem.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Participatory Democracy? Exploring Peru's Efforts to Engage Civil
    Participatory Democracy? Exploring Peru’s Efforts to Engage Civil Society in Local Governance Stephanie McNulty ABSTRACT As institutions are created to engage citizens and civil society organizations more directly, who participates, and what effect does participation have? This article explores two of Peru’s participatory institutions, the Regional Coordination Councils and the participatory budgets, created in 2002. Specifically it asks, once these institutions are set up, do organizations participate in them? and what effect does this participation have on the organizations? The data show that the participatory processes in Peru are including new voices in decisionmaking, but this inclusion has limits. Limited inclu- sion has, in turn, led to limited changes specifically in nongovernmental organizations. As a result, the democratizing potential of the participatory institutions is evident yet not fully realized. s institutions are created around Latin America to engage citizens and civil soci- Aety organizations directly, who participates? What effect does this participation have? Increasingly, local, regional, and national governments around Latin America are designing new institutions that allow citizens and civil society organizations (CSOs) to participate directly in policy decisionmaking with voice and vote. Partic- ipatory institutions (or PIs), such as development councils, participatory perform- ance monitoring, and participatory budgets, have been implemented around the region in countries such as Mexico, Brazil, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Peru.1 Often, these institutions are created to complement existing representative democratic institu- tions that are failing to meet the needs and demands of citizens. Reformers hope to increase transparency and accountability, as well as to encourage a more active and engaged civil society.
    [Show full text]
  • Peruvian Ombudsman Calls for Meaningful Participation of Forest Peoples in All Policy Processes
    Making the Forest Sector Transparent Peruvian Ombudsman calls for meaningful participation of forest peoples in all policy processes A policy briefing based on ‘The forest policy and the Peruvian Amazonia: progress and obstacles on the path to sustainability’, a report prepared by the Peruvian Ombudsman, Defensoría del Pueblo, in July 2010.1 Key Messages The government of Peru should promote and guarantee the multiple benefits that forests provide. It should ensure the conservation and sustainable management of natural resources, and equitable distribution of benefits. The sustainable management of forests has been a stated policy objective since 2000 but is yet to be achieved. The state needs to guarantee mechanisms that allow indigenous peoples to engage and benefit. This requires Congress to incorporate measures for ensuring the participation of stakeholders in the new forest law, in particular indigenous peoples, through their representative institutions, and in line with Convention 169 of the International Labour Organisation. This will also to help the meet poverty-alleviation objectives of the state. There is a clear deficit in capacity, especially within regional governments to which responsibility for forest management has been transferred. Financial resources have yet to be transferred and little has been done to build the capacity of civil servants responsible for carrying out these functions. Existing illegal logging problems are likely to worsen if the decentralisation process is not strengthened and timely. I. The ombudsman’s report Background Over 50% of Peru is covered by native forests, which ranks the country ninth in terms of forest cover in the world and second within Latin America.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of the Peruvian Human Rights Ombudsman 1996–2001*
    J. Lat. Amer. Stud. 40, 51–82 f 2008 Cambridge University Press 51 doi:10.1017/S0022216X0700363X Printed in the United Kingdom Accountability in Hostile Times: the Case of the Peruvian Human Rights Ombudsman 1996–2001* THOMAS PEGRAM Abstract. This article examines the record of the Peruvian human rights ombudsman between 1996 and 2001, seeking to explain its relative effectiveness under conditions of semi-authoritarian government. It suggests that this can be attributed to three factors: (1) the robustness of the institution’s foundations; (2) the capacity of the first appointee and personnel, and; (3) the ability of the institution to build alliances which were able to enhance accountability. Drawing on O’Donnell’s theory of a new generation of horizontal accountability mechanisms – that is, appointed, as opposed to elected, institutions – it argues that the human rights ombudsman occupied a distinct position in the Peruvian political system during this period that allowed it to interconnect different actors and arenas of accountability. Keywords: ombudsman, accountability, Peru, democratisation, human rights, in- stitutions Introduction The persistence of human rights violations and unstable citizenship rights in many ostensibly democratic states in Latin America has raised the spectre of democratic erosion or even breakdown. Yet one striking feature of the past 30 years has been the spread of the human rights ombudsman institution throughout Latin America.1 Mandated to protect citizens’ fundamental rights, this new generation of horizontal accountability institutions is in- tended to strengthen democratic systems by protecting citizens’ rights and upholding the constitutional order. However, the ability of the ombudsman to fulfil its mandate is often undermined by adverse political contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Afro-Peruvian Perspectives and Critiques of Intercultural Education Policy Luis Martin Valdiviezo University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected]
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Open Access Dissertations 5-2012 Afro-Peruvian Perspectives and Critiques of Intercultural Education Policy Luis Martin Valdiviezo University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations Part of the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons Recommended Citation Valdiviezo, Luis Martin, "Afro-Peruvian Perspectives and Critiques of Intercultural Education Policy" (2012). Open Access Dissertations. 602. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/602 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AFRO-PERUVIAN PERSPECTIVES AND CRITIQUES OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY A Dissertation Presented by LUIS MARTIN VALDIVIEZO ARISTA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION May 2012 Social Justice Education © Copyright by Luis Martin Valdiviezo Arista 2012 All Rights Reserved AFRO-PERUVIAN PERSPECTIVES AND CRITIQUES OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION POLICY A Dissertation Presented by LUIS MARTIN VALDIVIEZO
    [Show full text]
  • The Paradox Between Good Economic Performance and Social Unrest in Peru: 2000-2015 Abstract
    The paradox between good economic performance and social unrest in Peru: 2000-2015 Prof. Enrique Vásquez 1 Visiting Research Fellow, Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals (IBEI), España Professor of Economics, Universidad del Pacífico ,Perú [email protected] Abstract During 2000-2015, Peru achieved an average annual growth rate of GDP - higher than the average of Latin America (2.85%) - of 5.3% (World Bank, 2017). This generated an increase in the average monthly salary of US$ 505.6 PPP in 2004 to US$ 851.4 PPP in 2015 (INEI, 2016). This improvement of growth and real income resulted in a reduction of both the monetary poverty (42.4% in 2007 to 27.8% in 2011), (INEI, 2012, p. 26), as well as the multidimensional poverty index (55.47% in 2007 to 37% in 2011), (Vásquez, 2012). Moreover, the Gini index changed from 0.525 in 2001 to 0.439 in 2014 (ECLAC, 2017). However, some labour indicators showed that in 2015, only 50.8% of the Occupied EAP had an adequate employment and 45.7% was underemployed (INEI, 2016). In turn, the number of conflicts increased from 47 in 2004 to 211 in 2015, according to the Peru Ombudsman Office (Defensoría del Pueblo, 2015). The aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of the paradox of a country that grows in macroeconomic terms under social unrest. The Peruvian economy generated positive conditions for growth from 2000 through 2015. However, there was not a fair distribution of economic outcomes across the 25 regions within Peru (CIES & BID, 2012).
    [Show full text]
  • Terror at the Emperor's Birthday Party: an Analysis of the Hostage-Taking Incident at the Japanese Embassy in Lima, Peru Dr
    Penn State International Law Review Volume 16 Article 2 Number 1 Dickinson Journal of International Law 9-1-1997 Terror at the Emperor's Birthday Party: An Analysis of the Hostage-Taking Incident at the Japanese Embassy in Lima, Peru Dr. Ranee K.L. Panjabi Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Panjabi, Dr. Ranee K.L. (1997) "Terror at the Emperor's Birthday Party: An Analysis of the Hostage-Taking Incident at the Japanese Embassy in Lima, Peru," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 16: No. 1, Article 2. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol16/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I Articles I Terror at the Emperor's Birthday Party: An Analysis of the Hostage- Taking Incident at the Japanese Embassy in Lima, Peru. Dr. Ranee K. L. Panjabi* I. Introduction Does the end ever justify the means? This question confronts and haunts the student of modem terrorism and revolution. In the first part of this century, Mahatma Gandhi, leading India in a non- violent struggle against British imperial rule, argued eloquently that violent means are never justifiable, no matter how noble the end. He convinced Indians to struggle for independence non-violently on the basis that "[t]ruth never damages a cause that is just."1 Leading this unique revolution, Gandhi provided a moral founda- * The author holds a law degree with Honors from the University of London (England) and teaches History and Human Rights at Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Peru’S President Faces Challenges After Pardoning Fujimori Elsa Chanduvã Jaã±A
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 1-26-2018 Peru’s President Faces Challenges After Pardoning Fujimori Elsa Chanduvà Jaña Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation Chanduvà Jaña, Elsa. "Peru’s President Faces Challenges After Pardoning Fujimori." (2018). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ notisur/14575 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 80504 ISSN: 1060-4189 Peru’s President Faces Challenges After Pardoning Fujimori by Elsa Chanduví Jaña Category/Department: Peru Published: 2018-01-26 President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski survived an attempt by Congress to remove him from office last December by making agreements with a sector of the Fujimorista bloc in the legislature. But the political cost of his decision may not allow him to overcome the governability crisis in which Peru is now embroiled, and many believe it will be difficult for him to stay in power until the end of his term in 2021. The crisis was sparked by Congresswoman Rosa Bartra, of the majority Fujimorista caucus, who heads the congressional committee investigating the bribes the Brazilian giant Odebrecht and other Brazilian construction companies paid public officials in Peru between 2005 and 2014 for public infrastructure contracts (NotiSur, May 26, 2017). Bartra reported in mid-December that Mauricio Cruz, Odebrecht’s representative in Peru, had provided documents indicating that the firm had made seven payments totaling US$782,207 to Westfield Capital, a company owned by Kuczynski, for consulting services offered between 2004 and 2007, years during which Kuczynski served as minister of the economy and prime minister under President Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) (NotiSur, Set.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining the Onset of Protest Surrounding Mining Projects in Peru Jhader Aguad Macalester College, [email protected]
    Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Political Science Honors Projects Political Science Department Spring 5-1-2017 Agro Sí, Mina No: Explaining the Onset of Protest Surrounding Mining Projects in Peru Jhader Aguad Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/poli_honors Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Models and Methods Commons, and the Nature and Society Relations Commons Recommended Citation Aguad, Jhader, "Agro Sí, Mina No: Explaining the Onset of Protest Surrounding Mining Projects in Peru" (2017). Political Science Honors Projects. 61. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/poli_honors/61 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MACALESTER COLLEGE HONORS THESIS Agro S´ı, Mina No: Explaining the Onset of Protest Surrounding Mining Projects in Peru Jhader Aguad supervised by Professor Lisa Mueller, Ph.D. Political Science Department April 26, 2017 Abstract Over the past decade, Peru has witnessed a steady increase in protest activity, often related to natural resource extraction. From 2006 to 2016, the number of protest events rose from 73 to over 200 per month. Yet this increase was far more prevalent in some provinces than others. What explains variation in protest surrounding mining projects in Peru? Although scholarly work on protest is extensive, studies on Peru remain limited and focus on the grievances of social actors and the political conditions that allow mobilization.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legacy of Truth Criminal Justice in the Peruvian Transition Lisa
    The Legacy of Truth Criminal Justice in the Peruvian Transition Lisa Magarrell and Leonardo Filippini / Editors In memory of Father Hubert Lanssiers and of all the victims to whom he dedicated his life and work Translated from Spanish by Catherine Jagoe Table of Contents Preface Introduction Lisa Magarrell and Leonardo Filippini Criminal Justice and Truth in the Transition to Democracy Gloria Cano and Karim Ninaquispe The Role of Civil Society in Demanding and Promoting Justice Javier Ciurlizza and Eduardo González Truth and Justice From the Perspective of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Eduardo Vega Luna Criminal Responsibility of State Agents Luis E. Francia Sánchez Criminal Trials of Terrorist Organizations Katya Salazar Luzula Gender, Sexual Violence and Criminal Law in Post-Conflict Peru Ronald Gamarra Human Rights, Justice and the Transition to Democracy: Institutional Review Contributors Preface The publication of these essays on truth and criminal justice in Peru is a significant contribution to the much-needed analysis of how to strengthen democracy in our country. The goal of a strong democracy is worthy and feasible but it is not altogether certain at this point, due to the negligence and hostility that still confront the rigorous enforcement of the law that is essential to the democratic life we desire. There is a tendency to fall back on a simplification that has yielded very bad results for us in the past: the belief that to have a democracy, all one need do is hold elections periodically, which neglects the fact that democracy exists only to the extent that the citizens of a country experience it on a daily basis as something meaningful in their lives.
    [Show full text]
  • Peru 2016: Continuity and Change in an Electoral Year Perú 2016: Continuidad Y Cambio En Un Año Electoral
    REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 37 / N° 2 / 2017 / 563-587 PERU 2016: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN AN ELECTORAL YEAR Perú 2016: continuidad y cambio en un año electoral STEPHANIE MCNULTY*1 Franklin and Marshall College, USA ABSTRACT As an electoral year, 2016 confirmed the endurance of neoliberal economic models and democratic procedures in Peru. The election of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, pop- ularly known as PPK, points to another year of the “automatic pilot” mode from the right, with continued neoliberal programs in the context of weak and ineffi- cient institutions. The national elections also illustrate the continued trajectory of peaceful, democratic transfers of power at the national level, evincing the Peruvian electorate’s commitment to democratic procedures. Part of this commitment lies in a significant proportion of the population’s persistent rejection of Keiko Fujimori as presidential candidate. At the same time, the quality of Peruvian democracy re- mains moderately low, due to a variety of factors including pervasive corruption, weak political parties, problematic state institutions, and inequality. This article outlines many of the patterns that persist despite the changes in leadership that were ushered in after the April and June national elections. Key Words: Peru, Democracy, Governance RESUMEN Como un año electoral, 2016 demostró la resistencia de los modelos económicos neolibera- les y los procedimientos democráticos en el Perú. La elección de Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, popularmente conocido como PPK, indica que Perú experimentó un año más del modo “pi- loto automático” de la derecha, con la continuación de programas neoliberales dentro de un contexto de instituciones débiles e ineficientes.
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 1 1. The legacy of widespread human rights abuses ............................................................. 3 Legal shortcomings ................................................................................................ 4 Breaches of legal requirements .............................................................................. 6 The use of confessions extracted under duress as evidence ................................... 7 Armed forces and law enforcement ....................................................................... 8 Recent reforms ....................................................................................................... 8 2. Two decades of impunity ............................................................................................... 9 Opportunities to combat impunity ....................................................................... 10 3. Torture and ill-treatment since February 1998 ............................................................. 11 Military courts ..................................................................................................... 11 Failure to implement domestic legislation ........................................................... 12 No independent investigations ............................................................................. 13 Harassment and intimidation of victims .............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Truth Commissions Public Disclosure Authorized
    GenderJusticeTruth 7/5/06 11:06 AM Page 1 37606 Public Disclosure Authorized Gender, Justice, Public Disclosure Authorized and Truth Commissions Public Disclosure Authorized June 2006 Co-sponsored by the PREM Gender and Development Group (PRMGE), the Conflict Public Disclosure Authorized Prevention and Reconstruction Team (SDV), Legal and Judicial Reform Practice Group (LEGJR), and LAC Public Sector Group (LCSPS),World Bank Gender and Development Group The World Bank 1818 H Street NW Washington DC 20433 USA www.worldbank.org/gender Gender, Justice, and Truth Commissions June 2006 Co-sponsored by the PREM Gender and Development Group (PRMGE), the ESSD Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Team (SDV), Legal and Judicial Reform Practice Group (LEGJR), and LAC Public Sector Group (LCSPS), World Bank Table of Contents Foreword v Acknowledgments vi Acronyms and Abbreviations vii Executive Summary ix Introduction 1 • The Gender Dimensions of Conflict 1 • Truth Commissions 3 • The Importance of the Study for the World Bank 5 • Study Objective 5 • Methodology and Data Sources 5 Truth Commissions 6 • Origin and Nature of Truth Commissions 6 • Common Characteristics of Truth Commissions 7 Gender and Truth Commissions 9 Case Studies 11 • The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission 11 • The Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission 13 • The Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission 16 • The Three Cases: Some Comparisons 18 • Comments 21 Findings and Conclusions 23 • Key Findings 23 • Importance of Truth Commissions for International
    [Show full text]