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The Democratic Role of Social Media in Political Debates: the Use of Twitter in the First Televised US Presidential Debate of 2016

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The Democratic Role of Social Media in Political Debates: the Use of Twitter in the First Televised US Presidential Debate of 2016 Journal of Information Technology & Politics ISSN: 1933-1681 (Print) 1933-169X (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/witp20 The democratic role of social media in political debates: The use of Twitter in the first televised US presidential debate of 2016 Craig T. Robertson, William H. Dutton, Robert Ackland & Tai-Quan Peng To cite this article: Craig T. Robertson, William H. Dutton, Robert Ackland & Tai-Quan Peng (2019) The democratic role of social media in political debates: The use of Twitter in the first televised US presidential debate of 2016, Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 16:2, 105-118, DOI: 10.1080/19331681.2019.1590283 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2019.1590283 View supplementary material Published online: 23 Mar 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 191 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=witp20 JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 2019, VOL. 16, NO. 2, 105–118 https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2019.1590283 The democratic role of social media in political debates: The use of Twitter in the first televised US presidential debate of 2016 Craig T. Robertson , William H. Dutton, Robert Ackland , and Tai-Quan Peng ABSTRACT KEYWORDS Live social media commentary increasingly accompanies televised political debates. This study Political participation; live examines the democratic role of live Twitter commentary by analyzing a sample of tweets commentary; social media; published during the first 2016 presidential debate between Trump and Clinton. The practices Twitter; political debates; of live commenters – including joke-sharing and fact-checking – are assessed in light of six democracy; Fifth Estate perspectives on the democratic utility of such commentary. Results show that while Twitter commentary was predominantly humorous and driven by negativity towards the candidates, a sizeable proportion of users actively engaged in practices of alternative interpretation, critique, and correction, seeking democratic accountability. Introduction An analysis of a random sample of 5,000 tweets posted during the first presidential debate The first 2016 televised debate between Donald in 2016 serves as a unique case study. While Trump and Hillary Clinton was held on findings regarding the democratic role of live September 26, 2016. It was the most-watched in Twitter commentary are limited to this case, American history, viewed by 84 million people the paper does seek to generate a more general (Kennedy, 2016). This was the first of three live, set of theoretical perspectives for understanding televised debates between these presidential candi- live commentary that can provide a foundation dates, which follows an ongoing tradition of for other cases. American presidential elections since the first Kennedy-Nixon debates were televised in 1960. It was also the most tweeted presidential debate at Twitter and live commentary that time (White, 2016). Social media platforms such as Twitter are often used Thisstudyfocusesontheroleoflivedebate by thousands of people to comment on and discuss commentary on Twitter. In particular, it debates in real time. Live tweeting refers to the act of addresses a question raised about this form of individuals watching a live event being screened on political participation: What democratic value or television (or online) and commenting on it using role,ifany,doesitserve?Toaddressthis,our social media, such as Twitter (Houston, McKinney, study considers the communication practices Hawthorne, & Spialek, 2013). While often seen dur- employed by those engaged in live debate com- ing live broadcasts of entertainment television, the mentary in light of six perspectives on its demo- practice also has become a common accompaniment cratic utility. By analyzing what individuals say to live political debate broadcasts. It has been on Twitter while watching debates and the poten- spurred by the affordances of Twitter, which allow tial purposes for which they say it, we can begin for collective, interconnected, and synchronous to understand the overall democratic function or commentary (Houston et al., 2013). Users are able functions of this discourse, adding to our overall to navigate through and sort streams of information, understanding of what live commentary is and express their own views, read the views of others, and theroleitplaysinthepoliticalecosystem. interact – all in real time. CONTACT Craig T. Robertson [email protected] Quello Center, College of Communication Arts and Sciences, Michigan State University, 404 Wilson Rd, East, Lansing, MI 48824 Supplementary material data for this article can be accessed here. © 2019 Taylor & Francis 106 C. T. ROBERTSON ET AL. The communication practices of live debate The democratic potential of live commentary commenters during televised debates While using social media to comment live on The live commentary practices identified above political debate broadcasts, users engage in can be related to six perspectives on the demo- a number of communication practices which may cratic role of social media users during political be of interest when considering the democratic debates. We arrived at these six perspectives role of such commentary. In particular, Twitter through a consideration of existing literature on allows people to engage in conversation, self- live debate commentary, an exploration of the expression and information-sharing (Dann, 2010; tweets we sampled, and a consideration of relevant Giglietto & Selva, 2014). In the debate context, theoretical literature. The perspectives are tied scholars have observed users engaging in discus- together by their common focus on social media sion, play-by-play commentary, critique, and joke affordances (Bucher & Helmond, 2018), specifi- sharing (Ampofo, Anstead, & O’Loughlin, 2011; cally not only on what platforms such as Twitter Anstead & O’Loughlin, 2011; Freelon & Karpf, allow or afford people to do in the context of 2015). Ampofo et al. (2011) observed how tweeters political debates, but actual behavior, which often performed a type of educational function by bring- varies widely from perceived affordances. The per- ing in additional information, establishing differ- spectives are distinct, though remain overlapping ent narratives than the mainstream media. in certain respects, as can be seen in Table 1. Mascaro and Goggins (2015), in their study of Giglietto and Selva (2014) conducted a similar a Republican Party primary debate, also noted study, employing a typology in the analysis of how users shared additional information (via tweets about Italian political talk-shows which links) and attempted to engage with both the can- drew on a uses and gratifications framework. didates and the moderator through the use of the Their typology was based on distinctions between @username function. Coddington, Molyneux, and the form of expression (subjective or objective), Lawrence (2014), analyzing the practices of jour- whether tweets were about oneself or the program, nalists on Twitter in the context of the 2012 pre- and the target of expressions (politicians, hosts, sidential debates, looked at the occurrence of etc.). Thus, the focus of their study was on what direct quotation of candidate statements or claims users appeared to be attempting to get out of real- (stenography), the presence of fact-checking time participation. While conceptually similar to (references to external evidence), and other forms the present study, it was not framed in terms of of discourse, such as opinion and humor. the democratic role or function of different live In terms of motivations, Chadwick, tweeting practices, but rather on user O’Loughlin, and Vaccari (2017) have observed gratifications. that individuals comment live on debates out of varying desires to acquire (political) information, share information and opinions with others, and Fandom/audiencing to influence others. Other motivations include political interest, partisan zeal, or a desire to People may be debate viewers and live commen- commune with politically like-minded others ters without necessarily being interested in and gain ideological reinforcement (Houston a particular candidate, party, policy issue, or even et al., 2013;Thorson,Hawthorne,Swasy,& the outcome of the election. Indeed, when it comes McKinney, 2015). Users may also wish to be to the first televised debated between Trump and part of an event of national importance Clinton, it is likely that a sizeable portion of the (Thorson et al., 2015). Lastly, with the widespread audience tuned in for the spectacle alone, given heckling and sharing of jokes on Twitter during two historic candidacies and a contentious cam- debates, the literature suggests enjoyment is paign (Stetler, 2016). From this perspective, social another important motivation (Freelon & Karpf, media platforms enable individuals to commune 2015). with others as fans of the debate. This is distinct JOURNAL OF INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY & POLITICS 107 Table 1. Perspectives on the (Democratic) role of social media users during televised debates. Number of tweets Role of Users Description Relevant live commentary practices (out of 5,000)* Fandom, audiencing Social media enabling users to express themselves as Jokes, stenography 2,000 fans of the debate Partisan supporters Enabling individuals to support parties, candidates, or Positive comments
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