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Summer 1984

Mapping the Interior Plains of Rupert's Land By The Hudson's Bay Company To 1870

Richard I. Ruggles Queen's University, Kingston,

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Ruggles, Richard I., "Mapping the Interior Plains of Rupert's Land By The Hudson's Bay Company To 1870" (1984). Great Plains Quarterly. 1806. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1806

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. MAPPINGTHE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND BY THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY TO 1870

RICHARD I. RUGGLES

By royal charter, Charles II in 1670 granted to established a trading system based on the an­ a small coterie of London entrepreneurs, united nual journeying of Indian customers to these in a joint stock company, exclusive trading export posts. The executive committee of privileges in a vast territory of then unknown Hudson's Bay Company urged employees to dimensions. The group was the "Company of accompany Indian groups inland from the Adventurers of tradeing into Hudson's factories at the bay shore to winter among the Bay," the Hudson's Bay Company. The terri­ tribes and to encourage them at river break-up tory was Rupert's Land, named for Prince time to return to the factories with their furs Rupert, cousin of the monarch, who graciously and other trade items. Not only would this consented to act as the first governor of the policy allow the company winterers to recruit company. By charter, Rupert's Land included customers, but it would also develop a cadre of "all the Landes Countryes and Territoryes upon experienced travelers. For many years, no one the Coastes and Confynes of the Seas" lying accepted this challenge, except for Henry within Hudson Strait, that is, the area drained Kelsey-a young scamp to some, a young hero by waters flowing into Hudson and James bays to others-who undertook a lone journey onto and Hudson Strait. the plains between 1690 and The new enterprise erected trading factories 1692. at the mouths of several of the large rivers, Kelsey, who eventually became a senior Rupert, Moose, Albany, and Nelson-Hayes, and trader in the company, operating mainly out of the York and Churchill factories, was certainly the company's first winterer and the first European to journey onto the northern plains Richard I. Ruggles is professor of geography at of . Regrettably, he did not draw Queen's University, Kingston, Canada. His His­ torical Atlas of (1970), written with a map depicting his route or the extent of his John Warkentin, won a National Award of penetration of the plains. Therefore, there is no Merit. cartographic memorial to the commencement of the Hudson's Bay Company's long involve­ [GPQ4 (Summer 1984): 152-65.] ment with the Canadian western interior. After

152 MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 153

Kelsey's voyage, the vast was not in­ international border but tapers toward the truded upon again by British traders for over Mackenzie basin. From the higher, more dis­ sixty years. For some thirty years, the company sected tracts to the southwest and west, the was deeply embroiled in defending the Hudson plains slope north to the , northeast to and James Bay littoral against incursion by the the Laurentian Shield, and east to the extensive French, whose forces occupied several of the flat lowlands of the large lakes of Manitoba. Al­ chief Hudson's Bay Company factories during though many of the earlier commentators were Anglo-French wars. The company's explorers overawed by the immensity and levelness of the struggled to extend their knowledge of the vistas that confronted them, the plains are more northwest shore of , investigating commonly undulating to rolling in form, rising inlets for a possible opening to a Northwest into hills. The few hundreds of feet of relief Passage. Success in this venture could give the occasioned by river valley wall or hill front company great advantage in the extension of were sufficiently salient to attract the traveler's trade. Forays onto the plains by wintering com­ attention, especially because they were often pany employees were not resumed until 1754, more wooded than the level ground. when reached nearly to the Early occupancy of the Rupert's Land plains foothills of the . Perennial was mainly in the crescent of boreal-mixed occupation of the Great Plains, with the erec­ forest and aspen grove parkland that frames the tion of trading houses and the posting of com­ core of the plains. This more wooded, plements of officers and servants, was not transitional zone was the paramount habitat initiated until 1774. of the beaver and other main peltry of the fur Hudson's Bay Company mapping of the trade. Even though some earlier explorers and plains began in 1755, when Anthony Henday traders penetrated the open plains, more fre­ arrived back at York Fort with a party of Plains quent passage into the drier did not Indians. Henday had made a sketch of his river prevail until the nineteenth century. Cumber­ and overland track to within sight of the land, the company's first post on the forested Rockies, and he turned it over to his immediate plains, was erected in 1774, and the first estab­ superior. The company terminated its carto­ lishment in the park belt, Hudson House, fol­ graphic endeavors in 1870, when it surrendered lowed in 1780, but it was not until 1800 that its territorial rights to Rupert's Land to the the first grasslands fort, Chesterfield House, was British crown. built, far out at the junction of the South Sas­ katchewan with the Red Deer River. RUPERT'S LAND MAPS AS BUSINESS RECORDS The region concerned in this analysis is that of the Great Plains lying essentially within The Hudson's Bay Company used maps, Rupert's Land. More specifically, it is the charts, and plans for business purposes from the drainage basin of the , comprising inception of its activities in 1670. Of the in the plains the Saskatchewan and the Red­ company's total archival holdings, which would river networks; Lakes , have amounted to about 4,800 items if all were Manitoba, and Winnipegosis and associated still available, the most significant for cartog­ lesser lakes; and a small part of the upper raphy are approximately 800 manuscript maps Churchill River basin, especially the Beaver and charts prepared from 1670 to 1870.1 Two­ River valley. A few maps, however, depicted thirds are still extant in the collection; a one­ territory beyond Rupert's Land: to the north third attrition has occurred.2 In addition, there into the Mackenzie watershed, and to the are some 557 segmental sketches of certain south into the Missouri. The vast domain is waterways in the journals of two of the com­ almost eight hundred miles wide along the pany cartographers, and George 154 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1984

Taylor, Jr. In all, 160 men have been identified did not establish and maintain in the field a as having been involved, among them about 50 surveying-drafting section. If they had, and if Indian and Inuit persons.3 they had appointed outstanding young men to The mapping of the plains represented only such posts, undoubtedly the company could a small segment of the total cartographic effort have kept Thompson in its employ. Instead, of the company, whose maps flowed into Hud­ the geographers had to subordinate their map­ son's Bay House in London from sea to sea, and making interests to the regular duties of clerks from northern California to the Arctic archi­ and traders. Thompson, probably one of the pelago. From 1755 to 1870 about ninety maps greatest practical geographers of all time, left were drafted that delineated some portion or the Hudson's Bay Company for the North West all of the interior plains-about 11 percent of Company in 1797 and stayed with the rival the manuscript total. Of these, one-quarter have group until he retired to Montreal in 1812. not survived in the archives of the company. The larger number of company personnel in­ During this period, several hundred segmental volved in cartography had not originally come sketches of western waterways were produced, . to North America to make measurements, to involving at least thirty-three persons, among engage in geographical investigations, or to whom were seven named as map; nevertheless, they became entailed in such primary informants and providers of original pursuits in the course of their various careers sketches. Few of the exploration maps con­ with the Hudson's Bay Company. cerned only the plains area. Most were of the The executive committee of the company forest and park belt, and extend across into the persistently requested that sketches, charts, Laurentian Shield. Only a small number were drafts, plans, and maps be sent by the factors focused on the grasslands and the plains alone. back to the main office in London for the use Visitors to Hudson's Bay House in London of company officials. They were examined during these years could not have viewed a there when the packets of official correspon­ busy map-drafting office nor discussed maps dence from the chief factors in America were with a chief company cartographer, for neither opened and the letters, journals, and reports of these existed. Nevertheless, the company was were read and discussed at executive committee map-conscious. From the beginning of opera­ meetings. Usually maps were commented upon tions, officials proclaimed the necessity of en­ for their usefulness or their inadequacies. The couraging employees to travel inland and of company requested maps for a variety of pur­ hiring individuals who had the ability to ­ poses. On the east and west coasts, they needed serve and record. Such persons were even more charts for sea navigation and coastal and river­ valuable if they could use instruments to mea­ mouth charts. Inland, the main concern was to sure distance and direction and to determine be able to visualize the details of river and lake their astronomical location, especially if they networks; their interconnections; their relation­ could also sketch, or compile a map and draft ship to major terrain features; hazards due to it. The company also hired young apprentices waterfalls and rapids; the numbers, locations, who had been trained in mathematical classes and difficulties of portages; and the locations of at Christ's Hospital and Grey Coat Hospital in company posts and those of their competitors. London, and who, in their marine service, or as The major role of maps was to provide loca­ explorer-surveyors, such as David Thompson, tions and other spatial information for com­ could prepare maps for the use of the factors pany officers who were developing trading and the executive committee in England.4 strategy, transport routing, and an understand­ In 1778, the company hired a full-time ing of their entire territory. Officials requested inland surveyor, Philip Turnor, but once his post layouts, the characteristics of fur post major tasks were completed, he was turned locales, and the pattern of land use on their increasingly to trading duties. The head office properties. The officers also expected district MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 155 masters to provide maps of their , but its replacement could extend to two years. not all of them were adept enough at mapping Ships normally left London in late Mayor early to do this, and some ignored the directive. June, arrived at Bay ports in late August or Some maps were made for special purposes­ early September, and turned around as quickly for example, those that indicated property as possible to avoid being caught in the forming holdings, such as in the Red River settlement, ice cover. Equipment losses had to be reported or a map that delineated the route of a pro­ to York or another factory to await the early posed telegraph line across the plains. autumn ship, which would return the following Exploration and mapping under the condi­ spring. Even the time that elapsed between the tions prevailing on the plains in the eighteenth executive committee's request for a map and its and nineteenth centuries could not be portrayed receipt, without any other form of delay or as a lighthearted occupation. Hunger, or near­ evasion, was lengthy. starvation, was a present specter. Miserable As could be expected, the larger share of weather conditions made traveling and camping Hudson's Bay Company maps of the interior disagreeable and often dangerous. There was the plains-two-thirds-were exploratory sketches risk of being overtaken by summer fires, both in of river and lake networks. Most were simple in the forest and out on the grasslands. Mosquitoes drafting style, with black india ink line work, and black flies in the still forests, away from or with grey ink wash to outline waterways. clearing breezes, were the bane of existence. Little color was used; one or two colored inks The specific problems and exigencies of field or color washes might have been added. These observation were manifold. Instruments were maps were rarely ornamental, and only a few lost or left behind, were broken, could not be cartographers used a decorative cartouche. properly calibrated, or had not reached the Legends were rare, since the map-makers made explorer in time because of the great distances little use of symbols. The most significant ele­ from London or from the Bayside port. Deli­ ments represented with symbols beyond the cate instruments were difficult to transport, hydrography were fur trading posts, locations and were especially at risk during loading or of waterfalls and rapids, portages, and perhaps unloading from canoes and boats; while packed trails or certain hill-lands. The depiction of ter­ on horses, dogs, or sleds; and during transport rain was of the simplest form. across rocky portages. Dangerous to life, as well as to instruments, was the overturning of WINTERERS AS MAP-MAKERS canoes in storms, stoving in on rocks, and spill­ ing in white water. Such mishaps could lose The history of the Hudson's Bay Company's an observer's vital sextant or compass, or wash mapping of the interior plains separates tidily away his sketch or records. Low temperatures into two main periods. The exploratory period, affected observers on the plains in many ways from 1755 to 1815, encompasses almost all and caused special problems with the use of of the maps derived from primary exploration, instruments. Holding metal instruments and sketches based on native people's knowledge putting them to the eye could incur pain and and concepts, and composite regional maps injury at extreme temperatures. Quite often, illustrating the growth of geographical infor­ intense cold caused the liquid in bulbs and mation. The second period, from 1815 to tubes to expand and burst the glass. Grey, over­ 1870, was one of greater diversity of subjects. cast skies, dense clouds, or the "smokyexhala­ Cadastral maps (recording property boundaries tions" of grass or forest fires often obscured and other details of settlement), district maps, the view of sun, moon, or stars. and maps made for special purposes were con­ Slow transportation led to serious delays in centrated in this span of years. During the same field observation. The waiting period between period the company received many maps in the breakage or loss of a vital instrument and correspondence with other businesses. 156 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1984

The pattern of geographical discovery of the Ground. Buffalo plenty in winter," and the West in 1690, when the Hudson's Bay Com­ earliest map ofIndian tribal regions in the West, pany entered the northern plains, was generally inserting the boundaries in a rather geometric unchanged from that of twenty years before. fashion. The geographic detail is selective and Coastal knowledge still dominated, for none covers only Cocking's journey near the Sas­ of the company's servants ever traveled more katchewan River forks. Graham's orientation, than a few miles up the rivers, usually in search scale, and shape are very much off for Lake of firewood or game. The extent of involve­ Winnipeg. He enjoyed preparing his personal ment of the wintering servants from 1754 to cartouches and used color coding. 1774 is difficult to describe since most were illiterate, and few left accounts of their travels. THE SASKATCHEWAN AND The only map produced by a winterer has not THE MACKENZIE survived. Six different men appear to have traveled inland between 1754 and 1763, on In the next twenty years, the Hudson's nine different journeys. Living with Indian Bay Company was forced to change its tactics groups along the line of the Saskatchewan and on the plains, since the wintering program had North Saskatchewan rivers, these company ex­ proved to be absolutely inadequate for the task plorers essentially defined the arc of mixed that confronted the company. Independent forest, park belt, and northern grasslands, in Canadian traders had occupied many of the concert with the French, who were operating strategic trading sites on the plains. With the mainly from the Manitoba plains. The pace erection of cumberland House in 1774, the increased from 1763 to 1774, the period of Hudson's Bay Company became inland traders dominant wintering, when twelve servants were also, and began the fascinating but cutthroat involved. chess game of post construction. The pattern In 1755, when Henday gave his sketch to that developed was peripheral, that is, along , the York factor, Isham made a the northern and eastern fringes of the grass­ fair copy and sent it to London.5 Isham proba­ lands, in mixed forest and park belt, from bly threw away the original, for it must have which traders moved west and south onto the been very rough. In any case, neither has sur­ open grassland, and farther north and west on vived; nor did Isham's 1757 rendition of Smith the forested plains. For the first time, the and Waggoner's wintering itinerary northwest company also passed out of Rupert's Land into of and in the upper Assiniboine the Mackenzie basin, along the eastern edge of valley. 6 Furthermore, the draft of William the interior lowlands. Tomison's 1767-68 trip from Severn Fort to The cartographic record for these two the Lake Winnipeg region, drawn by William decades is more extensive than for the winter­ Falconer, the sloop master at Severn, is no long­ ing era. Yet, unfortunately, about half of the er available in the collection.7 To compound eighteen maps relating to the region are no the loss, Falconer's 1774 map of the "interior longer extant. Nine of the maps record the part of the Country" has also disappeared. 8 accumulating knowledge and more precise Only two maps of this early period relating locating of the topographic features of the to the inland winterers are extant (fig. 1). Nelson-Saskatchewan line and northern Mani­ Both maps, made by Andrew Graham at York toba lakes, but only one of these maps depicts in 1772 and 1774, are successive versions of the plains region alone. One map is a witness to some of the full data available.9 The most sig­ the founding of cumberland House, drawn by nificant inclusions are the routes followed by the expedition leader, Samuel Hearne, on his Tomison from Severn to the grassland plains, return to York in 1775.10 It is a classic map of including the mention for the first time on an its genre, similar in style to many drafted later, English map of the dry grasslands, "Barren although less pre·cise in its locational framework MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 157

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than the map of 1779 made by Philip Tumor at Cumberland House by Tumor. When his leg (fig. 2). Tumor had been hired full-time to take had nearly mended, Thompson used his revived careful observations of latitudes and longitudes training to make observations and then to draft on the established trade routes in the west and his first map, showing the route from Cumber­ north.l1 This map, the first in a series by Tur­ land, through Lake Winnipeg, to York F ort.12 nor, was the result of his journey to the plains This map is not in the collection; however, from York and up the as Thompson's developing style may be observed far as the new cabin that was opened that in a large compilation of 1794, which extended winter above the forks of the Saskatchewan. his mapping on the Nelson River and particu­ David Thompson came onto the mapping larly up the Saskatchewan to Buckingham scene during this period. A Grey Coat Hospital House in the forest-parkland transition zone.13 apprentice being groomed by the company to join Tumor's expedition into the Athabasca PETER FIDLER: country, Thompson had the great misfortune COMPANY CARTOGRAPHER to crush his leg and to be replaced by Peter Fidler. Both Thompson and Fidler had been Tumor's teaching was not misplaced in Peter tutored in surveying methods and computation Fidler, who became the preeminent explorer- 158 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1984

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FIG. 2. Philip Tumor, "A chart of Rivers and Lakes Falling into Hudsons Bay, 1779." HBCA, PAM, G. 1/21. surveyor-cartographer of the Hudson's Bay River to the fort. Later, at , he Company during the next several decades. On put together all of his sketches and notes into his first posting in 1790 to 1792, across Methye a map of a "Journey to the Stony Mountains." Portage and on to , Fidler In addition, for one of the factors, he compiled began to develop his careful observational and a map of the normally used waterways from mapping methods, making continuous and se­ York Fort up to House. Neither of quential annotated sketches with full journal these useful studies is in the collection today. notes, which distinguished him from other em­ Three regional maps (1791, 1792, and 1794) ployees engaged in mapping. Fidler drafted recapitulate the company's knowledge of the detailed, larger-scale maps of the entire jour­ Great Plains and illustrate the effect of its ney, while Tumor produced a sixteen-sheet developing trading strategy. The first, undoubt­ map of the shield portion of the track. The edly drawn in 1791 by Donald McKay and series is not now in the company archives, but Edward Jarvis of Albany, indicates the areas of smaller-scale renditions appeared later. experience of McKay, formerly a North West After his Athabasca tour, Fidler was sent to Company trader, who came over to the Hud­ Buckingham House, and almost immediately son's Bay Company with a plan to have the was assigned to wander southwest through the company cut west across the main track of parklands and grasslands to the upper Bow the Canadian traders from the Albany system River. Remaining there until early winter, he (fig. 3).14 His map lays out the strategy, which drifted back northeast across the Red Deer was to establish company posts from the MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 1S9

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FIG. 3. Edward Jarvis and Donald McKay, "A Map of Hudsons Bay and interior Westerly particularly above Albany, 1791." HBCA,PAM, G. 1/13.

Winnipeg River into the Red and Assiniboine of the mapping by Fidler. It also demonstrates country, a direct thrust west from Albany River that few of the inland employees located at the headwaters. The , labeled the Saskatchewan posts had been encouraged suffi­ Red, stretches west to within a short overland ciently to observe and record their wide-ranging walk to the Missouri. travels. None of McKay's cartographic forms appear The fact that the plains were still largely on Turnor's 1792 map.lS It shows the detail terra incognita is quite apparent also on the his­ of the Athabasca journey, which extended toric map of 1795 prepared by Aaron Arrow­ along the east side of the plains, and displays smith. This young cartographer had been (most intriguingly, in red ink) configurations chosen by the company to be given access to of the Beaver and Peace river areas, obtained all its maps and travel records when the com­ from Indians and various Canadian traders. A pany changed its policy from secrecy to a more compendium of company activity and carto­ public disclosure of its activities. Arrowsmith graphic production is memorialized on Philip and his cartographic descendants became unof­ Turnor's map of 1794.16 Drafted in Britain, ficial cartographers of the Hudson's Bay Com­ this magnum opus is a large work, six by nine pany until the demise of the business. Turnor's feet in dimension. Prepared at the end of Tur­ maps of 1792 and 1794, and the McKay-Jarvis nor's career with the company, the map reflects, map of 1791, were the crucial elements of especially for the plains region, the significance Arrowsmith's plains configurations. 160 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1984

During the last twenty years of this major Fidler was suitably chosen by the company exploratory period, from 1795 to 1815, Peter to expand its collecting of and furs Fidler was the dominant cartographer of the far south into the heart of the dry plains at the interior plains, either reworking his many turn of the century. No company employee had exploratory sketches, compiling them into followed the South Saskatchewan far upstream synthetic maps, or transcribing the sketches from the forks, and except for the upper courses provided by Indian customers or fellow traders of its tributaries, the river was unmapped. From into ink versions in his private journals. In all 1800 to 1802 Fidler operated Chesterfield he drew some thirty-two maps at various scales, House, which he had had built, and there, far and made at least eighty segmental sketches. out in the plains in the midst of a congeries These maps included the lakes and rivers of the of Indian tribes who visited by the hundreds, he Beaver River area west to Lesser Slave Lake­ fashioned his concepts of the western high plains the region that Tumor had first depicted and and mountain ranges. Fidler perfected his tech­ Arrowsmith copied-based on rough detail from nique of questioning the Indians, inducing some Fidler's informants. of them to sketch out their geographical

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FIG. 4. Kioocus or the Little Bear, a Blackfoot Chief, "Indian map showing Missouri, South Saskatchewan Rivers and Northwards, drawn by Peter Fidler in his journal, 1802." HBCA, PAM, E. 3/2, fols. 104d-l05. MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 161 understanding of their territories, and inserting River and upper Assiniboine, based on informa­ Indian place-names. tion gathered during his posting there, through Fidler produced nine maps based on Indian various transcriptions of Indian and traders' data and one large composite map of the west­ sketches, to the detailed contour of Lake Win­ ern plains. The Ackomokki, Akkoweeak, and nipeg, drawn from his measurements in the Kioocus maps have become well known. The field and his own sequential drawings.23 Care­ Ackomokki map of 1801, oriented to the west, ful study of a page of Fidler's sketches, based depicts the vast extent of the Rocky Mountains on some sketches by a Canadian trader who south into the great fan of Missouri River tribu­ conversed with Fidler in the Swan River area in taries.17 A second version from 1802 gives 1808, shows the care he took before he himself greater attention to the South Saskatchewan mapped the Assiniboine and Red rivers.24 and its tributaries.18 Akkoweeak's map of Another map-maker who made significant 1802, similarly, is more concerned with the contributions to Hudson's Bay Company car­ Canadian plains rivers.19 The Kioocus contribu­ tography during the early exploration period tion, though not as comprehensive, provides a was Joseph Howse. The first company man to more accurate picture of the vegetative and cross the Rocky Mountains and the first to terrain pattern of this immense land.20 The open company trade in the Columbia region, map depicts the "woods edge" somewhere in Howse produced a map of the South Sas­ the lower course of the Battle River, reaching katchewan River in 1809 and another, in 1812, southwest to the foothills and stretching un­ of both sides of the Rockies from the Athabasca broken to clothe the bow of the Absaroka River to the Missouri. 25 Range and Big Horn Mountains. Across the plains, Kioocus traced out various Indian trails, MAPPING TASKS, 1815 TO 1870 with distances depicted by a symbol for each nigh t' s sleep (fig. 4). The second major period of Hudson's Bay Fidler's compilation was a six-sheet series Company mapping, from 1815 to 1870, wit­ extending from Buckingham House to the Bow nessed not only a reduction in the amount that River, with an appended one-and-one-half sheet was undertaken but also a change in the com­ extending south into the Missouri country, pany's situation. For one thing, topographical based on information from his Blackfoot mapping was greatly reduced. The elimination sources.21 The map reached London and was of the most difficult portages in order to expe­ turned over to the cartographer Aaron Arrow­ dite boat transport was the main concern of smith. The executive committee also notified waterway mapping. For this purpose, William Alexander Dalrymple and Sir Joseph Banks of Kempt and George Taylor, Jr., prepared maps the Royal Society because "these Discoveries of the York Fort to Red River route. Taylor should be of sufficient Importance to attract ... also mapped the Saskatchewan-Athabasca net­ [their1 notice.,,22 The original series was ap­ work through to aid the main parently not returned to the company's office­ supply brigades. At the request of Chief Factor a tragic loss for the history of western cartog­ McTavish of York, probably between 1824 raphy. Fortunately, the details from Fidler's and 1827, Taylor used Fidler's maps and rec­ lost map appeared on Arrowsmith's map of ords to piece together a "Fidler" map of the 1802 and on several later editions of these West, but it never reached the head office in famous maps based on Indian sources, because London. The map is now located in the Nation­ they were the only up-to-date printed repre­ al Map Collection, Ottawa. sentations of this area (fig. 5). Among the thirty or so maps attributable Fidler's cartographic renditions of interior to this second period are five district maps. At plains locales are diverse in area and in form. the time of the reorganization of the company They range from the 1796 map of the Swan into departments and districts, the district 162 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1984

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FIG. 5. Aaron Arrowsmith, "Portion of a Map Exhibiting all the New Discoveries in the Interior Parts of North America, 1802." HBCA, PAM, G. 3/672. masters were instructed to write detailed re­ provided valuable topographic detail, including ports on their regions, with illustrative maps. rivers, creeks, lakes, sloughs, hills, and grassland Some factors found the cartography too diffi­ plains.28 cult to undertake, and a number just ignored The largest corpus of maps of this period are the directive. The maps that came in varied in cadastral, showing details related to settlement. quality and usefulness. Fidler provided two, Eight of the twelve cadastral maps depict the one of the Red River (fig. 6), and one of the growth of the surveyed plan of the Selkirk Manitoba district, his final assignment.26 Robert colony at Red River. Fidler was the first to aid Kennedy sent a map from the Lesser Slave Lake the settlers in laying out some of their lot lines, district, reaching from the Beaver River to the and he was followed by Kempt and Taylor Peace River. 27 The scale is distorted somewhat, from 1823 to 1838. Taylor was seconded to but he provided enough detail to be useful to the Selkirk colony to develop a census, to act the chief factors and executive committee as surveyor, and to prepare an official plan for members. James Bird's lack of drafting skill is the settlement. He brought out an earlier ver­ apparent in his map of the district sion, but from 1836 to 1838, Taylor laid out at the forks of the Saskatchewan, but he the lines on the ground and drew a full plan of MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 163

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" FIG. 6. Peter Fidler, "A Map of Red River District, 1819." HBCA, PAM, B22/e/1, fol. 1. the village. The quality of Taylor's work in Another group of maps prepared on behalf drafting the plan was unmatched by any other of the Hudson's Bay Company in 1864 were company employee in the interior during this five dealing with the examination of a route for period (fig. 7).29 a proposed telegraph line, to be financed by the In the collection are a suite of maps and company and built across the plains from Red plans drawn by Mervin Vavasour. Along with River to the Yellowhead Pass, and eventually Henry Warre, a fellow British army officer at on to Victoria. The company chose Dr. John Quebec, Vavasour was sent surreptitiously and Rae, the distinguished Arctic explorer and a incognito across the plains to the Columbia in former chief factor, to carry out the investi­ 1845 and 1846. This was a period of border gation, along with a young assistant, A. W. and territorial stress, and the company was Schwieger, and a small crew. They traversed anxious to have a professional assessment of the country estimating timber resources, the the situation and advice on the defensive possi­ amount of ftlling and cutting required, the diffi­ bilities of specific posts and sites, in case of culties of the terrain, and the distances between American incursion. Acting as wealthy young segments of the proposed course. Rae worked British travelers, sportsmen, and sketchers, on four field maps of sections of the route, Vavasour and Warre provided maps and sketches including one of the entire proposal. Not all on the plains and across the mountains, and four have remained in the collection, but drew plans of Fort Ellice, Fort Carlton, and Schwieger's final map of the route across the Fort Edmonton, showing military capabilities. plains is available.30 The company was given a copy of their report For eight decades after 1755, the Hudson's and a set of all their maps and plans. Bay Company was particularly concerned with 164 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1984

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'. FIG. 7. George Taylor, Jr., "Part of Plan of Surveyed in 1836, 1836- 1838." The Red River runs north and the Assiniboine tributary flows in from the west. HBCA, PAM, E6/14. the cartographic delineation of the Precambrian had played a significant role as Canada's first shield and the northern plains west of Hudson "national" mapping agency. Bay. After this, its mapping efforts were con­ centrated in the cordillera, on the Pacific coast, NOTES in the Arctic, and in interior Quebec. The earlier phase witnessed the work of many indi­ The author gratefully acknowledges the viduals and of some small groups, searching for Hudson's Bay Company Archives for use of easier and more efficient routes, seeking out their map records. customers, and engaging in trade with them. Their maps illuminated the major lineaments of 1. These figures include manuscript and this immense region, the plains of Rupert's printed maps and were obtained through a Land. In concert, these company travelers recent detailed preliminary inventory by the provided the cartographic foundation for the author. 2. Some of the maps are in other collections, work of scientific expeditions that assessed but most have not been found. the natural environment later in the nineteenth 3. From the author's detailed study of the century, and for public surveyors who parcelled history of the cartography of the Hudson's out the land. In 1870 the company relinquished Bay Company between 1670 and 1870, to be its charter rights and obligations on the Ru­ published by the Hudson's Bay Record Society. pert's Land plains to the British crown. In 4. Richard I. Ruggles, "Hospital Boys of cartographic terms, the Hudson's Bay Company the Bay: The Hudson's Bay Company Surveying MAPPING THE INTERIOR PLAINS OF RUPERT'S LAND 165 and Mapping Apprentices," The Beaver, Outfit 17. HBCA, PAM, E3/2, fols. 106d-107. 308 (Autumn 1977): 4-11. 18. HBCA, PAM, E3/2, fol. 104. 5. Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Pro­ 19. HBCA, PAM, E3/2, fol. 103d. vincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg (here­ 20. HBCA, PAM, E3/2, fols. 104d-105. after HBCA, PAM), All/144, fol. 197. 21. HBCA, PAM, All/52, fols.1, 2d; B39/a/2, 6. HBCA, PAM, All/lIS, fol. 10d. fols. 22, 23d. 7. HBCA, PAM, A64/45, no. 11. 22. HBCA, PAM, A5/4, fo1. 103d. 8. HBCA, PAM, AS/I, fol. 169. 23. HBCA, PAM, G2/19; HBCA, PAM, 9. HBCA, PAM, G2/15 and G2/17. G1/28b. 10. HBCA, PAM, G1/20. 24. HBCA, PAM, E3/4, fo1. 18. 11. There are two copies of this map, HBCA, 25. HBCA, PAM, A64/52, no. 73; HBCA, PAM, G1/21 and G1/22. PAM, A64/52, no. 58. 12. HBCA, PAM, All/1l7, fols. 54, 109d, 26. HBCA, PAM, B22/e/1, fol. 1d; HBCA, and A5/3, fol. 64d. PAM, B51/e/1, fols. 1d-2. 13. HBCA, PAM, G2/18. 27. HBCA, PAM, B1l5/e/1, fo1. 1d. 14. HBCA, PAM, G1/13. 28. HBCA, PAM, G1/27. 15. HBCA, PAM, G2/13. 29. HBCA, PAM, E6/14. 16. HBCA, PAM, G2/32. 30. HBCA, PAM, G1/327.