Limbu Indigenous Knowledge and Culture

Limbu Indigenous Knowledge and Culture

Ramesh K Limbu

National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities Jawalakhel, Lalitpur Limbu Indigenous Knowledge and Culture

Author : Ramesh K Limbu

Copywrite © : Author

Publisher : National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities, Government of

Executive/Managing Editor : Dr Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha

(including cover)

Cover Designer : Winesh Shrestha

Edition : June 2015

Publication Copies : 300 Copies

ISBN : 978-9937-2-9573-4 Dedication

To my parents, family members and my community, for always instilling in me the value of education and for teaching the important lessons in life that encouraged me to involve in this area of study.

Publisher's Note Nepal's socio-political upheavals of the post-1990 era witnessed a new paradigm shift from partyless to multi-party people's democrary and later in 2007 from monarchism to republicanism. In addition, debates are going for identity-based federalism too.

In order to address such new phenomena for integrated, inclusive and equitable participatory development of the age-old manarginalized indigenous nationalities/ citizens of remote rural and urban areas in contribution to Nepalese State Building, the Government of Nepal established the National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) through its 2002 Act. Since then, NFDIN has been focusing on overall developmental efforts of inidgenous nationalities mainly funded by the government and through occassional collaborative partnersship with UN, I/NGOs and IPOs.

One of its main objectives for the development indigenous nationalities is to promote, preserve, document and develop the languages, literatures, scripts, cultures, oral histories, folklore, indigenous or ethnoscience or knowledge, skills, indigenous technology, ethnobotany, ethnomusicology, ethnoecology, ethnomedicine etc by funding genuine research projects and publications in each fiscal year.

The present work Limbu Indigenous Knowledge and Culture (2015) by a young and potential ethnoscholar Ramesh Ijam Limbu, is a seminal edifice funded by NFDIN, Government of Nepal. Categorically, Limbu's work in current terminology or study trends falls under indigenous science and technology in general and Limbu science and tec hnology in particular from the land of reclaimed and proposed state in recent polical debates of indentity-based federalism which means that a new Limbu paradigm has been emerging for the Neaplese State Building.

His work mainly based on field work in two villages viz. Tiringe and Yangnam of Limbuwan state captures areas such as food grains and plants as ethnomedicine, herbs, food technology, farming technology, folklore, ethnoidentity, shamanism and culture, livestock, ethnoecology. However, this work instead of being an exhaustive one, is a beginning to pave its way to a theoretical and comprehensive readings like Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence (2000) by Gregory Cajete and Indigenous Aesthetics: Native Art, Media and Identity (1998) by Steven Leuthold.

Funding such new research and publication for the first time in Nepal's history of the present unique work implies that one “small step” has been accomplished in preparation for a “giant leap”. Let us be hopeful that NFDIN constantly continues such small steps to accomplish its giant leap mission.

Dr Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha June 2015 Chief Research Officer (First Class) and Humboldt Fellow Academic and Research Cell NFDIN, Government of Nepal Acknowledgements

I am specifically thankful to the National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) for providing me with research grant and guidelines to carry out this work. I am also very much thankful to Dr. Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha for his insightful guidance and needed support in the act of accomplishing this work.

I am also highly grateful to the key informants, namely, Bom Limbu, Lila Limbu, Amrit Limbu, Shaktikala Limbu, Bibindra Limbu, Man Limbu, Prem Kumari Limbu of Tiringe VDC and Dilliman Limbu, Brijahang Limbu, Prem Singh Limbu, Asar Singh Limbu, Tham Maya Limbu of Yangnam VDC, and all Limbu and non- of the both VDCs for their kind cooperation, friendly as well as responsive behavior, and their indigenous knowledge and skills. Likewise, words fail to express my gratitude to all the herbalists, phedangma, yeba, yema, samba and yuma of those areas. I owe much to them all for they had invariably helped me at my convenience.

Thanks are also due to Prem Limbu, my research aide; Tika Ram Nepal of NIIGP, all staff and members of TU Central Library, , Social Science Baha, National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN), NFDIN’s Academic and Research Cell Head Dr. Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha and all my colleagues, friends and family for their distinctively invaluable supports.

I am deeply shocked to hear about the demise of Man Limbu (age 95) in month of February 2012 with whom I had obtained several kinds of Limbu IKS during my fieldwork. I pray to the almighty Tagera Ningwaphumang for his departed soul rest peacefully in Heaven (khemaso khedukso pangbhe).

Ramesh Ijam Limbu

Table of Contents

Publisher’s Note V Acknowledgements VII List of tables, figures and maps XI List of Abbreviations/Acronyms XII

Chapter 1 Limbu Indigenous Knowledge in Nepal 1- 24 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Indigenous Knowledge System 1.2.1 Recognition and Protection of IKS 1.2.2 Intangible Cultural Heritage in UNESCO Convention 2003 1.2.3 Practices and Activities of IKS 1.3 Culture and Identity 1.4 Rhetoric of Ethnicity 1.5 Indigenous Ethnic Identity

Chapter 2 Indigenous People and Culture 25-44 2.1 Indigenous Nationalities of Nepal 2.2 Limbu Nationalities 2.3 Culture and Belief System 2.4 Interim 2007 on Issue of Equality 2.5 Challenges of IKS and Identity

Chapter 3 Taking on Limbu Culture and Indigenous Knowledge 45-49

Chapter 4 Situating the Study 50-54 4.1 Area of the Study 4.2 Data Collection and Methodology

Chapter 5 Representing Limbu Community 55-108 5.1 IK Practice in Tiringe and Yangnam VDC 5.1.1 Medicinal Knowledge and Healthcare Practice 5.1.2 Indigenous Food and Beverage 5.1.3 Life-activities and Recognition 5.2 IK as Cultural Heritage

Chapter 6 Conclusions and Recommendations 109-111 Endnotes 111 References 112 About the Author 120 About the Executive/Managing Editor 121 List of tables, diagram and maps/figures

Tables Table 1: Indigenous Nationalities of Nepal Categorised by NEFIN Table 2: Population and Household of Limbu and non-Limbu Table 3: Technique for Data Collection

Diagram Diagram 1: Limbu Intangible Cultural Heritage

Figures Figure 1: Map of Limbu Residing Region Figure 2: Map of Tiringe VDC Figure 3: Map of Yangnam VDC Figure 4: A Limbu House Storing Maize Figure 5: IK Informants, Tiringe Figure 6: Growing Millet Figure 7: Maize Preservation Figure 8: A Limbu shaman & herbalist Figure 9: Calvatea Gigantea Figure 10: Mangza Herb Figure 11: Khesung (Yeast-cake) Figure 12: Kennema paste Figure 13: Yangben lichen on the tree Figure 14: Warumchuruk Figure 15: Distillation Process of sejangwa Figure 16: Figure 17: Animals’ shed Figure 18: Stone Water Tap Figure 19: Sappo (Wicker basket) Figure 20: Plough Figure 21: Dhinki Figure 22: Grinder (Lumsum) Figure 23: Handloom (Weaving dhaka cloth) Figure 24: Honey from Beehive Figure 25: Traditional Plant Conservation System Figure 26: Kelang Dance Figure 27: Ya?lang Dance Figure 28: Phamuk (Limbu musical instrument) Figure 29: Yeba performing Tongsing Figure 30: A host performing Aja kakma ritual Figure 31: Si:lam Sakma Figure 32: An actant officiating to deities Figure 33: Phungnawa samlo during wedding ceremony Figure 34: Informants at Historical Fort Figure 35: IK Informants, Yangnam Figure 36: Ke (Chyabrung/Drum) Figure 37: Limbu ornaments Figure 38: Limbu warrior

List of Abbreviations/Acronyms

CBS: Central Bureau of Statistics NEFIN: Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities NFDIN: National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities EIA: Environmental Impact Assessment ICH: Intangible Cultural Heritage IK: Indigenous Knowledge IKS: Indigenous Knowledge System ILO: International Labour Organization IPs: Indigenous Peoples LICH: Limbu Intangible Cultural Heritage PIC: Prior and Informed Consent PRA: Participatory Rural Appraisal TK: Traditional Knowledge UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization VDC: Village Development Committee WIPO: World Intellectual Property Organization Chapter 1

Limbu Indigenous Knowledge in Nepal

1.1 Introduction

In size, Nepal is a small country but rich in natural and cultural resources due to the blend of diverse caste and native cultures, variegated bio-natural landscapes, snow- capped mountains and indigenous wonders. It is a diverse nation landlocked between the world’s two most populous and rapidly progressing countries, China and . Along with its own diversified socio-cultural and political historicity, Nepal has in the long run evolved as a country that implicitly characterizing a nation state. Within the area of 147,181 sq. km., about 26.6 million populations (CBS 2011) following different religious beliefs such as Hindu, Buddhist, Kirat, Muslim, among others inhabit. And so, a variety of people fraternize this country making it a home for different caste and indigenous ethnic people by cultivating distinctive culture, language, religion, history, tradition and mythology. Observing the very diversity of caste and ethnic people, Tucci Giuseppe (1962: 76) has noted that “the ethnographical study of Nepal, despite many researches undertaken, is still one of the most complexes in the world”. This situation of complexity is due to the mélange of diversified Nepali communities and their cultural identities. And, as a result of such exquisite diversities backed up by ethnic communities have made Nepal a country rich in authentic indigenous knowledge (IK) and belief system.

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Prior to the in the present form, there were existence of about five dozen of small principalities and petty autonomous kingdoms such as Baisi Rajyas (twenty-two kingdoms) in Gandaki region, Chaubisi Rajyas (twenty-four kingdoms) in Karnali regions, three kingdoms in valley (Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur), and Makawanpur, Chaudandi and Bijaypur to the east known as Wallo Kirat, Majh Kirat and Pallo Kirat with their own separate administrative boundaries and identifications. Besides, many Limbu community heads in Limbuwan or Pallo Kirat were practising for their self-right and maintaining their autonomous rule within their forts and territories. Hence, the Limbus, the first settlers in Pallo Kirat or Limbuwan had possessed various kinds of indigenous skills and knowledge systems. But, in early years of the last quarter of eighteenth century, they territorially lost their land. from the house of Gorkha in Gandaki region ventured for annexing this region into Nepal. It is said that Shah’s initiation of the unification campaign was guided by the perspective of high ambition and nationalistic feeling, and succeeded to bring those various principalities under a single nation known as Nepal. Therefore, the history of modern Nepal can be traced back to 1769 when the then Shah King Prithvi Narayan Shah invaded and declared it to be capital of the whole nation called Nepal. As most of the historians have hailed King Prithvi Narayan Shah being a far-sighted ruler, his guidelines related to social, economic and foreign affairs have, no doubt, guided the policies of Nepal. He was considered to be very skilled person in constructing nationalist identity which can be comprehended through his

2 2 use of metaphorical rhetorics. For instance, as Rishikeshav Raj Regmi (2003) puts it, the slogan “Nepal is a garden of four castes and 36 sub-castes,” that the king came up with, is a distinct example of denial of people outside the caste system and creation of fictive national identity. Nepal is in fact a garden not merely of four castes and 36 sub-castes but it is the home of castes and many indigenous ethnic people. It is multiethnic, multilingual, multi-religious and multicultural country. National Population Census (2011) has recorded 125 different nationalities and 123 languages. Nepal is a home for different caste and indigenous ethnic people as they have been cultivating distinctive culture, language, religion, history, tradition and mythology. Different climatic and ecological zones are inhabited by “100 officially recognized caste and ethnic groups who speak around 92 languages officially-recognised by the state” (CBS 2001; Yadava and Turin 2007). The number of such indigenous nationalities is still increasing. They have their own languages, cultures, traditions, principles, understandings, ways of livelihood, and beliefs in indigenous knowledge systems (IKS). The practice of indigenous knowledge by indigenous is indeed time immemorial. This knowledge system helps shape the identification of indigenous people. It is a great heritage transmitted from one generation to the next, from the past to the present. But now, this practice is bordering to the state of disappearance since it has been uncared for by the new generations of the concerned community and the government of Nepal. Moreover, it has been under shadowed by the multinational mass products, the mass consumerism and the late capitalism propagated by

3 3 modernity and globalization. Therefore, study of indigenous knowledge system is very imperative for resurrection, promotion and resilience of these native knowledge and skills. This study aims at exploring one of the virgin areas constituted by the interdependence and/or relationship between indigenous knowledge system and the cultural identity of Limbus. Findings of this work would be an impetus to give glimpse of Limbu traditions. They would support the policy of “Unity in Diversity” by appealing government of Nepal to promote and safeguard local biodiversity, Limbu culture and indigenous knowledge and skills. Nowadays, the concept of indigenous knowledge is considered to be contradictory to the notion of modernity. Adaptation of ostensible modern, technical and scientific methodologies has invited embarrassing effects also in Limbu indigenous knowledge and practices through losses of biophysical environment and diverse cultural heritages. Taking due consideration of such various issues, the following points have been listed as major issues to be addressed for exploring Limbu indigenous knowledge system and cultural identities. a. How is Limbu indigenous knowledge system on biodiversity (ecology, local environmental management, medicinal and ritual plants and their taxonomies, etc.)? b. What tangible and intangible cultural heritages does Limbu community possess which help shaping their cultural identities? c. How is human ecology (relationship between the natural and human world, intangible cultural elements or cultural beliefs and values and all tangible cultural properties

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often regulate human behavior and actions, social cohesion, gender concepts or any other ethical aspects) determined by Limbu indigenous knowledge and cultural elements? d. What kind of policies (e.g. regional or national, cultural, environmental or any other) should be planned and implemented to safeguard and promote Limbu indigenous knowledge and cultural identity? What policies can address the issues or problems and vice-versa? How can preservation and promotion of Limbu culture and local biodiversity help in making regional policies on climate changes/global warming? Limbu indigenous knowledge system regarding biodiversity (ecology, environment, etc.) and Limbu cultural identity are interdependent, and hence changes and crises in one inevitably affect the other; losses on biodiversity cause losses on cultural identity, and vice-versa. Additionally, simultaneous considerations on Limbu indigenous knowledge and Limbu cultural phenomena can be helpful to plan cultural, environmental and other policies and address the problems caused by climate change and global warming from both atic and emic perspectives. The major objectives of this book are: a. to document the Limbu indigenous knowledge system and Limbu cultural phenomena, and show what kind of correlation do they have; b. to find out how human ecology is shaped by Limbu indigenous knowledge system in order to construct Limbu cultural identities; and, c. to recommend appropriate policy and planning to the concerned authorities for safeguarding of indigenous

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knowledge in local, regional and national level inclusion endeavors, and, to find out relationship among local biodiversity, Limbu culture and environmental changes.

1.2 Indigenous Knowledge System Indigenous knowledge system (IKS) refers to an integrated body of knowledge which consists of several concepts “produced by and/or distinctive to a particular culture group or any loosely defined group of resource users in a given area” (Maden et al., 2008). The concept of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) has often been associated with the Western intellectual and cultural tradition as part of the primitive, the wild and the natural. At best, such representations have been charged with paternalistic or idealized condescending approaches rooted within the ideological framework of the colonial European paradigm of Modernity (Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999). For instance, indigenous knowledge of learning system comprises knowledge and skills on adaptation of biophysical environment, phenomena and local flora and fauna; indigenous methods of counting and quantifying, skill and experience of caring and curing in relation to human as well as animal diseases, traditional medicines and uses of herbal remedies, knowledge and skill of farming, animal husbandry, fishing, hunting and gathering, safeguarding of soil, water, vegetation, ecosystem, public places, and so on. It is also knowledge of handicraft, visual performing arts, weaponry, constructing and manufacturing of different things. Moreover, IKS implies the ways of living a life, preserving and performing traditional cultures, rituals,

6 6 festivals, rites of passage. It also encompasses various traditions, ceremonies and practices of the community. Providing a substantial idea about both tangible and intangible cultural heritages of indigenous people, such knowledge system helps recognizing themselves as a distinct community with distinctive identity. Thus, recognition of such deep-rooted knowledge and skills has great value since it is a long practiced native episteme and “the body of historically constituted knowledge instrumental in the long- term adaptation of human groups to the biophysical environment” (Purcell 1998: 260). Apart from it, IK is a transmission of knowledge and information constituted from ancestral community practices to the present. It is about how traditional cultures in the long distance past have differently formed, organized and disseminated their ancestral knowledge production concerning their cultural beliefs, linguistic practices, and the historical interpretations that have given meaning to their lives (Cajete, 2000; Semali & Kincheloe, 1999). This knowledge has been transmitted through oral tradition and is based on holistic perspectives of the interconnectedness of things. It comes out of the direct experience with the environment and within the native cosmologies and values that frame it. Consequently, it is, to some extent, in opposition to the Western modern epistemology of sciences and educational models, based on highly abstract and specialized fields, applied universally with positivist methodologies and transmitted through writing. Hence, in the view of Marc G. Stevenson (1996:278), the term “indigenous knowledge,” which comprises traditional and nontraditional, ecological and non-ecological knowledge, “is

7 7 proposed as an alternative that should allow aboriginal people, and the full scope of their knowledge, to assume integral roles in Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA).” But, to utilize as a living and effervescent culture, it must be properly inventoried, protected, safeguarded and made viable in order to transmit it over generations to come.

1.2.1 Recognition and Protection of IKS Indigenous knowledge is a body of knowledge cultivated by group of peoples through generations living in close contact with nature, climate and biodiversity. It includes a system of classification, a set of empirical observations about the local environment, and a system of self management that governs the resource use. IK permeates every aspect of rural life, be that agriculture, natural resource management, biodiversity, environment, food security, disaster control, health practices, or pest control, in a sustainable way (Oniang’o, et al., 2003; Limbu 2008:5). According to World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) (2005: 4), IK is often referred to as Traditional Knowledge (TK) and “encompasses the content or substance of traditional knowhow, innovations, information, practices, skills and learning of TK Systems such as traditional agricultural, environmental or medicinal knowledge” (cited in Maden et al.). Such knowledge, developed from experience gained over time and adapted to the local culture and environment, has always played – and still plays – an important role in daily lives of the majority of people globally and is considered to be an essential part of cultural identities.

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Despite the fact that some current changes of perception have taken place since the 1980s, when the field of international development became aware of indigenous knowledge as an important base upon which sustainable development programs should be built, this concept has not consolidated a respected stand among the modern Western intellectual and educational establishment. Nevertheless, in practical terms, local forms of community-based knowledge continue to provide a network of support to many indigenous people in the world by contributing to the solution of problems of health, agricultural production and education that are not addressed by the public policies of the states. Although an interest in indigenous knowledge has began to be expressed in a growing number of academic disciplines (Warren et al, 1995), important calls for the preservation of IK at the international level, began in 1992 at the Conference of Rio de Janeiro on Bio-Diversity, and in December of the same year, when the United Nations declared 1993 the “International Year of the World’s Indigenous People.” This was aimed at strengthening international cooperation, in order to address the problems faced by indigenous communities in the areas of human rights, the environment, development, education and health. Together with these activities, the significance of indigenous knowledge system further gained momentum in international arena.

1.2.2 Intangible Cultural Heritage in UNESCO Convention 2003 The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is the United Nations’ specialized agency working within the fields of education, social and 9 9 natural sciences, culture and communication to promote international cooperation in these fields in order to ensure a more peaceful world. It also serves as a clearinghouse to spread and share knowledge while helping its 193 Member States and 6 Associate Members to build their human and institutional capacities. After over 60 years of working in the field of intangible heritage, this organization has culminated with the adoption in 2003 of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) which Nepal has ratified in 2010 and has become one of the Member States. In accordance with the Article 1 of general provisions, the purposes of this Convention are: (a) to safeguard the intangible cultural heritage; (b) to ensure respect for the intangible cultural heritage of the communities, groups and individuals concerned; (c) to raise awareness at the local, national and international levels of the importance of the intangible cultural heritage, and of ensuring mutual appreciation thereof; (d) to provide for international cooperation and assistance. As per Clause 1 of Article 2, the ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage’ refers to the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by

10 10 communities and groups in response to their environment, their interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. According to Clause 2 of the Article 2, the ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage’ is manifested inter alia in the following domains: (a) oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; (b) performing arts; (c) social practices, rituals and festive events; (d) knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; (e) traditional craftsmanship. As being Member States, through the Convention, they thus are being encouraged to assist safeguarding by drawing up and updating inventories, access the intangible cultural heritage present in their territories, respect customary practices, document them, and among others. Moreover, States should ensure recognition of and respect for the intangible cultural heritage in society, in particular through developing educational, awareness-raising and information programmes, capacity building activities for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritages and supporting non-formal means of transmitting knowledge.

1.2.3 Practices and Activities of IKS Nepal is a country with cultural, biological and ecological diversities due to its diverse ethnic compositions, physiographic zones, climatic contrasts and altitudinal variations. The utilization of indigenous knowledge and

11 11 skills on ecology, biodiversity and ethnomedicines holds significant values including ecological, economic and societal ones. As it links with food security, human health, and environment, biodiversity plays a vital role in the livelihood of Nepali society. The practice of indigenous knowledge system in Nepal is indeed since time immemorial as it is the home of diverse indigenous nationalities with myriad of folk lives and folklores, cultures, traditions, practices and belief systems. Such knowledge and skills have been transmitted through oral tradition from one generation to the generation next, and is based on holistic perspectives of the interconnectedness of various things that coming out of the direct and authentic experiences with the environment and within the native cosmologies and values that frame it. Indigenous knowledge is, as a matter of fact, a valuable cultural heritage of the country. According to Bishnu Raj Upreti and Jagannath Adhikari (2006:6), the indigenous peoples mostly rely on natural resources, particularly forest, water and land. Within agrarian and largely traditional societies like Nepal, access to and control over such resources are not only determined by formal policies, legal instruments and programmes, but are conditioned by local power relations and historically specific social/cultural practices. As many indigenous peoples live in Nepal, so are there many kinds of cultures, oral and written traditions, ways of lives, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe or the knowledge and skills to produce traditional crafts. Out of 59 indigenous nationalities enlisted by the Government of Nepal, 18 indigenous communities

12 12 live in the Mountain or Himalayan region, 24 communities in the Hills, 6 in the Inner , and 11 indigenous nationalities in the Terai region. Indigenous people living in the mountain regions have their own nature and environment friendly culture, tradition and way of life. Similarly, the indigenous nationalities living in the Hills, Inner Terai and Terai have also distinctive kinds of cultures, traditions, ways of life, food habits, dress-ups, and beliefs system. Every community is considerably rich with its own indigenous skills and knowledge system concerning nature and the universe, traditional craftsmanship, performing arts and so on. Although there were/are such very useful skills and knowledge in indigenous communities inherited from their ancestors, the governments prior to 1990 seemed reluctant to safeguarding and promoting such valuables. They mostly kept on preying upon those skills and knowledge, instead. Thus, various such valuable skills and knowledge have been lost and many of them are in need of urgent safeguarding. There were some institutions and authorities established during that time in order to work on various areas but cannot be seen any such substantial output made by them. There are, we see, some government institutions in the country like National Academy, National Archive, Central Bureau of Statistics, Vaidyakhana (Ayurvedic Pharmacy), Department of Medicinal Plants, etc. However, there is no government institution as such which specifically focuses on preservation, promotion, and study on indigenous knowledge system of Nepal. The Ministry for Culture has often been made as hindmost part or a tail and kept on getting affixed to the back from one Ministry to the next

13 13 over and over again. National Academy has been carrying out activities of documenting literatures on culture, tradition, folksong and folklore of people living in the country. Central Bureau of Statistics has been taking census in every ten years starting since 1954. The 2011census has successfully accomplished to record various newer findings. Vaidyakhana (Ayurvedic pharmacy) was started at Hanuman Dhoka Palace Square in Kathmandu to prepare medicine in the Malla rule. And, Department of Medicinal Plants as well as many other researchers have diagnosed and documented “over 1600 species of medicinal plants that were used in traditional as well as Ayurvedic medicine systems and many of them were also included in the pharmacopoeias of different countries” (Maden, et. al. 8). The area of indigenous knowledge is, thus, found getting less priority in the past national plans and programmes. It is overtly overlooked even in academic courses. In the field of education, indigenous knowledge (IK) plays a fundamental role in learning system as it is the knowledge base that children have acquired in their families and communities. It is the knowledge base which helps define who they are and how they perceive their world view, their self-esteem and identity with which they come to the learning process in the formal classroom, and will acquire and connect relevant newly learned concepts. In the Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Friere (1980, 1993) suggests that allowing students or individuals to have ownership of their knowledge is equivalent to respecting their culture, tradition, language and identity. In terms of the concepts of meaningfulness, Freire argues that educators should avoid teaching students as if they were “empty vessels” and

14 14 abandon the educational goal of “deposit-making” (quoted in Ortiz, 2007). Hence, we can say that the education becomes meaningful only if students have the opportunity to understand the relevance and meaning of the knowledge they are being taught by linking it with their own previous experience, which eventually leads to the process of participation and active discovery of new concepts. This gives students a sense of ownership linked with meaningfulness about the information that they have newly acquired. After the Peoples’ Movement of 1990, some of the organizations and institutions such as Janajati Bikas Samiti (Development of Indigenous Committee) which later renamed as National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN), Nepal Janajati Mahasangh (Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities- NEFIN) and various other community-based organizations of each indigenous communities, for examples, Kirat Yakthung Chumlung of Limbus, Kirat Rai Yayokkha of Rais, Kirat Sunuwar Samaj of Sunuwar, Tamang Ghedung of Tamang indigenous community, among others, are involving in different activities related to ethnic issues. Kirat Yakthung Chumlung (KYC), established on 2nd September 1989, is a representative organization of indigenous Limbu community. Since its establishment, KYC has been playing a significant role on protecting and promoting culture, language, scripts and history of Limbu ethnic group in Nepal. KYC seems to have emerged with the view that Limbu community was required to re-establish their identity and promote culture, language, script and history. Today, Limbu people are found scattered across the

15 15 world as both temporary and permanent inhabitants. Moreover, the Limbus living permanently since time immemorial in India, and other countries are also federated in their countries abiding by the state rules and regulations to protect and promote , script, culture and history. The Limbu migrants living in different countries today have been sharing their experiences, and coming together for mutual collaboration and solidarity at both individual and community level. KYC has been playing a pivotal role since its inception in the field of advocating and promoting Limbu language, literature, script as well as tangible and intangible cultural heritage. Likewise, Association for Development of Kirat Religion and Literature has also been working for practising religious, cultural and literary activities on its own way. Limbu Students Forum has also been involving in the activities of advocating and safeguarding of language, literature and culture of Limbu community since its establishment in 1998. Some international organizations like World Bank, UNESCO, SNV-Nepal, among others have also been working on the study and promotion of indigenous knowledge and skills. Likewise, Nepali Folklore Society (NFS), established in 1995 as a non-governmental organization, has been involving to promote folklore and folk life studies in the country in an attempt to establish as well as disseminate the Nepali concepts of folklore studies to the folklore societies and scholars from both within the country and abroad. In addition, there are found time- honored practice of different traditional systems, organizations and institutions such as Guthi of Newar (which the caste group also executed it later on), Dhikuri of the

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Thakalis, Posing of the Syangtan, Choho of Tamangs, Parma and Kipat Land system of Limbus, Nogyar, Ttho and Gola and Ro-Dhin (Rodi) of the Gurungs, Bheja of the , Khyal and Chaatis Mauja Irrigation System of the Tharus, Mirchang of Marphali Thakali and among others. Nepal is therefore a very rich in biodiversity, ecology, native knowledge and skills, tangible and intangible culture, tradition, among others. But, such valuable objects, nature and heritages of the native communities have not been getting proper safeguarding and utilization. Apart from Hindu Guthis and some Newari traditional jatras, no other customary organizations and institutions and community- based organizations have been getting government fund and safeguarding measures. As a result, most of them are sustaining and many of them run the risk of dire crises.

1.3 Culture and Identity Culture and identity hold significant value as they provide means of representation to individuals of any group, community, society, gender, class, race and ethnicity. David Pearson (1996: 248) defines ‘culture’ as, “the ways that people in all societies draw upon a vast repertoire of knowledge to perform innumerable tasks, most of them so mundane that they take them for granted”, and ‘ethnicity’ as, “a specific form of cultural distinctiveness and boundary formation grounded in beliefs about social connectedness and descent that often shapes political discourse and action”. Cultural identities are crucial for us to comprehend the relationships between traditional knowledge as cultural heritage and collective ownership of the community. Ethnic groups’ sense of sharing the same material and social

17 17 prospects are more important than ethnic identity because identity is defined in the process of interaction- cooperation, competition, confrontation, even war- among groups (Markakis 1994: 236). We also can see it from Clifford Geertz’s theoretical contributions that start with his definitions and descriptions of culture. For Geertz (1973:89), culture is “a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and their attitudes toward life”. According to Fredrik Barth, ethnicity is a form of social organization that emphasizes cultural difference between groups whose symbolic and social boundaries have been established due to specific ecological, economic, historical or political situations. Ethnic identities function as “categories of inclusion/exclusion and of interaction about which both ego and alter must agree if their behaviour is to be meaningful” (Barth 1969:132). Speaking from the instrumentalistic notion, Kebede Messay argues that as ruling elites have fashioned ‘a patrimonial system of authority’ with intent of excluding competitors and rewarding followers, concepts of ethnicity and ethnonationalism emerge so as to protest against all kinds of exclusion, for “the purpose of controlling the political resources of the state” (Messay 2001: 272) and resulting in conflict not “for its own sake, but for desired objectives” (Fukui 1994: 44) or “receive net individual benefit” to use the Hechter’s word (1986: 268). Cultural identities were primarily defined as given, and not as a matter of recurring construction, generation, and

18 18 deconstruction. Later, scholars affiliated with the behavioral trend (such as Caldeira and Gibson 1995; Epstein and Kobylka 1992; Gibson 2004) have looked at identities as in a constant flux, fluid, transient and contingent over time and situation. For critical studies of another trend (specifically racial and radical feminist), identities were not taken as given, nor as autonomously constructed, but as manipulatively constructed by state ideologies, social hegemonic groups, and economic interests. In this line of studies, critics like Catharine A. MacKinnon, Judith Butler, Kimberle Crenshaw, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, Joel Migdal, Iris Marion Young and among others have appropriately identified with problems of social class, race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation.

1.4 Rhetoric of Ethnicity We find a wide range of approaches to ethnic enumerations that can be evinced by the spectrum of terms employed as ‘race,’ ‘ethnic origin,’ ‘nationality,’ ‘ancestry’ and ‘indigenous nationalities,’ ‘tribal’ or ‘aboriginal’ group all serve to draw distinctions within the national population. The picture is further complicated by the ambiguity of the meanings of these terms as what is called ‘race’ in one country might be labeled ‘ethnicity’ in another, whereas, ‘nationality’ means ancestry in some contexts and citizenship in others. Even within the same country, one term can take on several connotations, or several terms may be used interchangeably. One of the most common characteristics is the association of ethnicity with cultural commonality—i.e., shared beliefs, values, and practices—while race is seen as revolving around physical or biological commonality, an 19 19 essentialist perspective of almost biological quality. As Max Weber (1978: 389) described, ethnic groups are “those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent…it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists”, whereas “race identity” stems from “common inherited and inheritable traits that actually derive from common descent” (ibid: 385). In the United States in particular, ethnicity has increasingly come to be understood as “symbolic” (Gans 1979) or “optional” (Waters 1990). According to these views, individuals can choose the ethnic group(s) with which they most identify, and signal their affiliation with the group(s) by means of superficial behavior (e.g., choice of clothing or food) with the knowledge that such identification will have little if any repercussion for major life outcomes such as employment or educational opportunities. Whereas, in Nepal, ethnicity is not completely primordial which is said to believe that ethnic groups are either fixed, biologically given entities, or, if they are social conventions, that they are deeply rooted, clearly drawn, and historically rigid convention. And, it is also not completely constructivist which argues that ethnicity as “a social construct that emphasizes the sharing of cultural and linguistic characteristic and, kinship roots for the purpose of group mobilization” (Messay, 2001: 268). Nonetheless, it is also worth noting that ethnicity is the output of a social, political, and cultural manipulation carried out by particular elite cluster or group driven by competition for political power, economic benefits, social status or other objectives and motives for specific and different interests and group status.

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Following the tradition established by Max Weber, Andreas Wimmer (2008:973) defines ethnicity as a “subjectively felt sense of belonging based on the belief in shared culture and common ancestry”. This refers to cultural practices perceived as “typical” for the community, to myths of a common historical origin, or to phenotypical similarities. Hence, ethnicity is found being implied in different forms with different perspectives. Preeminent rhetorical theorist Kenneth Burke regarded identification as important as persuasion in rhetoric. Identification, in this sense, appears as key term in rhetorical theory shaping individual and collective identities in which people look for ways that their interests, attitudes, values, experiences, and perceptions are or could be shared with others. Hence, rhetoric focuses on “how these audiences are persuaded, often through appeals to the theoretical and methodological commitments they already hold” (Jasper and Young 272). For them, rhetorical techniques “help cover over the kinds of weaknesses in evidence that are … used to make the evidence more plausible” (ibid. 291). The question of ethnicity in Nepal was started to surface substantially as a subject of discourse mainly after the People’s Movement of 1990, and the People’s Second Movement-2006 has further open up the ground for wider debate of social inclusion. The issue of minorities, nationalities and indigenous ethnicity has become polemical then by resulting in discursive modes between caste and ethnicity. Before this, the ethnicity was taken as sub-caste or Jati, a language of figurative signification, non-referential, a subordinating and derogatory term used only to the aim of persuasion. Ethnicity has been, thus, “a nebulous concept; it

21 21 is confusing and complex […] relegating ethnic identities to a merely symbolic status” (Regmi 5). And hence, such logic of distinction has resulted in, for Sangram Singh Lama, “a mere oratory rhetoric” (vii) which helped construct such unstable identities.

1.5 Indigenous Ethnic Identity Over the last two decades or so, debate on indigenous ethnic identity has gathered a momentum in academic as well as public sphere. Perception, interpretation and definition of scholars, anthropologists and ethnologists regarding ethnic identity vary greatly. They have shown various approaches to it such as primordial, instrumental, essentialistic, constructivistic, subjectivistic, objectivistic, situational, relational, etc., and thereby mostly characterizing Western notion of ethnic identities. In fact, the mode of indigenous ethnic identification differs from the implication of Western notion since situations and contexts of non- western differ. In non-western, the problematics of indigenous ethnic identity can also be seen to have engendered due to socio-political and cultural relationships. It was determined mainly through interaction and accommodation between people in power dominance and dominated, privileged and marginalized, suppressed or oppressed. Nepali ethnic people are not the product of migratory and asylum, but they are native people possessing very less, if not none, power in the state mechanism. Getting no equal treatment from the state, they live with a feeling of satelessness even in their own state. Their voices remained unheard and their contributions were ignored. The has focused on accounts of people holding power in

22 22 the state mechanism by writing history of their own as they held the power to legitimise them through state authority. But in relation to the issue of indigenous ethnic people, cultural differences cut across ethnic boundaries as it is thought to have based on mere socially sanctioned notions of cultural differences, and not “real” ones but a kind of fictive kinship. Thus, there requires distinctive viewpoint while accessing and understanding ethnicity and ethnic identity in many other countries including Nepal, and they are not to be kept into the same salad bowl or melting pot attributed as in the western perception. According to Joane Nagel (1994:152), identity and culture are “two of the basic building blocks of ethnicity,” wherein, “individuals and groups attempt to address the problematics of ethnic boundaries and meaning,” and thereby resulting in “both structure and agency – a dialectic played out by ethnic groups and the larger society”. While, ethnic identity is taken to refer to a notion of shared ancestry and culture refers to shared representations, norms and practices. What differs from another group or community and what are significant markers of boundary making play, thus, important role in it. Ethnic identity comprises various markers and boundary making elements such as culture, language, literature, tradition, religion, lifestyle, rite of passage, and so on. Talking from the constructivistic perspective, Nagel has the view that ethnicity is constructed “out of the material of language, religion, culture, appearance, ancestry, or regionality. The location and meaning of particular ethnic boundaries are continuously negotiated, revised, and revitalized, both by ethnic group members themselves as

23 23 well as by outside observers” (153). It is, therefore, about the issues how do they identify themselves, how they are recognized through the state? What traditional symbols and identity markers do they use? What makes them the bearers of a distinctive identity?, and so on. Traditionally, ethnicity emphasizes cultural differentiation, and identity is always “a dialectic thing between similarity and differences” (Barth, 1994: II). Barth identified four theoretical features of the conventional, taken-for-granted model of culturally distinct ethnic group; first, such a group was biologically self- perpetuating; second, members of the group shared basic cultural values, manifest in overt cultural forms; third, the group was a bounded social field of communication and interaction; and fourth, its members identified themselves, as were identified by others, as belonging to that group (Jenkins, 2008). He has summarized the ‘Basic Social Anthropological Model of Ethnicity’ in four major propositions: – i) Ethnic identification always involves a dialectical interplay between similarity and difference; ii) Ethnicity is centrally a matter of shared meanings i.e. the culture and that the culture is also produced and reproduced during interaction; iii) Ethnicity is no more fixed or unchanging than the way of life of which it is an aspect or the situations in which it is produced and reproduced; iv) Ethnicity, as an identification, is collective and individual, externalized in social interaction and the categorization of others, and internalized in personal self-identification. Barth’s ‘constructivism’ claim that ethnicity is the product of a social process rather than a cultural given, made and remade rather than taken for granted, chosen depending on circumstances rather than ascribed through birth. While

24 24 others follow the view of Herderian notions of “primordialism” the binding power of ethnicity and culture – which underlined that ethnic membership was acquired through birth and thus represented a ‘given’ or ‘obtained’ characteristics of the social world. For constructivists and instrumentalists, ethnic identity can be something that people can change to suit the needs of the moment. It is multiple and plural. A person can possess two or more identities at the same time, while some conditions or behaviours can be latent rather than active in certain situations. Identity is also said to be dynamic, slippery and fluid. Common types of identities may change rapidly but ethnic identity is slow in changing as it is deep- rooted in the community. Ethnic identity may always be presented in behaviour and through communication with the other people. Ethnicity formalizes itself in the process of socialization and through social activities, it is a social phenomenon, and most often it will appear through language, culture, literature, and so on. Nevertheless, the issues of Nepali ethnic identity can be viewed, in a way, as the outcome of both a membership acquired through birth and a historical process of accommodation, interaction and enactment between regional ethnic systems, and the policies and ruling ideologies of a centralizing state. It is not, however, the substantive content of their cultural systems that “shapes a people’s ethnic identity but the history of their relationship to the state and their position in the structure of society as a whole” (Comaroff, Devalle, qtd. in Guneratne 751). It is argued that “As the ideology of Hindu religion and polity provided legitimacy to the Shah regime, the rulers tried their best to

25 25 spread in the country” (Hachhethu, , Gurung, 69-70). Therefore, the identification as ethnic or tribal or minority people of Nepal is not their self-interest but a compulsion as a result of political and socio-cultural intervention rather than the exigencies of situation.

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Chapter 2

Indigenous People and Culture

Labeling any individual or group of people with a term ‘indigenous people’ is itself a polemical issue. It is difficult to specify differences as such about which one is indigenous and who is not in this modern, globalized and diasporic age. However, some sorts of generalizations have been made on it. In Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention 1989 (No. 169), Indigenous Peoples (IPs) are broadly defined as People in independent countries who are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the population which inhabited the country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at the time of conquest or colonization or the establishment of present state boundaries and who, irrespective of their legal status, retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions. Similarly, as stated by Asian Development Bank’s policy on Indigenous people and poverty reduction programs, ‘Indigenous people are regarded as those with a social or cultural identity distinct from the dominant or mainstream society, which makes them vulnerable to being disadvantaged in the processes of development’ (cited in Plant, 2002: 7). But generally accepted definition of IPs is “those who identify themselves as indigenous and who were the first inhabitants of a territory before any colonization took place” (Maden et. al., 11). Concerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries, ILO Convention No. 169 states that: 27 27 · Those Tribal peoples in independent countries whose social, cultural and economic conditions distinguish them from other sections of the national community, and whose status is regulated wholly or partially by their own customs or traditions or by special laws or regulations; · Peoples in independent countries who are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the populations which inhabited the country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at the time of conquest or colonization or the establishment of present State boundaries and who, irrespective of their legal status, retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions. (Article 1) Similarly, as stated in Article 23, handicrafts, rural and community-based industries, and subsistence economy and traditional activities of the peoples concerned, such as hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering, shall be recognized as important factors in the maintenance of their cultures and in their economic self-reliance and development. Governments shall, with the participation of these peoples and whenever appropriate, ensure that these activities are strengthened and promoted. And, upon the request of the peoples concerned, appropriate technical and financial assistance shall be provided wherever possible, taking into account the traditional technologies and cultural characteristics of these peoples, as well as the importance of sustainable and equitable development.

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In the context of Nepal, indigenous peoples are known by the terms (literally meaning indigenous peoples, autochthons, native peoples) or janajatis (nationalities or indigenous peoples). Some prefer also to use terms like janajatis, mulbasi (native peoples), matawalis (liquor drinking communities) and bhumiputra (sons of the soils). The term Janajati has been used in the government documents, including the constitution. Though there are slight differences amongst them, ethnic minorities/groups and janajatis are found used interchangeably and synonymously in Nepal. In view of Krishna Hachhethu et al. (2010: 64), janajatis (Indigenous Peoples or IPs) are also a minority group, because originally they were neither Hindu nor Nepali speakers. Overtime, the majority-minority divisions came to be differentiated as superior and inferior social groups, which more recently has been reformulated as “dominant” and “minority” groups. Hill Brahmin- are considered the dominant group because of their positions and access to power; all other groups that have faced historical “discrimination” are collectively referred to as minorities.

2.1 Indigenous Nationalities of Nepal As the matter of fact, we find the use of various equivocal concepts and definitions of indigenous nationalities. Some use it as corresponding to indigenous people, native people, aborigines, nationalities, while others associate to ethnicity, tribalism, ethnic minorities, and so on. In the context of Nepal, the term ‘indigenous nationalities’ refers to the non-, who do not fall under Hindu hierarchy system of caste division but were segregated as 29 29 Matawali in the national code of 1854 and marginalized in state power. Linguistically, there are four racial groups in Nepal, viz. Mongoloid, Caucasoid, Dravidian and Proto- Australoid. Beside Caucasoid racial group, all three groups are known as indigenous nationalities of Nepal. In relation to the right of indigenous nationalities, the caucus of the representatives of constitutional assembly relating to indigenous nationalities has also prepared a Concept Paper with a view to amend some provisions and include their rights in forthcoming constitution of Nepal. According to the Concept Paper, indigenous people refers to the community which has historical attachment to the land, does not lie within Hindu caste system and was referred to Matawali in the national code of 1854, excluded from the state mechanism and hence lying at the state of subjugation, having their own distinctive social, cultural, linguistic, religious attributes, having own economic system, having own fundamental political system, institution, custom, customary law, traditional, written or oral history and have been enjoying and interested to enjoy right to self-respect as well as right to autonomy (37 My Translation). In the same way, the caucus’s Concept Paper has also made some interpretations relating to Indigenous people which are as follows: The Indigenous People, in the context of Nepal, should be understood as the communities having deserved special rights mentioned in the documents, proclamations of the United Nations Organization, and International laws. Have been settling down in their ancestors’ land from earlier to the construction of nation state of

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Nepal and have come giving continuity to the specialty of historical relationship to own ancestral land but made marginalized from the mainstream of national politics and process of ruling state as well as policy made along with the construction of Nepal as modern nation state, are non-dominant groups lying under social- cultural, linguistic, religious discriminations, who, by protecting and developing their own especial, distinctive cultural and ethnic identity, desire to transfer their ancestral land, cultural and ethnic identity to their own future generations. Indigenous people are the communities who, along with building of modern Nepal nation- state, have lost their own ancestral land and ownership upon source and mutual right etc. due to internal colonization enacted by the then ruling class and state mechanism, and over time restricted from social opportunities as a results of having indigenous people’s identities, and not having any kind of access over sources of development. Indigenous people are the communities not lying under the caste system based on Hindu religion and standardized by assimilating into caste system giving nomenclature of ‘enslavable’ (can be made slaves) and ‘non-enslavable’ (cannot be made slaves) matawali through country code of 1854. Their social structure is based on equality

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and social discrimination is not there as in Hindu caste system in these communities. Indigenous people possess common language, religion, ritual and culture and they have common written or unwritten history of origin. Indigenous people have got exceptional kind of relationship with own ancestral land, geographical region and natural resources. Such special relationship is not only being with physical life but is also related to their social, cultural and spiritual life. Indigenous people do identify themselves saying that we are different from others and their self- identification is provided recognition by other communities. Collective psychological feeling of ‘we’ and relations based on collectivity prevail in Indigenous people. Life style of indigenous people is based on their own customary law and traditional institutions. Traditional economic life system of indigenous people depends upon life subsistence economic production based on natural resources like water, land and forest. (Caucus, 38-39 my translation) The rulers, in accordance with Hindu polity, classified matawalis or liquor drinking indigenous people of Nepal into ‘non-enslavable’ and ‘enslavable’ through the schema of Muluki Ain codified in 1854 and the diverse caste and ethnic groups were incorporated into a holistic framework of a ‘national caste hierarchy’ (Höfer 1979) to which Pfaff-

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Czarnecka (1997: 421-22) has rightly called as the “empire model” against the background of national integration. Similarly, the Task Force formed by the then His Majesty’s of Government for the identification of nationalities had submitted the report in 1996 by identifying 61nationalities. According to this report each Indigenous Nationality of Nepal has the following characteristics:

. A distinct collective identity . Own language, religion, tradition, culture and civilization. . Own traditional egalitarian social structure. . Traditional homeland and geographical area. . Written or oral history. . Having “We” feeling. . Has had no decisive role in the politics and government of modern Nepal. . Who are the indigenous or native peoples of Nepal; and . Who declares itself as “Janajati.” (Indigenous Nationalities Bulletin, 16)

Many writers, researchers and anthropologists both from the country and abroad have unquestionably designated mongoloids as the indigenous people of Nepal. As per Eden Vansittart (1991:7-9), “The aboriginal stock of Nepal is most undoubtedly Mongolian.” This fact is supported by “the most ancient records” and through “very plain characters, in their faces, forms, and languages. Amongst the aborigines of Nepal must be counted the Magars, Gurungs, Newars, Sunuwars, Khambus, Yakhas, Yakthumbas, Limbus, Murmis and Lepchas”. 33 33 Father Guiseppe in 1769 recognized the Kirat country as being an independent state. He accounts that although this would not appear to be strictly exact now, yet the Kirats formed the principal strength of these Rajput chiefs, and their hereditary chief held the second office in the States and the Rajputs who, notes Vansittart, were united with them, did not presume “to act as masters, to invade their lands, or to violate their customs. These Kiratis are frequently mentioned in Hindu legend as occupying the country between Nepal and Madras (Bhotan)”(102). Although most of the scholars and authors, this way, have mentioned pervading socio-cultural attributes of ethnicity, only few of them have averred that the state ideology until 1990 has derogatorily characterized as tribe, savage, etc. to Nepali indigenous ethnic groups and their cultures, by and large, a contributing factor to bring distinction between caste and Other(s). Among them, Dor Bahadur Bista is the one who intimately observed and acknowledged the real picture of Nepalese communities: the pervasiveness of ethnicity, their grievances, acculturations, alienations and frustrations. He concludes, “Becoming an expatriate is a common alternative for the frustrated but ambitious ethnic group member” (Bista 2000:58). He further asserts that the groups with positive elements of value systems in their social and collective practices “are increasingly excluded from the mainstream of society and their values are endangered as another, essentially alien, culture becomes more pervasive” (2). After the ground- breaking studies of Dor Bahadur Bista in the field of Nepalese nationalities, Gobinda Neupane is another one who strongly criticizes the stereotypical ideology of Hindu ruling

34 34 class. He asserts that Nepalese state mechanisms are “under control of Khases1 and thereby serving for (community) segregation” (Neupane 2005:30). Nepali folk cultures and folk performances of all ethnic groups, he further notes, have been victim of Hinduisation, the guiding principle and meta- narrative of ruling ideology. Similarly, Sagram Singh Lama observes that even the present state’s structure “was designed in such a way that it destroyed the very identity of the ethnic peoples, women, Madhesis and ” (viii). As Indigenous Nationalities of Nepal, 59 ethnic groups with their own distinct language, culture and historical territories are recognized by NEFIN on 7th February 2002 constituting 37.2 percent of the total population of the country as per 2001census. A. Endangered Group 1. Kusunda 2. Bankariya 3. Raute 4. Surel 5. Hayu 6. Raji 7. Kisan 8. Lepcha 9. Meche 10. Kusbadiya B. Highly Marginalized 11. Majhi 12. Siya 13. Lohmi(Shingsawa) 14. Thudam 15. 16. Chepang 17. Satar (Santhal) 18. Jhangar (Urau) 19. 20. Bote 21. Danuwar 22. Baramu C. Marginalized Group 23. Sunuwar 24. Tharu 25. Tamang 26. 27. Kumal 28. Rajbansi 29. Gangai 30. 31. Bhote 32. Darai 33. Tajpuria 34. Pahari 35. Topkegola 36. Dolpo 37. Free 38. Mugali 39. Larke 40.Lohpa (Lhopa)

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41. Dura 42. Walung D. Disadvantaged Group 43. Chhairotan 44. Tangbe 45. Tingaule Thakali 46. Baragaule 47. Marphali Thakali 48 Gurung 49. Magar 50. Rai 51. Limbu 52. Sherpa 53. Yakha 54. 55. Jirel 56. Byansi (Sauka) 57. Yolmo E. Advantaged Group 58. Newar 59. Thakali Source: National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities Act 2001.

2.2 Limbu Nationalities The Limbu, one of the vital groups among Kirat people, is an indigenous ethnic community of Nepal. The Limbu Kiratis, traditionally known as wanderers and hunters, hill and mountain dwellers, indigenous knowledge holders, users of medicinal herbs and spices, physicians and architects; nature worshipers and animists, and indigenous land owners; have very strong attachment to agro-pastoral tradition. Limbu have an Animist religion which emphasizes the worship of deities believed to inhabit the mountains, rivers and earth (Bista 1987). Mainly, they are found inhabiting the area of eastern hilly districts of the democratic republic of Nepal such as Taplejung, Panchthar, Ilam, Jhapa of and Sangkhuwasabha, Tehrathum, and Dhankuta of Koshi zone which is historically known by farther Kirat or Limbuwan, their native territory.

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Figure 1: Map of Limbu Residing Region

Now, Limbus are also found in many other parts of the country including the Kathmandu valley. They are known as the original settlers of , , and other many places of India, as well as and Myanmar, too. And of course, because of modernization and globalization, at present, they are found being globally spread over as both permanent and temporary residents. The Limbus designate themselves as Lungbongba Khambongbasa - meaning ‘the lineage emerged from the rock and the soil’ which confirms them being autochthons in the land of this country (Limbu 2010: 1). Their connection with hilly areas is very old. Chaitanya Subba (1995: 17) says, “Himalayan region was always a favorable abode of since the remote past”. The government census 2011 records 387,300 (i.e. 1.46 percent of the total population) Limbu people with 343,603 mother tongue speakers live in 37 37 the country. When compared to the previous record, the data shows that only 27,922 Limbus have been increased within the period of 10 years. National Census 2001 has recorded 359,378 Limbus in Nepal that is 1.58 percent of the total population, and 333,633 Limbu mother tongue speakers. Moreover, more than 150,000 Limbu people live in different countries like India, Bhutan, Myanmar and many other places of the world (Limbu 2010: 1). Genetically, “the origin of the Kirat people of Nepal can be traced back in combination of three races … known by the names of Khambongbas or the Khambos, the Tangsangthas or the Mongols and the Munaphens or the Chinese” (, 2003:3). According to various writers and historians such as Chatterji (1951), Chemjong (1961), Singh (1990), Prapannacharya (1994) have asserted that Kirat people embody the mongoloids physiognomy and speak Tibeto-Burman languages. Chemjong and Prapannacharya have presented various ethnic and tribal groups like Limbu, Rai, Yakkha, Kõits (Sunuwar), Magar, Gurung, Tamang, Newar, Lapcha (Rong), Thakali, Malla, Tharu, Dhimal, Kisan, Raji, Marchha, Saukha (Vyansi), etc. of Nepal and Ahom, Dd` imachha, Karvi, Kuki, Naga, Koche, Mizo, Manipuri, Khasia, Jayantiya, Garo, Vaipei, etc. of Anunachal, Tripura and the eastern part of India as the descendants of ancient Kirats. At present, the historic dynasty comprising Limbu, Rai, Yakkha inhabiting the major part of eastern Nepal and Kõits (Sunuwar) of central Nepal after the takeover by the Lichchhavi Kings, designate as Kirats with possession of their own distinct language, culture, tradition, religion and oral literature called Mundhum.

38 38 As autochthons, the Limbus remained unconditionally autonomous in Limbuwan maintaining sovereignty over their territory for many centuries in the past. King Prithvi Narayan Shah formally recognized the Limbus’ autonomy as Sen kings did prior to him when he signed a peace and conciliation treaty with Limbu Kings in 1774 in connection to unification campaign of Nepal. The treaty had provided certain rights to Limbus over their lands. But this land right was completely seized by the then King Mahendra in 1964 along with Land Reform Act which failed to deliver what the treaty had promised the Limbu peoples. Fundamental to “the indigenous Limbu people,” as Arjun Limbu (2004: 112) states, “is their right to their land, around which their survival and development revolve.” We know that till 1964, the Limbus had historically held on to a land concept known as the Kipat system. Kipat is a communal form of land tenure, under which land is held on a tribal, village, kindred or family basis and it is usufructury. Kipat constitutes land of paddy fields and pastures, as well as forest, water and mineral resources. Under this system, land could not be bought or sold to members outside the group (Caplan 2007: 4). Kipat is defined as “land cleared and occupied by first settlers; it is thus an inalienable land of autochthons or aboriginal inhabitants” (Limbu 113). Daniel Wright on the other hand accounts in his book History of Nepal (1877: 27) that “The Limbus and Kirats occupy the hilly country to the eastward of the valley… are both short flat-faced people, powerfully built, and decidedly Mongolian in appearance”. Similarly, Hamilton (1819: 24) recognized them as “the mountain tribes” and aboriginals as “Chinese or

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Tartar faces” of which, “had no idea of cast” before the arrival of “Hindu colonies”. Different historical documents reveal that the term “Limbu” was used by (Nepal) administration after 1774. The decrees and letters of Sen rulers before unification of Nepal and genealogies of various clans of Limbus also divulge that the Kirat leaders were conferred the titles of ‘Raya’ and thus they were known as Raya and later Rais. Besides, Limbus were also addressed as ‘Raya’ in the official documents such as Lalmohar (Red Seal), Sanad, Rukka, and so on. The nomenclature ‘Limbu’ also seems to be recent use of older name Susuwa Lilim Yakthungs or Yakthungbas. Some believe that Yakthungba is a derivative of Yaksha and some interpret its literal meaning as the ‘Yaksha winner’. In Limbu language, it denotes “heroes of the hills” (yak means hills and thung means heroes or mighty warriors), which bears the connotation of Kiratis. Today Limbus and Rais have separate entities; however, they share the common tradition, customs and way of life. The groups of ten chiefs were called Thibong Yakthung or ten Limbus and the land which they won with the help of Li or bow and tong or arrows were called Limbuwan (Chemjong 1948, Dahal 1984). The descendants of Lilimhang of Susuwaden (capital in the east Nepal or within the region of seven rivers) or the progeny of Limbuk-hang, the great grandson of Lilimhang, were known as Limbus (Mabohang & Dhungel, 1955). Similarly, Gorkha rulers might have called the inhabitants living around the ranges of Limbusringam, the sanskritized version of Lumbasumba (Kanchanjunga) as Limbu (Kandangwa 1990). Literally, “Lingba” denotes “self-grown

40 40 or emerged” and some of the Limbu language experts believe that “Limbu” may have been derived from “Lingba” and there is also a place named Lingba in Limbuwan which also supports this assumption (Kainla 22). In this way, we see various kinds of speculations about Limbu people how they have started to settle in their place. If we analyse the Mundhum, their religious/ritual but oral text, they are said to have emerged from their own land. Whatever have cases and interpretations been made by the historians, writers and researchers in connection to them, Limbus are one of the vital communities of Kirat people with a long historicity of their own in the history of Nepal and later in Limbuwan even after the takeover of their rule by Lichchhavi dynasty.

2.3 Culture and Belief System Culture and belief systems influence people’s everyday life activities including the health beliefs. Culture shapes our health as much as our genes do. Culture is the complete whole comprising knowledge, belief, customs, art, and morals, law and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of community/society. Limbu community possesses distinctive language, literature, culture, tradition, religion, rituals, folklore, folk- treatment and so on. They have their own mother-tongue known as Limbu language which they call Yakthungpan or Yakthungba-pan. Limbu language has the characteristics of pronominalization and falls under the rubric of the Tibeto- Burman subfamily of Sino-Tibetan family of languages. Harka Gurung (2004: 49) proclaims that, “Ethnic groups are mostly Mongoloid and speak Tibeto Burman languages. On the other hand, most caste people are Caucasoid and speak Indo-Aryan languages”. This language “has object 41 41 agreement of a complex type” (Angdembe, 1998: 17). The Limbu language is normally subdivided into four major dialects: Taplejunge or Tambarkhole, Chatthare, Panthare, and Pheddappe. Though, in recent days, there is a of claim that the Chhattare dialect is considered to be a different language from Limbu proper, nonetheless, it cannot suffice the criteria to be a totally distinctive kind of language thanks to its high degree of intelligibility and just a minor dialectical variation with rest of the Limbu dialects. Dr. Govinda Bahadur Tumbahang, a scholar from Chhattare Limbu dialect, himself asserts that “Chhatthare Limbus are emotionally and culturally so [much] tied to other Limbus that they don’t want to designate the Chhatthare variant as a separate ‘language’” (38). In this context, we have to admit that it embodies a slight dialectical variation from rest of the dialects such as Panthare, Taplejunge, Yangwarakke and Phedappe, as a result of regional location. And such vernacular dialects are found frequently being used in other regions as well. As a matter of fact, Limbu language as a whole can be observed as a family of rich language with multiple synonymous words. Limbu language is also spoken by most of the other non-Limbu people in Limbuwan region. This language is the one among Tibeto-Burman languages which has its own written form or script called Srijanga named after tyewongsi or intellectual Limbu king of Limbuwan who “had introduced [this script] among Kirat Limbus during the end of the 9th and early 10th century” (Kainla, 1992). Besides their own mother-tongue, most of them can understand and speak the link language (Khas) Nepali which, currently in Nepal, is also language of the nation. The use of Nepali

42 42 language was made more effective in this community only after the takeover of Limbuwan by king Prithvi Narayan Shah of the house of Gorkha. After the Gorkha [technical] conquest in the second half of the eighteenth century, linguist (1990) notes, “the influence of the Indo-Aryan language Nepali, or Khas Kura, became increasingly felt in Pallo Kirat ‘Far Kirat’, the homeland of the Limbu, Yakkha, Yakkhaba and Mewahang”. Limbus are rich in folk literature that includes Mundhums2, proverbs, folksongs like palams and khyali, cultural songs like hakpare, and riddles, various folk sayings, puns, charades, folktales, folk narratives, etc. In the Limbu folk literature, the Mundhum is a broad umbrella term that incorporates various entities such as legends, myths, folklores, prehistoric accounts, sermons and moral and philosophical exhortations in oral poetic language. They have a long tradition of narrating or reciting Mundhums and performing certain rituals and ceremonies in their own distinctive ways. The primary religious authorities among the Limbu are shamans (known as Phedangma) who preside over important rituals and social events such as weddings, birth rites and funerals (see Limbu 2010; Sagant 1985). Limbu shamans/actants, orally and poetically, recite various body of inherited narratives and myths of ancestry which are important elements of Limbu oral literature which can be termed as ‘mythopoeic.’ Such myths are traditional sacred stories of universal importance recounting the deeds of superhuman beings such as gods, demigods, heroes, spirits or ghosts in a certain community. In the view of Laurence Coupe (1997: 120) myth shapes history, and therefore it shapes culture. The religious beliefs, social

43 43 customs and linguistic commonplaces of each age are reaffirmations of, and elaborations upon, primitive mythic patterns. For Marina Warner (1994), myths offer a lens which can be used to see human identity in its social and cultural context – they can lock us up in stock reactions, bigotry and fear, but they’re not immutable, and by unpicking them, the stories can lead to others. Myths convey values and expectations which are always evolving, in the process of being formed, but – and this is fortunate – never set so hard they cannot be changed again (quoted in Coupe 189). Even if a myth always refers to events to have taken place a long time ago, through its operational value it explains the present and the past as well as the future. For instance, Limbus express their inner feelings and moral contents in beautiful proverbs and charades. The riddle designates another popular genre among them. Limbu youths sing palam in their daily life on the way to forests, in the working fields and perform ya?lang or paddy dance on various socio-cultural occasions of various rituals like wedding ceremony, death rite, fair and on festivals. Elderly Limbus orally narrate various types of secular and supernatural stories, and many folktales. Oral expression, Walter J. Ong (1982) says, “can exist and mostly has existed without any writing at all, writing never without orality” whereby we can “learn a great deal and possess and practice great wisdom” (8-9). All these kinds of Limbu folk literature are, hence, integral parts to Limbu folklore. The folk- literature of the Limbus is very rich and because of this, the Limbus residing in Sikkim, Darjeeling, Assam, Nepal and Bhutan, have their own identity because of immense belief in

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‘Yumaism’. Their traditions and cultures are still alive. Yumaism is a type of religious scripture, which have been continuously kept alive by their religious head and handed over from generation to generation orally.

2.4 Interim Constitution of 2007 on Issue of Equality In preliminary of the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007, it is stated that the nation is as having multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious, multi-cultural characteristics with common aspirations, and being committed to and united by a bond of allegiance to national independence, integrity, national interest and prosperity of Nepal, all the Nepali people collectively constitute the nation (Article 3). As a fundamental right, Clause (3) of Article 13 declares that the State shall not discriminate among citizens on grounds of religion, race, caste, tribe, gender, origin, language or ideological conviction or any of these. Whereas, provided that nothing shall be deemed to prevent the making of special provisions by law for the protection, empowerment or advancement of women, Dalits, indigenous ethnic tribes [ Janajati], Madhesi, farmers, labourers or those who belong to a class which is economically, socially or culturally backward, or children, the aged, disabled or those who are physically or mentally incapacitated. As education and cultural right, in Clause (3) of Article 17 offers to each community residing Nepal has the right to preserve and promote its language, script, culture, cultural civilization and heritage. Similarly, there is provided right to religion in Article 23, where, Clause (1) states that every person shall have the right to profess, practise and preserve his or her own religion as handed down to him or

45 45 her from ancient times paying due regard to social and cultural traditions. Moreover, provided that no person shall be entitled to convert another person from one religion to another and no person shall act or behave in a manner which may infringe upon the religion of others. In its State policies mentioned in Article 35, the State shall pursue a policy of strengthening the unity of the nation by maintaining the cultural diversity of the country through the promotion of healthy and harmonious social relations, on the basis of equality and coexistence, among people of various religions, cultures, castes, communities, sects, origins, languages and linguistic groups, and by assisting in the equal promotion of their languages, literatures, scripts, arts and cultures (Clause 3), and the State shall pursue a policy of modernising the traditional knowledge, skills and practices existing in the country by identifying and protecting them (Clause 18).

2.5 Challenges of IKS and Identity Indigenous, traditional and native knowledge and skills of Limbu are cultural heritages (both tangible and intangible) of the community. They are known as the base for forming Limbu identity. If properly utilized, Limbu IKS deserves immense worth even in the modern context. These valuables should be conserved, promoted and practised in day to day life activities. The provision of government policies and laws have not been instrumental in Nepal because these “policies and legislations alone are not enough to bring changes but the practices are crucial” (Upreti and Adhikari 6). As Bishnu Raj Upreti and Jagannath Adhikari (2006: 5) put it, the centralized administration and

46 46 nationalization of forests and other resources associated with it like pasture further marginalized the indigenous peoples of Nepal. Restrictions on the use of traditionally used resources as a result of declaration of protected areas in their ancestral lands were extremely harsh for their livelihoods. Their traditional knowledge system has been eroded, which further increased their vulnerability. These peoples seem neither able to cope with modernization nor are able to derive livelihoods from traditional occupations. Limbu IKS becomes a source of forming folk culture of Limbu. Folk culture refers to a culture traditionally practiced by a small, homogeneous, rural group living in a relative isolation from other groups. Being handed down through oral tradition, it demonstrates the “old ways” over novelty and relates to a sense of community. Folk culture is quite often imbued with a sense of place. Another reason for the challenge of indigenous knowledge and identity is that the folk culture and modernity, in general, hold a contradictory relationship. The culture of folk or native people remains under crisis along with the wave of modernity. Folk cultures of minority groups of Nepal including the Limbu are found to have been suppressed in the name of nationalization along with the process of nation building. Such cultures have been promoted in the modern age in view of touristic gaze. Together with the promotion for tourism, these cultures have been suffering from cultural assimilation, shift and commodification. The native cultures are on the verge of losing their originality and authenticity due to the shift of folk culture into popular culture along with the wave of modernity and globalization. Such cultural shifts often bring

47 47 about threatening impacts on the folk culture, tradition, knowldege, skill of respective communities and thereby resulting in challenges to one’s identities. In general, Limbu people have derived their cultural meanings and identity from their living in a certain location, living with own lifestyles and using certain natural resources. However, for Upreti and Adhikari (ibid.), overtime ethnic and indigenous community faced several imposed political, economic and legal interventions, which created several problems for them in using the natural resources and marginalized them through exclusionary or other practices that curtailed their access to traditionally used resources and violated their rights as well as being gradually displaced from their native lands.

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Chapter 3

Taking on Limbu Culture and Indigenous Knowledge

This chapter is helpful to show a brief scenario of the works undertaken so far by writers, researchers and observers on Limbu culture and their indigenous knowledge. First, the relevant works on Limbu culture by Imansingh Chemjung, Kajiman Kandangwa, Dr. Chaitanya Subba, Bairangi Kainla, Prof. Abhi Narayan Subedi, Bhuwani Prasad Limbu and Dor Bahadur Bista are noted down here briefly. Chemjong’s History and Culture of the Kirat People (2003) and Kirat Ko Veda (1961) contain creation myths that have become themes of many ritual performances. Regarding live indigenous culture like Palam, Kandangwa in Dafe (1957) includes an introductory article entitled ‘Palam’ in which he talks of theme or subject matter. It explains how palam (a kind of Limbu cultural song) is sung in ya?lang (paddy-dance) and how it is danced or performed differently on different occasions. Dr. Subba (1995) in The Culture and Religion of Limbu (1995) records Limbu culture, covering a wide range of overall rites and rituals from birth to death, customs, traditions and festivals. Kainla’s Sam Sogha Mundhum (1994) argues that narration of Mundhum with invocation to respect and worship- worthy ancestors and all of the guiding goddesses and deities (divinities) gives us a glimpse of pre- history or genealogy of Limbu shamans; cultural and ritual

49 49 values, norms, and dominating role of shamanism in Limbu culture. Krishna B. Bhattachan (2000) has attempted the study on “Sustainable Livelihood” of indigenous people of Nepal including Limbu by dividing it into four sections: bio- and socio-cultural diversity, definition and identification of “tribals” in Nepal, tribals and forests, and common issues of sustainable livelihood. A bit differently, Prof. Subedi (2000) insists that in Limbu oral poetry system of beliefs reflects a sense of immediacy, the closer experience of life and feelings, which leads to the creation of myth and thereby of the ritual (a kind of cultural identity of Limbus). Another researcher Bhuwani Prasad Limbu (2008) has studied Limbu culture from gender perspective stating that dowry system is not an identity of Limbu culture, but now-a-days it is emerging as the result of other cultures’ influence. Next, from socio-cultural perspective, anthropologist Dor Bahadur Bista (2000) has made an introductory study of indigenous peoples of Nepal including the Limbus, their culture and other identities in brief. Likewise, Dilli Bikram Edingo (2007) attempts to study Limbu Mundhum in relation to linguistics perspective and is critically analysed through pragmatic insight. Likewise, other enthusiasts who documented Limbu people differently can be listed as Lalsor Sendang (1840- 1926), Bajbir Thalang, Iman Sing Chemjong, Kalusing Papo(1930), Harka Jang Makhim (1930), Nirmal Limbu and Jivan Das Rai, Sher Bahadur Neyonghang and Mohan Lal Hangam, Prem Bahadur Mabohang, Kajiman Kandangwa, Khadga Bahadur Subba (Nembang), B.B. Chemjong, Chandra Prasad Nembang, Rana Dhoj Nembang, Krishna Bahadur Laoti, Virahi Kainla, Khagendra Singh Angbohang,

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Bam Prasad Laoti, B.B. Lawoti, Keshar Kumar Limbu, , Vir Nembang ‘Mering’, Rana Bahadur Menyangbo, Ashman Subba, Mani Shankar Shreng, Dr. Chaitanya Subba, Ranadhoj Shreng, Laxman Menyangbo and many others have made great contribution. The foreign writers discussing about Limbu language, culture and tradition can be named as W. Kirkpatrick (1811), F.B. Hamilton (1819), G.B. Mainwaring and A.C. Campbell (1840, 1842, 1855), B.H. Hodgson (1844-1864), H.W. Senior (1908), G.A. Grierson, R.K. Sprigg (1959, 1966, 1984), Boyd Michailovsky (1979, 1988) A. Weidert (1982,1983, 1985), George van Driem and others who have initiated scientific studies and made contributions in the development of literary status of the Limbu language. The works of B. H. Hodgson have been tremendous contribution for preservation of , documentation of Limbu Mundhums and customs. Bairagi Kainla’s all scholarly works really embrace the solution of serious questions in the field of Limbu culture, literature and ritual performances. Hence, they are socio-cultural and religious manifestations of Limbu community. The Culture and Religion of Limbus (1995) by Dr. Chaitantya Subba is, in fact, a great research work on Limbu culture and religion, and successful to create an open horizon to the researchers from home and abroad. Some of the native speaking writers outside Nepal are also considerably found getting endeavoured in doing significant works on Limbus. They are Jashang Maden, Laxman Lawoti, Hillihang Kambang and others from Darjeeling, Sanchaman Limbu, Padam Singh Subba Muringla, B.B. Subba Muringla, Mohan Subba Phurumbo,

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Aitaman Tamling, Harka Bahadur Subba Tamling, N.B. Tamling, Maniraj Phedap Hukpa, Maita Singh Phurumbo. P.M. Subba Nembang, Harka Bdr Khamdhak, Mohan Ijam, Sat Kumar Singdhawa, Lalit Muringla, B.B. Pakkhim, Man Bahadur Tamling, Dewman Yakthung, S.R. Khajum, J.R. Subba, B. L. Khamdak and others from Sikkim. While talking of the Mundhum, its collection and compilation began very lately by some of the cultural enthusiasts such as Iman Singh Chemjong (Kirat Mundhum 1961), Asman Subba (Kirat Samyonu Yechchhamthim 1989), Bairagi Kainla (Limbu Jatima Kokh-Puja 1991, Tongsing Takma Mundhum 1994, Samsogha Mundhum 1994, Sasik Mundhum 1995 and recent publications -- Namsami and Kesami Mundhum, Mujingna Kheyongna Mundhum, Paja- iba Mundhum and Lahadonga-Suhampheba Mundhum 2014), Randhwoj Shreng Chongbang (Sumsenwa Yagransing Mundhum 1992, Kirat Yakthung Phungnawa Samlo 1993 and Yakthung Mundhum 1994), Rishi Kumar Sambhahamphe, Kalempong, India (Yakthung Chokthim 1992), Dr. Chaitanya Subba (The Culture and Religion of Limbu 1995), J.R. Limbu, Sikkim (Sumsemba Yagrangsing Tangsing Takma Mundhum 2001), Laxman Menyangbo (Yakthung Mundhum 2005), Manjul Yakthungba (Maulik Kirat Dharma Sanskar 2006), Kirat Dharma Tatha Sahitya Utthan Sangh (Kirat Samjik Mundhum), etc. are highly impressive efforts made in the field of Mundhum in written forms. But, only fewer studies have been accomplished in indigenous knowledge, specifically. Among them, Kamal Maden, et al. (2008) have documented Limbu indigenous medicinal plants and types of animals and further classified

52 52 as edible and healing plants used by shamans/healers. Likewise, Dil Kumar Hangsurung Limbu (2008) makes a document on classification of plants used by Limbus for religious and ethno-medicinal purposes. Studying Chokmagu and Ranitar VDC of , he revealed that Limbu people of the area used more than 200 plants (apart from common cereals and garden vegetables) for a multiplicity of purposes. He has documented 118 different Limbu indigenous knowledge and skills related to ecology, biodiversity and ethnomedicines. Prem Hang Banem (2008) has analysed the status of indigenous knowledge on textile weaving in Limbu community and found out its negative impacts on livelihood as a result of deteriorating state of such skill. Arjun Babu Mabuhang (2008) has documented five main types of Mundhums that are used at the time of worshiping and officiating guru-pooja ritual of Limbu community. He further shows the significance of Mundhum as it is an authentic source of Limbu language. And, Ramesh Kumar Limbu (2011) attempts to analyse how Ya?lang, the traditional Limbu folkdance, significantly contributes to the intangible cultural heritage as a medium of expression and reflection of human aspirations, transmission of oral traditional knowledge and culture, a means of cultural right and representation. The cultural identity of every indigenous community was taken as a threat to the national unification by ruling elites until the recent years. The use of Limbu alphabets and script was banned and the possession of Limbu writings outlawed. There were no specific law about it, but Security

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Act was enforced for such cases under the strong directives of Kathmandu. In brief, aforementioned enthusiasts and writers on culture have studied different factors and dimensions of Limbu cultural identity, with special reference to Limbu culture, literature and language. Likewise, Maden, et al., Prem Hang Wanem and Dil Kumar Limbu have studied Limbu indigenous knowledge focusing on biodiversity, ecology and their plain practices. Therefore, now it can be averred that there is an urgent need to carry out an extensive study on connection between the indigenous knowledge system and cultural identity of Limbus in order to find out what kind of correlation is there between Limbu indigenous knowledge and Limbu identity, and how such study can be an impetus for the inclusionary endeavors of making appropriate policy and planning in local, regional and national level.

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Chapter 4

Situating the Study

4.1 Area of the Study

Main area of this research study that has been undertaken is what the Limbu culture, biodiversity, traditional ecological knowledge, skills and tools of the Limbu dominated villages namely, Tiringe VDC of Taplejung and Yangnam VDC of Panchthar districts constitute. Tiringe VDC is situated at 2719′ to 27 22.5′ latitude and 87 43′ to 87 47′ longitude of the southern part of . This VDC is surrounded by eight VDCs which are Phawakhola VDC and Phurumbu VDC to the North, Hangdewa VDC and Dokhu VDC in the West, Nangkholyang VDC and Thechambu VDC to the South, and Dumrise VDC and Sikaicha VDC in the East. There is Tiringe khola which runs from west to east in the centre of this VDC and joins with Phawa khola that flows to the East of this Village Development Committee. This VDC is rich in natural vegetation and has divergent topographic location. The VDC is densely populated by Limbu community. Out of total 331 households, 208 are Limbu households and out of total population of 1844, Limbu population comprises 1023. The detail of population distribution is given below.

Table 2: Population and Household of Limbu and non- Limbu Community Limbu Brahmin/ B.K/ Total

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Sarki Households 208 108 15 331 Population 1023 742 79 1844

Source: Population Record, Tiringe VDC, Nov. 2014

Figure 2: Map of Tiringe VDC Source: NIIGP, Survey Department, Government of Nepal

Another area which was taken for this study is Yangnam VDC of Panchthar District. This VDC is situated at 27 9′ N to 27 11′ N Latitude and 87 47.9′ E to 87 52.3′ E Longitude of north-east part of the district. There are four surrounding VDCs which are Ektin to the North, Bharapa in the West and North-west, Nagin to the South, and Sidin in the East. Henwa Khola runs to the northern as borderline separating from Bharapa and Ektin VDC and Khang khola in west, Swoti khola to the south, and Likhure khola and 56 56

Laksibung khola flow in the east. This area is less diverse in relation to vegetation and topography than the earlier research domain. However, people of this VDC have also varied indigenous skills and knowledge. Limbu people densely populate this VDC comprising 87.3 percent of the total population. Besides, there is 4.3 percent population of Brahmin and Chhetri, 7.6 percent of groups and 0.8 percent of other ethnic groups.

Figure 3: Map of Yangnam VDC Source: NIIGP, Survey Department, Government of Nepal

4.2 Data Collection and Method of Study Data for this study has been collected from both primary and secondary sources. Written and electronic sources have been used for secondary data while primary data was collected from the field study of area. During the field activities for data collection (e.g. guiding the researcher for 57 57 and collecting species of plants, visiting different places and traveling through forests and jungles, helping to meetings of focus groups and in-depth-interviews through structured, semi-structured and even unstructured questionnaires, etc.) a well-informed and knowledgeable person belonging to the target population and from the chosen universe and community were selected so as to assist for the research work. Prior and informed consents were obtained with the respondents in order to have interviews and discussions. Consent was granted by the local people for the dissemination of their indigenous knowledge and skills. Guidelines for the interviews and group discussions were developed to facilitate the collection of information. Limbus follow the practice of shamanism for ritual/cultural observances. Limbu shamans are savants for much traditional knowledge. Therefore, for shamans and/or some key informants, purposive sampling was also adopted. In short, for obtaining the required data and information, following techniques have been used: Table 3: Technique for Data Collection Participatory Researcher’s Resource Supplement Mapping transect and collections ary research mapping exercise techniques -Direct -Direct -Direct -Reviews of Observation observation matrix secondary -Semi-structured (including in ranking data interviewing transect walks and -Intriguing -Do it -Portraits, guided field practices yourself profiles, case walks) and -Time lines studies, and -Semi-structured beliefs -Night halts stories interviewing -Self -Key probes -Portraits, profiles, correcting

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-Folklore case studies and -Field notes -Future possible stories -Intriguing -Key probes practices and belief

But, this was simply a summary of techniques. In the field research on indigenous knowledge, multiple strategies/methodologies and measures of sampling were employed as per the nature of variables. Though this research is a case study, a comparative approach was also applied as two distant VDCs have been chosen to form the research universe.

4.3 Data analysis

After collecting required data and information from study area, the acts of codification and verifications have been carried out. With a view of examining nexus between Limbu IK system and their identity, the study has focused on analyses of data objectively making use of descriptive, analytical/argumentative, comparative and statistical methods along with analysis of diagrams, tables, sample/picture, and so on. For the exhibiting of correlation of indigenous knowledge system, tangible and intangible cultural heritage and cultural identity of Limbu community, techniques of qualitative and quantitative or theoretical and empirical approaches have also been utilized concurrently.

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Chapter 5

Representing Limbu Community

Indigenous biological and ecological knowledge and skills play a vital role in the livelihood of Limbu community. It is linked with food security, human health, and environment. Medicinal and aromatic plants occur in all the bioclimatic zones of Nepal. Nepal has a record of over 700 species of medicinal plants. There is a store of still unwritten and undocumented traditional knowledge on the use of plants for healing purposes (Limbu 2008: 15). In this chapter, data information and empirical matrices obtained from field works are sequentially analysed. Utilization of maps, figures, accounts, profiles as well as photographs are objectively described and correlated with issues in question. First, Limbu indigenous knowledge and practice in both research universes are carried out. While doing so, the question of identity nexus is also brought to the fore. Second, Limbu IK in medicine and health care is discussed. Third, Limbu traditional food and drinks are described. Forth, Limbu indigenous life-activities and recognition is elucidated and at last, Limbu IK is correlated with their cultural heritage and identity.

5.1 IK Practice in Tiringe and Yangnam VDC Limbu indigenous knowledge system refers to an integrated body of knowledge and consists of many conceptions related to life-activities transmitted from the old to the new generations. In both Village Development Committees, Limbu communities possess distinctive 60 60 indigenous knowledge system practicing from the time immemorial. Mostly, they have been found involving in traditional agricultural occupation. Every economical activity carried out in the community centers on the soil, the rock, the forest and the river.

They cultivate the field and grow maize, paddy, millet, wheat, buckwheat, oat, potato, etc. and also grow various kinds of seasonal vegetables and fruits. They are deeply-connected to various species of flowers as they love to grow them at home for decoration and offer in every ritual observation. Limbus of these VDCs have their own farming calendar which they follow strictly. They grow different types of vegetables and fruits. They are deeply-connected to various species of flowers as they love to grow them at home and offer in every ritual observation. Limbus of these VDCs have their own farming calendar which they follow strictly. Although there may be some variations in cultivating the land compliant with the crop growing seasons and altitude of land, they do not fail to accomplish significant ritual observations in advance. Such rituals related to farming and harvesting are observed publicly twice a year that fall around the month of November-December and April-May. Besides, other agrarian observation and ceremonies also do take place individually in different occasions. Limbus do first offer their major produces to the Gods and other agrarian deities and then only they eat. They have such believe that anything which they get from the nature is a sort of gift received from those Gods and Goddesses, and thus they need to offer them first and then only they taste it. Such practices obviously show that they have been evolved in cooperation with the

61 61 distinctive believe system intimately linked to the nature and natural phenomena. While visited in both VDCs, many Limbu households were found to have spared such first ripen crops and fruits so as to offer to the deities. Bam Bahadur Limbu (56) of Tiringe VDC has told me that such produce should be spared without delay and kept at neat and clean place if it is not got time for ritual observation in time. Otherwise, he added, different kinds of diseases may appear in the members of the household. Likewise, Dilliman Limbu (74) of Yangnam VDC has also made the similar kinds of remarks. According to him, farming belongs to the nature and it is created through power of the Tagera Ningwafumang (the Supreme divine power holder in accordance with the Kirat Mundhum) and we get all edibles from the nature. Therefore, he says, we have to take help of them during cultivation and thus offer produces when they are harvested. Practice of offering to the nature deities in Limbu community is known as chasok and thisok. Chasok refers to the food cooked and thisok refers to the thi (liquor drinks) fermented from the initially harvested crops. As Limbus are considered to be the nature worshipers and animist, for them, nature is the most powerful phenomenon and hence they worship and propitiate it in various ways and forms. In accordance with the seasonal calendar, Limbus also abstain entering and working in the field on special occasions, for instance, on the day of Saune Sakranti, and , New moon’s day, etc. they do not plow and dig their field. It shows that they follow to both solar and lunar calendar and accordingly they essentially carry out any ritual activities and begin new work on the day

62 62 that is thought to be auspicious ones. They also observe for auspicious days even for the harvest of crops, setting out for travel, starting new works, worshipping gods, deities and so on. After the collection of crops from the field, they go through various processes of storage for long time preservation. In such works too, traditional ways of knowledge are applied. They use local knowledge of separating paddy pods from its ears, and winnowing and storing it. Skill and energy of human as well as bulls are used for separating seeds of paddy from its ears. They have also traditional system of helping each other in such works. The chaffs are winnowed, made dry and the clean paddy is stored into bamboo basket. Furthermore, Limbu community possesses a distinctive cultural skill of doing such activities from which, as it is said, they have started a culture of ya?lang, a popular paddy dance performed by Limbu youths. Ya?lang is primarily a agro-based folkdance of Limbus with its own etymological history derived from the word ya?lang or ya?rakma. Ya?–means paddy with pod, and lang (ma) or rakma means to dance over it with a view to separate the grains or paddy seeds from its ears. Such practice helps cooperate with indigenous knowledge among groups. Despite the fact that the origin of ya?lang “has a connection with paddy harvest and agricultural evolution, now the major objective of ya?lang is to create an atmosphere of intimacy, love, co-operation and sense of collectivity and recreation” (Limbu 2011: 81). Likewise, Limbus harvest maize along with its pods and tie on a bundle so as to store them by hanging on rows. Wheat, buckwheat and millet are also stored sometimes

63 63 along with its ears and sometimes separating grains from its ears. While they are stored, different locally available herbal plants’ leaves, seeds and barks are used as pesticides and preservatives in the food grains which help them from affecting and harming by insects, rodents, and cold and damp.

Figure 4: A Limbu House Storing Maize

In accordance with the season, Limbus are found cultivating different varieties of vegetables and spice herbs. They grow spinach, ginger, potato, turmeric, tomato, onion, radish, squash, pumpkin, chilly, etc. Eating of fresh vegetables is their traditional habit. Above and beyond, Limbus of these areas generally preserve such vegetables by making it dry so that it can be consumed during dry season. They also make gundruk by processing from the leaves of spinach and sinki from radish. They are fond of growing yam and collecting wild yam and tubers as well. They have grown varied species of fruits suitable to altitudinal location fof r example, guava, mango, lemon, orange, banana, etc. in 64 64 their field. They further avail many other types of fruits from the forests, cliffs, and steep lands too. Limbus are very fond of eating meat. They love eating meat by making it into varied items such as, curry, roast, soup, pickle, sausage, spices, and so on. For the purpose of meat, they rear chicken, pig, goat, buffalo, pigeon, etc. According to some informants, Limbus used to hunt wild animals and birds in the past but nowadays it is done on rare occasions.

Figure 5: The researcher with IK informants, Tiringe

According to Man Bahadur Limbu (age 95) of Tiringe VDC, there were many huntsmen in the villages during his youth. They used to go for hunting deer, pheasant, porcupine, wild boar, bear all day long and would not return home empty hand. There were also many skilled dogs to accompany the hunting group. With bow, arrow, traps and hunting dogs, the hunters used to reach far off places from Pathivara down to Phawakhola, from Sincheku, Kanladen to

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Jaributte and Siyakhola. Just before setting out for hunting, they used to worship and pray to the deity of hunting ‘Sikari’ and after killing animals and birds, they again used to offer it to him. At that time, there were many animals and birds fof und in the forest; many kinds of roots and fruits were fof und. The life was much more pastoral, beautiful and aesthetic. Feeling of collectiveness, sacred life and mutual cooperation was in the villages. But now, he said, such life- style is no more. The time, belief system and life activities have changed; forest, medicinal herbs, fruits, roots, animals and birds have been destroyed. Population is increasing, but natural resources and fertility of soil are decreasing. And, the similar situation is recounted by Brijahang Limbu (83) of Yangnam VDC. For him, valuable natural and cultural things of the past are on the verge of disappearance as a result of ignorance of Limbu youths and the encroachment of mainstream culture of the country.

Figure 6: Growing Millet 66 66 Limbu people of these areas have started using chemical fertilizers like urea and D.A.P. in their field instead of using locally available compost. Although they themselves can make compost, they were bound to buy and use such fertilizer from multinational companies because chemical fertilizer impacted the surrounding area once it was used. Productivity of crops was also affected as they were not given proper knowledge about the use of these fef rtilizers. Due to an imbalance use of chemical fertilizer, the fef rtility of soil is declining day by day. The chemical fef rtilizer has begun affecting the ecology and natural system negatively. The move of globalism and multinationalism of recent time has ushered in distressing consequences to the local lifestyle, culture, knowledge and ecology. Globalism and multinationalism have threatened to the localism and naturalism. Traditional folklife and folklore have been sidelined to the border and the produces of multinational companies in the name of late capitalism have devoured the local produces.

Figure 7: Food security system of maize 67 67

However, although in lesser scale, Limbus of the study areas were found making use of various kinds of indigenous skills and knowledge of handicraft, weaving, agronomy, irrigation scheme, animal husbandry, beekeeping, honey hunting, fishing, hunting birds and wild animals, collecting and using local medicines, and so on. They have distinctive knowledge of learning system, counting and quantifying, building houses and use of tools, instruments, equipments, etc. They tried to make use of local and native knowledge on preserving tangible and intangible cultural heritages. They possessed their own socio-cultural traditions, cultural heritages, folklore and folklife. Besides, they have their own customary traditional institutions, legal, economic and political system as their legacy.

5.1.1 Medicinal Knowledge and Healthcare Practice

Practice of medication, found widely practised in Limbu community, is an important component of the indigenous knowledge system. According to Dil Kumar Limbu and Basanta Kumar Rai (2013: 7), Limbu are very rich in ethno-medicinal knowledge and culture as well. A total of 225 species, in 191 genera and 92 families, in terms of life form, 100 herb species, 48 tree species, 46 shrub species and 25 climber species were documented as medicinal plants in Limbuwan. Among these, 52 species are used for the treatment of gastrointestinal disorders, 40 species for cut-wound-burn (CWB). As per Limbu (2008:9), 112 species for oral administration, 92 species in extract form and root part of 67 species are used in Limbu

68 68 community. Limbus have authentic knowledge about forests, medicinal herbs and skills of biosphere. But, as a result of avaricious nature of both the state and the modern market economy and the process of globalization and modernity, “many such knowledge continue to either disappear or exploited by the greedy outsiders, including pharmaceutical companies and other multinational companies” (Bhattachan 12). Although there is a health post in Yangnam VDC and Phidim District hospital at the walking distance of two to four hours, there is still found significant use of local medicines. While, there is no health post in Tiringe VDC except a health worker and the people of this VDC have either go to adjacent Thechambu VDC which lies at the distance of two to three hours or should reach Taplejung District hospital that is three to four hours distance. And, such medical centers have recently been established and they are not easily accessible. However, Limbu people of these VDCs have got common knowledge of natural phenomena, local flora and fauna, herbaceous practice or traditional medicines and the uses of herbal remedies in treatment of diseases, the locations of medicinal and ritual plants, the proper times for collection, the most useful parts and the methods for preparing and storing medicines. They also have knowledge of human health, nutrition and system of classifying animal and human-disease. For different diseases, some of them have got notable treatment knowledge who were found making use of various kinds of herbs like root, shoot, rhizome, fruit, seed, bark and leaf, and many other natural things such as algae, fungi, lichen, fern, soil, rock, and organism of insect and animals. Such specialists

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(herbalists and shamans) involved in treating different ailments through indigenous knowledge system simply do not fancy sharing individual knowledge to other people. In many cases they had been using the resources without any formal property ownership, but through understanding and traditional practices. They derived their cultural meanings and identity from their living in a certain location and using certain natural resources (Limbu 6).

Figure 8: A Limbu shaman & herbalist

The practice of traditional treatment system of illness currently known as homeopathic treatment has been fof und highly being used in these areas for remedies of different problems such as gastric, injuries, jaundice, parasites, pneumonia, skin problem, ENT, women and children related problems, body pain, heart pain, chest pain, toothache, pyorrhea, headache, bruise, sprain, abscesses, cut wound, wound, burned, fractured, bleeding, dog bite, snake 70 70 sting, and the forth. They also have knowledge of remedies of diarrhea, dysentery, digestive, indigestion, abdominal troubles. For instance, Calvatea gigantean, has been found used for treatment of cut wound, Gonostegia hirta a herb known as chiple jhar, is used to treat fracture, cough and colds, and dandruff; Rubus ellipticus, known as ainselu, is used to treat in vomiting, pneumonia and urine infection. Roasted rhizome of hambek (ginger) is chewed for curing flu, cough and cold. Root and tender bud extracts of tingsek (Rubus ellipticus) are useful in diarrhea and dysentery. Ghiukumari or lupse (Aloe vera) leaf juice is applied on skinburn. Seed and root rhizome paste of cardamom are also effective against skin burn. Seed is taken as diuretic. Bark extract of guava is taken as anti-diarrheal. It is also taken as astringent and for toothache.

Figure 9: Faworek (Calvatea Gigantea)

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Limbus are found using Swertia chirayita (sungkhingba in Limbu word) for various ailments. The whole plant is used for making juice and is given to the person who suffers from fever, headache and cold, etc. Decoction/infusion of sunghingba is taken as febrifuge. It is also effective against high blood pressure. Valeriana jatamansi is used for cuts and wounds, cough and cold, musculo-skeletal problems, and respiratory problems.

Figure 10: Mangza herb

Such plants are used in different ways, that is, in the fof rm of paste, juice, chewing, and so on. For making a paste, the plant parts are crushed or minced with a stone pestle and mortar. Juice is extracted by squeezing or crushing plant parts and filtering through cloth. For chewing, the plant parts are chewed. If intended for infusion, plant parts are dipped into the water for some time. Besides, some parts of the plant are boiled in water and used as medicine which is known as decoction. Rajgante, a kind of root tumor found in the root 72 72 of kharane (Symplocos ramosissima) is used to control bleeding. Cooking oil is also extracted from the seeds of kharane and khorakhori in Limbu community as they know that such oil is beneficial for curing various kinds of human and animal diseases. The oil from seed of ghodakhori or hangangse (Viburnum cylindricum) is used for rubbing on muscle sprains and swellings. Root bark paste of sidingba (Mimosa rubicaulis) is applied on skin-burn and is also effective in the treatment ofdislocated joints. Andangphung (Ocimum basilicum) leaf paste is also applied on skinburn. Tambhung toryan (Trichosanthes cucumerina) fruit extract is taken as purgative. The extract is considered to be very effective in jaundice and sinusitis treatment. Tamphung makkho (Allium wallichii) bulb paste is applied on cut and wound. It is also useful in snake bites. Some of the plants are multi-purposive and used in more than one ailment. In total, “71 plant species were used by Limbu Nationality as edible fruits, curry, spice, thread or rope, religious and other various purposes” (Maden et al. 70). According to Limbu (2008: 15), Nepal has a record of over 700 species of medicinal plants. There is a store of still unwritten and undocumented traditional knowledge on the use of plants for healing purposes. Rato gururgano (in Nepali) (Tinospora sp.) rhizome paste is applied as plaster in fracture. Whole plant paste of harchur (in Nepali) or khewalangba (in Limbu) (Viscum album), Saal (in Nepali) or sassing (in Limbu) (Shorea robusta) bark paste and Sano chiple (in Nepali) or Saghangtuna (in Limbu) (Pouzolzia hirta) root pastes are also applied on bone fracture. Simal (in Nepali) or tengosing (in Limbu) (Bombax ceiba) bark paste is applied on effected 73 73 area of measles. Timur (in Nepali) or me?ding (in Limbu) (Zanthoxylum armatum) decoction of fruit is taken as antacid and febrifuge. Young plant of tite phapar (in Nepali) or kyabo (in Limbu) or Fagopyrum tartaricum is cooked and taken for heart diseases. Mixture extract of totala (N) or nepphe (L) () fruit, flower and bark is taken for curing of jaundice and diarrhea. Tulasi (N) or muchoklung (L) (Osimum sanctum) plant leaf is chewed in toothache, mouth wound and measles. Paste of rittha (N) or phimbrikwa (L) (Sapindus mukorossi) and neghekring (Entada phaseoloides) is used to wash hair for removing dandruff. Fruit decoction of mehel (N) or thambenchhe (L) (Pyrus pashia) is used for dysentery. Siltimur (N) or warekpa (L) (Lindera neesiana) seed decoction is applied as a treatment for scabies, antirheumatic and antacid. People use titepati (N) or namyoba (L) (Artemisia indica), bojho (N) or sedakpa (L) (Acorus calamus), stinging nettle or saggi/sikwa (Urtica dioica), neem (N) or khajase (L) (Azadirachta indica), etc., as biopesticides to protect their seeds during storage. Chimphing (Heracleum nepalense) is taken for stomachache or similar gastrointestinal disorders. Khesung (yeast-cake) is one of the Limbu community prerequisites, which is a source of microorganisms of yeast, mold, and bacteria, has great importance in fermenting cereals in order to make thi and laksi in this community. It can be said from this fact that since the time Limbus had started making and drinking thi and laksi, they knew the skill of making khesung. Therefore, making of a khesung is another indigenous knowledge of Limbu people.

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Figure 11: Khesung (Yeast-cake) Picture courtesy: Limbu (2008: 86)

There are some interesting observations as I was told the narratives how the use of khesung had begun in Limbu tradition and how it was first discovered. The narrative of Bishnu Limbu, the resident of Tiringe VDC, relates to the primordial Limbu man and woman who as husband and wife used to live with many children in a village. Because of hard work they often used to quarrel each other. The husband also got high temper and became upset very much. Hence, there was no peace in the family. Seeing this, the wife felt extremely poignant. Therefore, she set out to ramble in the jungle simply thinking her husband’s distress. While walking along, she just kept on tearing bark and plucking leaves of plants and chewing in her mouth. She tasted flowers, fruits, barks, leaves, and roots of various plants, climbers, lichens and so on that she came across to. Meanwhile, she happened 75 75 to taste the root of one plant which indeed turned her out to feel an elixir by providing her with extreme happiness and peace, and forgetting all feeling of distresses and irritations. She, then, brought it at her home and mixed it in the food cooked for her husband. But, the food remained without eating for few days more until her husband returned home. When she gave him the same food to eat, she found that her husband completely left scolding her and it completely brought peace and tranquility at their home. In this way, they had discovered a new thing and begun to use it. Another funny story regarding the discovery and use of khesung that I am talking here was told by Ganesh Limbu of Yangnam VDC. According to him, the ingredients used in preparation of khesung determine the impact of thi or laksi. Such ingredients of khesung, Ganesh Limbu narrates as he was told by his grandmother, was first begun mixing up while making it in khesung ta?i (the plant used for making yeast-cake) roots with various other things such as flour of grains, brain of parrot, brain of leopard, brain of tiger and brain of frog. Hence, according to him, the ingredients of khesung that is mixed at the time of making can have similar kinds of effects on human being when thi or laksi is consumed. For instance, if the brain of parrot was mixed the consumer of thi or laksi happens to keep on talking, if leopard’s brain was mixed then runs here and there, if tiger’s brain was mixed scolds and roars a lot, and if frog’s brain was mixed then starts leapfrogging from one place to another. There is also a belief, in accordance with Limbu folktale, that ‘yeastcake’ or elixir amulet was brought stealing by Sangali, the Minister of King Manahang from

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Yumanara, the owner of underworld who had kept hiding into her hair. In the research areas, Limbus were found to have utilized various types of plant species in varied livelihood purposes, for example, using as timber, thread, gum, dyes, poison, soap, ornament, and extracting oil, making yeast- cake, utensils, weapons and tools. Some plant species are eaten as fruit, curry and pickle. Moreover, various plant species are found very significant as they have religious values and sacred utilization.

5.1.2 Indigenous Food and Beverage Limbu people were seen consuming a range of indigenous food items and local or homemade alcoholic drinks. Such food habits have made them distinctive to other community people. Chyankhla tok (maize grain rice), mangtak (smashed millet), papanda (baked bread of millet powder), lungghakcha (made of steamed green maize), sigolya/ penagolya (made from millet and wheat (steamed), pena manda (millet soup), khareng (a dried loaf made of rice and wheat) are other typical Limbu dishes. Amongst them, Mangdak/le-pma, sigole, papanda, kinnema, yangben, sargyangma, warumchuruk/ wachipa are taken as traditional foods of Limbus and Thi and Laksi are their beverages. The generic meaning of mangtak is the “food of the god.” It is a kind of porridge meal prepared from the flour of millet, wheat, maize and oat. It is also known as le-pma since it is kneaded into a form of dough. It is called dhindo in Nepali word and considered to be the national food of Nepal. Sigole is another item of dish which is also prepared from the above cereals, but, the cooking style and shape is different. For this,

77 77 either round or cylindrical balls are made from kneaded flour and are boiled or steamed either separately or placed over rice. Papanda is also a typical kind of dish which looks like a thick-flat-brread and is cooked by keeping beneath the cinders of the firewood. Kinnema or chembikhik is another popular indigenous food item of Limbu people. It is prepared using traditional knowledge and eaten also by other people of Kirat community such as Yakkha and Rai. Kinnema is a bacteria-fermented food item of soya-bean and generally used as item of curry, pickle and spices. Special kind of skill and care is required for the preparation of kinnema. Nowadays, dry kinnema dust is begun to be sold in the local market and also taken to the foreign countries by those who love eating it. Thus, it has become a value-added product now. Mostly, Limbu women are found adept in preparing Limbu indigenous foods and beverages. Generally, as others do, Limbu females involve in domestic chores and males involve is outdoor activities.

Figure 12: Kennema/chembikhik paste 78 78

A very popular Limbu yangben dish comprises a mixed up of yangben (an edible species of lichen of thallophytic plant belonging to parmelia, ramalina and usnea group), minced pork meat, pork blood, egg, etc. Such dishes are prepared on special festive seasons and occasions in Limbu households like ChasokTangnam, Yokwa Tangnam, Sisekla Tangnam, Kokphekla Tangnam, picnic, get-together, etc. Similarly, sargyangma occupies a unique value for Limbu people. Commonly, it is known as sausage made out of keema of pork entrails, blood, fat, yangben, rice and desired taste of spices, salt, chilly, etc. that are inserted inside pork intestines. For the preparation of it, thus, needs special kind of knowledge. Likewise, Sagi/sigwa sumbak or curry of new leaves and flowers of nettle is also popular traditional item in Limbu community.

Figure 13: Yangben Lichen on the tree

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Limbus are also well adept on making use of varied skills and handling species found in the nature, such as, paha (one of the species of frog), fishes, honey hunting, lichens, mushrooms, edible plants and so on. They intimately have knowledge and knowhow of the local biodiversity, ecological objects, surroundings and situations. They possess skill and knowledge about what kind of things can be edible and what is not. One more special food item of Limbus is warumchuruk/wamyuk or wachipa which is also called teete to use Nepali word as it has bitter taste. The term wamyuk or wachipa refers to the charred feathers (wamurik) of chicken. It has a bitter taste and used sometimes as medicinal purpose. It requires certain kind of skill and knowledge to prepare it. Dry kind of pickle phando is another typical item in Limbu community. It is prepared from soyabean and many other seeds such as pumpkin, bitter gourd, etc. Phando can be made of different tastes and flavours. Moreover, other pickles Limbus prepare are items of fillinge (chutney of a kind of oil seed), pickle of the powder of pumpkin seeds, and phesuppa or pickle of fermented bamboo shoots.

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Figure 14: Warumchuruk/wamyuk

On the other hand, Limbus are found having indigenous skill and knowledge on preparing alcoholic drinks such as thi and sejangwa/laksi. Both of these drinks have social and ritual values in Limbu community. Both of these drinks are required for the propitiation act of most of the deities of this community. They need to offer them during ritual observances. Moreover, they have a belief that without thi and sejangwa/laksi, hosting of guest and observation of any ritual are almost impossible. Thi is alcoholic beverage made through fomentation process of millet, maize, wheat and rice with yeast-cake. The juice of it is brewed and taken as . Tongba or pipit (in Limbu) is another form of very famous as well as respectable Limbu drink, in which, thi and boiled water are filled up into the wooden vessel and is sipped with the help of bamboo or silver pipette. Whereas, laksi or sejangwa (in Limbu) is a distilled form of thi and is used as whisky or alcohol.

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Figure 15: Distillation process of sejangwa/laksi

Besides, they eat rice, bread, pulse, curry, pickle, milk, ghee, curd, and meat of different animals and birds both domesticated and wild as regular food items. Limbus are fof und to be fond of eating and drinking. They are also very good hosts for their guests.

Figure 16: Tongba 82 82

We have already discussed on various types of Limbu indigenous knowledge which they have learnt through their past and present life-experiences. These skills and knowledge are transferred from one generation to the next in Limbu community. Therefore, people of new generation learn a lot from old generation. Limbus know the taxonomy of various species of plant, fruit, stem, root, etc. found in their surroundings, and use them accordingly. They also know about which one of them is edible and which one is not. Different species of such things are named differently in their own language. For an instance, pó:t or mushrooms are found to have classified into twenty-four different species. Mushroom curry is one of the indigenous dishes in Limbu community. Some of them are edible and some of them are non-edible too. According to Bairagi Kainla (2007: iii), name and classification of mushroom in Limbu community are as follows: 1) Age:kma pó:t – summer/showery mushroom (small, white) 2) Age:k pó:t – rainy/showery mushroom 3) Khambak pó:t du – round ball mushroom 4) Khambudik pó:t – kalunge mushroom 5) Chunjunneba pó:t – greasy mushroom, smiling mushroom 6) Chakma pó:t /Chawama pó:t – kanne mushroom 7) Chapchum/Chya:pchu:m pó:t – showery mushroom/cluster mushroom 8) Tumme:twa pó:t – black (mushroom growing on tree) 9) Nakthuk pó:t /nakyak pó:t – queen mushroom (black)

83 83 10) Hangma pó:t – queen mushroom (black) 11) Pamik pó:t – small-leaf mushroom (growing on tree) 12) Phering pó:t – bamboo mushroom 13) Makthappu pó:t – white big-sized mushroom 14) Meyalu pó:t – white large-sized mushroom growing on tree 15) Yarapma pó:t – line-up mushroom growing on tree 16) Yak-pó:t – mushroom growing at cliff (red, white, yellow coloured) 17) Washaruma pó:t – ground mushroom (turmeric coloured) 18) Washamu pó:t – ground mushroom (turmeric coloured) 19) Wage:k pó:t – summer/rainy mushroom 20) Wawatadu pó:t – cock mushroom 21) Waranglema pó:t – greasy mushroom 22) Singmekhkho pó:t – deer like mushroom 23) Sendangla pó:t – kanne (in Nepali) mushroom 24) Sendang pó:t – mushroom grown on the horn of dead animal

Amongst the above listed species of mushrooms, some of them are edible; some others are useful for medication purposes, and some of them are non-edible. Besides, some mushrooms have religious and ritualistic values for they are recited during Mundhum performances. Thus, there is a close alliance between Limbu life and mushroom.

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5.1.3 Life-activities and Recognition Limbus can mainly be characterized through their pastoral life-activities. As a result, most of the day-to-day activities that they engage in are closely linked to nature, vegetation, land, farming, art and craft, animal husbandry, and so on. They have unique knowledge and belief system in such activities. For instances, they pay special attention in conservation of different species of trees, faunas and floras. They have their own land management system, tradition of agronomy, management system of soil – soil-conservation, soil-fertility enhancement practices, and formation of organic/bio-fertilization. They have their own way of traditional water-management, traditional techniques for irrigation and drinking water. In agriculture, they have knowledge of indigenous indicators to determine favorable times to prepare, plant, and harvest garden, land-preparation practices, land terracing, seed bed preparation, plowing, sowing, planting, weeding, collecting and threshing. They also have knowledge of animal and animal diseases such as animal breeding and reproduction, traditional fodder and forage species and their specific uses, their local taxonomic system of animal diseases and traditional ethno-veterinary medicines, and pasturalism.

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Figure 17: Animal Shed

Preservation of natural resources like, water ponds, rivers, rivulets, streams, wells, taps, springs, fountains, forests, rocks, soil, forts, etc. have been social and moral values of Limbus. These cultural values and assumptions are closely linked with their behavior, thoughts and day-to-day life activities.

Figure 18: Stone Water Tap 86 86

Further, they do own indigenous ways to growing plants, seed storage and processing; seed practices, indigenous methods of seedling preparation and care; farming and cropping systems, for example, complementary groupings; crop harvesting and storage, food processing, and plant-protection method. Besides, they have many others knowledge of textile and other local crafts; building materials, indigenous tools, etc. Including agriculture and animal husbandry, Limbus also involve in traditional skill based works like making up of doko (wicker basket), namlo, damlo (band of jute or bamboo strip), plough, and many other things by males and weaving silk and cotton cloth, shawl, topi (cap), etc. by females. They exchange other various kinds of goods with these things or sell them to other people after they spare for their daily use. Many age-old systems of craft traditions are being posed threat and challenge thanks to pervasiveness of globalization and late capitalization.

Figure 19: Sappo (Wicker basket) 87 87

Besides, Limbu women were also famously known as weaver of clothes with the hellp of hand-loom but it is fof und being used in limited scale now. Limbu women have a special role and position as weaver in the Limbu community. Their skills in folk art is distinctive that ranges from spinning threads, weaving clothes with the help of handloom, fibre art, dyeing fabrics, making embroidery designs on handkerchief, shawls and even table clothes. The decoration techniques show their artistry in folk skills. It is a hereditary art of Limbu women. Mothers train their daughters in such works. Decorating the home is also one of the primitive arts of Limbu women. They decorate the house to make the house look clean and attractive.

Figure 20: Plough

Limbus of these both VDCs mostly use the local amenities, appliances, tools, trappings and means of mechanisms for producing, manufacturing and processing articles, objects and foodstuffs. They have special kind of knowledge to make necessary things such as wooden plough,

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Figure 21: Dhhinki

Through their own expertise, Limbu people make such various types of necessary traditional appliances, tools and equipments for daily use. Although each and everyone may not be well-skilled in building of these all local devices, there may be some who can have such knowledge and skill of building them in the villages.

Figure 22: Grinder (Lumsum) 89 89

Weaving is one of the traditional skills of Limbu women. They were found weaving handloom clothes and dhaka textiles of varied designs. The looms were made up of wood and bamboos. They also weaved various kinds of trappings that are used for cushion covers, table posts, curtains, wall hangings, handkerchiefs, etc. The traditional dress of Limbu are taga(ba) and mekhli for male and female respectively.

Figure 23: Handloom (Weaving dhaka cloth) Photo Courtesy: Kalpana Limbu

Limbu people are also seen to have involved in maintaining ecological and cultural balance by planting and conserving different species of plants, as well as nurturing animals and insects. Such species are taken as having religious, environmental as well as economical values. Every natural phenomenon, for them, is related to their life activities that help in continuing life cycle. They have known 90

90 about the significances of natural things how one is dependent upon another and how important they can be for the lifecycle in the entire world. Thhat is why they worship all natural phenomena. To worship implies the reverence towards it so as to make it survive and exist forever. Practice in such activities in relation to keeping balance on ecosystem, biosphere and life-cyclle is the outcome of their long experience from one generation to the generation next and hence, is valuable indigenous skills and knowledge.

Figure 24: Honey from Beehive

One of the best ways of safeguarding of natural phenomena in Limbu community is to have ritual/religious faith in them. Because of such belief and assumptions those things are culturally protected. In doing so, they help protecting the entire ecosystem and biodiversity of the nature.

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Figure 25: Traditional Plant Conservation system

People of Limbu community believe that the sounds and voices of different birds and animals herald both good omens and situations of bad upcoming. In their belief, the appearance and regular cries of phhatimba or owl which is regarded as a horse of jungle goddess forecasts draughts or faf mine in the forthcoming year. It is thus considered to be far sighting bird. Similarly, the continuous crying of kakwa or crow is thought to be a harbinger of good/bad news or arrival of guest(s). The sound of selukwa or cuckoo is regarded as beginning of the change of the monsoon. Likewise, waruk(pa) or frog is also the forecaster of draught and faf mine.

5.2 IK as Cultural Heritage In terms of Indigenous Knowledge and cultural heritages, Limbus are very rich as the they have their own mother tongue, folk culture, including folk literature, folk beliefs and practices, folk dance and music, folk art and artifacts, folk tools, folk games, folk food, clothing and housing, fair and festivals, and life cycle rituals, and 92 92 traditional healing practices. They possess very precious tangible and intangible cultural heritage that have been passed from one generation to another. The Limbu tangible cultural heritage refers to the totality of all material cultural elements that makes the Limbu community distinct: e.g. costumes, food items and liquor, musical instruments for ritual performances, traditional weapons and instruments or tools, artistic design in various constructions and their decorations, traditionally Limbu specific wooden products, bamboo-products, and many more. While, the Limbu intangible cultural heritage (LICH) refers to a body of many categories: firstly, oral traditions/folklore such as Mundhums, proverbs, folk songs like palams and khyali, cultural songs like hakpare, riddles, various folk sayings, puns, charades, folktales, folk narratives, etc. Secondly, LICH is enriched by Limbu performing arts like chyabrung (a kind of Limbu drum) dance, ritual/shamanistic dances, ya?lang (paddy dance), and singing hakpare. Thirdly, LICH encompasses social practices, rituals and festive events: worship rite and rites of passage; birth, wedding and funeral rituals, kinship ceremonies, settlement patterns, culinary traditions, status ceremonies, seasonal ceremonies, gender-specific social practices, hunting and gathering practices. And fourthly, LICH also encompasses knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe (traditional ecological knowledge, ethno-biology, ethno-botany, ethno-zoology, traditional healing systems, rituals, beliefs, esoteric sciences, initial rites, cosmologies, shamanism, festivals, language, as well as visual arts).

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In the Limbu community, learning system of indigenous knowledge and skill is another vital practice. New generations learn a lot from the older generations. There are indigenous methods of imparting knowledge and skills through traditional specialists like herbalists, shamans, old men and women. Various indigenous knowledge are imparted from them such as Limbu Mundhum, myth of origin, philosophies, legends, sermons, riddles, proverbs, charades, folklores, daily life activities, rituals, ceremonies, rite of passages, medication, and among others. In the Limbu folk literature, the Mundhum is a broad umbrella term that incorporates various entities such as legends, myths, folklores, prehistoric accounts, sermons and moral and philosophical exhortations in poetic language. They have a long tradition of narrating or reciting Mundhums and performing certain rituals and ceremonies in their own distinctive ways. A Mundhum that consists of legends, folklores, sermons, prehistoric accounts and moral or philosophical exhortations in poetic language lies generically into a narrative oral poetry. Limbus have myths to explain and regulate every aspect of their lives. Madan K. Limbu in his book Fragile Mountains (2005) says that “The collection of these myths is called the Mundhum, which is to the Limbus what the Bible is to Christians, the Quran is to Muslims and the Geeta is to the Hindus” (46). They express their inner feelings and moral contents in beautiful proverbs and charades. The riddle designates another popular genre among them. Limbu youths sing palam in their daily life on the way to forests, in the working fields and perform ya?lang or paddy dance on various socio-cultural occasions of various rituals like wedding ceremony, death rite, fair and on

94 94 festivals. Elderly Limbus narrate various types of secular and supernatural stories, heroic deeds and many folktales. All of these Limbu folk literatures are integral parts to Limbu folklore. Limbu folklore which consists of all oral traditions, myths, songs, dances, legends, stories, tales, riddles, charades, drama, arts and above all the Mundhum performances can normally be shown in the following ways.

Diagram 1: Limbu Folklore/Intangible Cultural Heritage

(Source: Adapted from Limbu 2011: 77 and 2010: 5)

Limbu folklore can be observed as narrative and non-narrative categories in accordance with the method of performances. The narrative kind comprises devotional 95 95 Mundhum myths and legends, and non-devotional folklores like folktales, supernatural stories, quasi-local and historical accounts, legendary characters and so on; while non- narrative one consists of songs, folk sayings, dances and dramas. Mundhum is an accumulation of cultural and ritual references often orally recited by the actants, ritual practitioners, healers, or shamans such as Phedanngma, Samba, Yeba, Yema, Mangba, Yuma and Ongsi. It consists of legends, mythologies, history, tales, songs, psalms and so on and that are recited during cultural and ritual occasions. Through performance, oral Mundhum literature does often circulate more publicly and openly than much written literature. Hence, Mundhum holds great religio-historical value and socio-cultural importance in the Limbu community. And that is possible as a result of its effective performance and intimacy as Joseph Ki-Zerbo (1990), notes that “oral tradition [Mundhum] is by far the most intimate and the richest of historical source, the one which is most filled with the sap of authenticity” (1). The Limbu folk rituals in general have endowed with very strong characteristics, components or properties to be an intangible cultural heritage. It contains symbolic representations of the past knowledge and skills, and combination of oral, customary, performing and material heritages based on traditional beliefs, customs and thinking of Limbus and it describes the deeds of ancestors, including their contributions towards communities, society and as a whole the humankind. The basic characteristics of folklore or intangible cultural heritage (here Mundhum), as Tulasi Diwasa and Chura Mani Bandhu (2007) point out, are that “It is traditional rather than modern; it is group based rather

96 96 than individual; and oral rather than written. It is handed down from generation to generation”(9). Among folk dances, ya?lang (paddy dance) and Kelang (drum dance) are the most popular dances in Limbu society. The ya?lang is a traditional Limbu folkdance which essentially consists of the genre of dancing and singing that both go in unison. It is a duet performance and therefore, the participation of female and male youths is a must, an absence of any one of them cannot be implied it as a ya?lang. It is usually performed in getting together of guests/youths, on marriage ceremonies, death rituals, fef stivals, or in the fair, marketplace and in other special celebrations and occasions. Such folksongs and folkdances, performed in the community, have great value and significance for they help demonstrate socio-cultural and historical heritages as well as depict tradition, culture, behavior and life styles of the people.

Figure 26: Kelang Dance 97 97

Among Limbu folksongs, palam and sarek or khyali are primarily recreational songs. They can be sung at any place and on any occasion. Even though, they are categorized under recreational kind of songs they also provide us with a lot of past information, ongoing activities, and upcoming plans and aspirations. Limbu youths while dancing ya?lang exchange their feelings of love and affection, experience of pain and pleasure through exceptionally melodious and heart-rending tune of palam, a folk song literally known as “a course of holding talks.” Palam is a folksong traditionally sung only during ya?lang performance. The palam, in the view of Nar Bahadur Yanghang (1995), “is a ya?lang song, a medium to exchange feelings of love and affection, includes major elements of Limbu folk culture.” Another poetic song called Sarek or khyali is an esteemed short-tuned and a versed tête-à-tête expressed in the dialogic form. It is also called panthak (debate) or panchang (discuss), and used while getting mutual introduction, before beginning the ya?lang and bidding farewell especially between male and female. It is also exchanged between male and male or female and female, too. Besides, other kinds of Limbu cultural and ritual songs like hakpare samlo (esteemed song), namdatte kesam-samlo (wedding song), thakptham- samlo (new home-entry song), mingwan-samlo (naming ritual song), mering-samlo/ hamlakwa samlo (separation song), tamkye-samlo (agriculture song), tumyanghang-samlo (gentlemen song), agnekwa sammet-samlo (cradle song), sewa-samlo (devotion song), laringek samlo, khyali samlo, and so on are sung only during their own specific occasions and at particular locations. Namdatte kesam-samlo is also

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98 known by mekkam-samlo and is performed on wedding ceremony, whereas mering-samlo, which is also called hamlakwa-samlo, is sung at the time of death of the relatives. Among them, only few of the dances accompany the songs.

In Limbu culture, these all kinds of oral literatures or songs or lyric poetries can take many different forms, and occur in many cultural situations; not just a survival of past generations, ages and stages but also a normal part of our present life and that of more distant peoples. Thus, we should not take them something of far away and long ago for they are “not odd or aberrant phenomenon in human culture, not a fossilized survival from the far past, destined to wither away with increasing modernization” (Finnegan 3).

Figure 27: Ya?lang Dance [Photo courtesy: Arjun Mabuhang]

Limbu dances, both recreational and cultural-ritual kinds, significantly designate a cultural property. Ya?lang 99 99 being basically a recreational one, it is danced at anywhere and on any occasion by the youths. Such dances are also performed by non-Limbu folks with a great pomp and joy in a group along with Limbu folks. Kelang, which has got its various ways of dancing, is performed in view of both entertainment and cultural and ritual purposes, and is danced only on the auspicious occasions. Similarly, Hangsamlang or Thebalang deserves its space as another ritual dance, and is also known as the majestic power dance of theba (grandfather). It is performed displaying weapons like pheja (khukri), li: tong (bow and arrow), kongphe (sword), kho (shield), and danced majestically playing musical instruments such as the tangke (kettledrum) and the ta (cymbals). Another kind of agro-based dance called Tamkye- lang is performed while weeding corn plant. The ritual or devotional song called Mang-sewa-samlo and the dance Manglang are performed both in the communities of mainstream Mundhum followers and follower of Satyahang group. Limbu performing arts include numerous cultural expressions that reflect human creativity, feeling of intimate attachment towards a place, memories, spirituality and way of life.

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Figure 28: Phamuk (Limbu Musical instrument)

Thus, all above given dances do accompany with their own distinctive songs but now they are found gradually getting lost due to lack of proper conservation as well as national and global cultural intrusions. Likewise, the Yebalang/Yemalang is a completely ritualistic dance. Yeba, Yema and Phedangba are the Limbu actants, shamans or savants who have actively been involving in the ritual acts of carrying out all Mundhum performances of Kirat Limbu people in oral form. Therefore, they are the Mundhum reciters, singers, narrators, dancers and above all they are by tradition well trained cultural performers. In addition, there are cultural festivals such as Chasok-thisok (harvest festivals), Yokwa (celebrated with the worship of agricultural divinities before cultivating the field), Kokphetla teyan (the first day of kokphetla month,

101 101 that is, on mid- January), Sisekla teyam (the first day of sisekla month that lies on mid-July), etc. There are very few village feasts and festivals; however, there are many important domestic rituals. In fact, for Limbus, all rites and ritual observations do significantly manifest as an occasion of special kind of festivity. Such rituals and festive events often take place at special times and places and remind a community’s worldview, historicity and memory, and hence have become a marker of Limbu identity. As all Limbu communities do, Limbus residing the Tiringe VDC and Yangnam VDC have also been performing their own religious and ritual belief systems guided by their oral religious text known as Mundhum. Mundhum has a very great importance in observation of all cultural, ritual and social ceremonies like Manggenna (Ritual of safety and vitality), Nahangma (Ritual for revitalizing family chief), Tingding nahen (Rite for warding off envy and jealousy), Sakmura wademma or Manghup mande wademma (Rite for letting flow the curses), Tongsing takma (observing Tongsing ritual), Kui-kudap khama (Propitiating Nature divinities), Sappok chomen (Ritual for safe delivery of a child), Yangdang phongma (Naming ceremony), Mang i:ngma (Worshipping deities), Sammang chyang khama (Appeasing master divinities), Mekkhim chokma (Wedding ceremony), death rites, and so on.

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Figure 29: A Yeba performiing Tongsing ritual

Tongsing is the greatest and most imperative Limbu ritual performance that comprises most of the religious activities along with elaborate ritual of various myths, legends, narratives and oracles. It is, for Subba (1995), “the most important religious ceremony of the Limbus” (156). While, Kainla (1995) says, “Tongsing Mundhum can be called the social get-together held for the happiness and prosperity of all men, families and societies or the family rite of unity”(34). It also refers to the planet or the crisis and therefore, taken as a religious rite of getting rid of misfortunes or propitiating malevolent stars and hence, overcome the crisis and achieve desired goal. Furthermore, it is a prayer for the peace of the dead souls and welfare and goodwill of the living ones. Literaally, ‘tongsing’ refers to a cooperative act, getting together, coming to the agreement or conciliation; becoming correct or befitting. And technically, a small bamboo basket filled with earth on which ghhungring 103 103 or one side or both sides tufted small sticks are positioned upright in the middle representing the spirits of deceased persons and living ones, placed at the bottom of about twelve feet bamboo pole planted in the center of the courtyard. Therefore, “Tongsing takma or tonsing tak is a ritual of winning cooperation of ancestors and divinities through invocation, incantation, dramatic performances and using symbolic paraphernalia” (Subba, 156). Yagrangsing ritual is the propitiatory rite to please the supernatural forces, an ancestral worship to bring forth happiness, calmness, cooperation and prosperity for the succeeding generations, and thus avoid befalling distresses and misfortunes. It is a ritual of exorcising evil spirits from individual, family or community, and also ceremony of invoking various divinities or deities to bestow good harvest, better opportunities, prosperity, and ward off illnesses, difficulties and natural calamities. This ceremony can also be taken as an observance of ritually segregating the paths and souls of dead persons from living ones and reach at the pinnacle of life and achieve peace, happiness, prosperity and longetivity. As Tongsing Mundhum is an elaborate ritual of various myths, legends, narratives and oracles handed down from one generation to the next generation it immensely embodies social, ethical and religious concepts and helps shape attitude and behavior of Limbus. If it is observed in every year then there is usually observed one night tongsing, and if it is observed in every three years there will be three nights and four days long performance. There are different but corresponding sections of performances and all sections have their distinct values whilst jointly create a logical coherence among one another. Tongsing Mundhum is alive

104 104 from time immemorial in the oral tradition “as it is poetic, versified and singable. Impregnated with meaning through the blend of verse, rhythm and movement, and making it sweet […] lyrical and a grand literature” (Kainla, 35). The portrayal of various symbols, images, language, gestures, etc. make such ritual performances livelier. Hence, most of them are highly performative - physically, linguistically, mentally as well as emotionally. Among the types of Tongsing performances, Ighechchhing Tongsing is observed solely by the close relatives when a person dies, I:khemasing Tongsing is conducted collectively, while Sese-Sangsang Tongsing is performed on other usual occasions. The ritual performer, Samba is enough for observing the one night Tongsing and for three-night-tongsing Yeba/Yema is required for the rituals of earlier two nights and Samba performs for the last one night. Two poles ke-sing and yagesing are erected each for samba and Yeba respectively with seven steps of ladder symbolizing the steps of the worlds, sanglangoba would assists to Samba and yagapchiba would assist to Yeba during performances, samba narrates the elaborate Mundhum while Yeba performs ritual dances. Yeba/Yema makes divination and wards off evil spirits like sogha or unnatural deaths, sugut/sugup or death at parturition, sasik yangdang or stillbirths or early death of child, tingding nahen or envy and jealousy, expunge evil spirits that incite for incestuous relations and sogen soma or evil doings, chellung khoklung or symbolic act of physical intercourse, naaso thapan or depression and psychiatry, sangdok yaplek or ghosts, devils, pestilence, etc.

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Figure 30: A host performing Aja kakma ritual

Various rituals including Tingding nahen ingma (warding off envy/jealousy), Phungwa changma (revitalization of flowers), Sendang lahi ingma (propitiation of hostile planets), Mang-hup mangde wademma (wash away swearing) to Si:lam sakma (block way of world of death), and among others are mandatory worships of Limbus to be observed, all concerned with Tongsing tikma (to follow/sing or narrate Tongsing) and closely related to the way of daily activity. Tongsing incorporates the action courses leading up 106 106 to the chotlung, a sacred place to obtain happiness and prosperity, the meeting point of delight and affluence.

Figure 31: Si:lam Sakma

A big bamboo basket (yarumphu or saplumphu) and a drum (ke) are hung to the poles and twigs of sapsing (phoebe lanceolata), a sickle, and small curved knife are kept inside the basket; poles are decorated with tasseled or tufted sticks of muktubung (neyraudia madagascariensis) at various places of the poles. Tongsing of men and women is placed at the bottom of the poles. Literally, tongsing is a bamboo-strip basket filled in with mud to hold up objects like pote (string threaded beads worn by married women), garlands, cutting instruments, kalasha (flower-vessel), etc. Sambas/Yebas start performance by invoking master spirits,

107 107 summoning powerful ancestral Phedangmas, Sambas, Yebas and Yemas for assistance of the whole ritual, beat drum and brass-plates and shiver violently, sacrifice a piglet and offer local beer and one rupee in invocation ritual. Then, they begin to recite the Mundhum of creation of the gods, the earth, the sun, the moon, the stars, the ocean and aquatic animals, plains and mountains, the rivers, forests, animals, birds and eventually the human beings for various purposes.

Figure 32: An actant officiating to deities

In the oral Limbu folk tradition, the myths such as Creation myth, Yuma myth, Manggenna myth, Okwama myth, Dobate myth, Kummathakma myth etc. have great manifestation of knowledge and power vested in the female deities and divinities. Limbus are known as believer of Yuma Sammang, the grandmother divinity who is the all ruling domestic divinities. She is required to be worshipped even during invocation of the male divinities. The supreme creator

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Tagera Ningwaphuma herself is the female Almighty and representation of the supreme mind and wisdom. She represents for supreme power and ultimate knowledge as she plays the most dominant roles in all the activities early from creation of the universe, natural world, man and other creatures. Limbus observe rite of passages in their own way which further enhances identifying them as a distinctive community. For the safe delivery of expectant baby a ritual known as sappok chomen ‘womb worship’ is carried out. It is a ritual performance carried out for the safe delivery of the child in womb. It is observed after 5/6 months of conception. It is by tradition a three day long performance in which the ritual of first two days is accomplished outside the house and the rest one day is done inside the house. But now a day it is accomplished even within a half day. In the same way, after the birth of child, naming ceremony yangdang phongma rite is performed; after this, feeding ceremony, clothing ceremony, wedding ceremony, etc. would follow one after another.

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Figure 33: Phungnawa samlo during wedding ceremony

Limbu culture and identity can also be evinced through ritual conduct of death rite. We can observe various accounts and evidences of death rite observations in the Limbu communities for instance, burying of dead body, ritual performances, construction of tomb for male and female in the graveyard, observance of impurity and mourning, among others. Since olden times, installation of special kind of signpost or testimony at the tomb can be seen in the Limbu community, whether with constructing of stone steps, erecting of stone pillars, planting of trees, fruits and flowers on the tomb. Nowadays, may it be as a result of western influence, Limbus have started constructing cemented tombs and keeping stone inscriptions as testimony and monument. Moreover, their indigenous knowledge system includes various ideals and morals, norms and values, a set of do’s and don’ts, common historicity, belief system, myths of origin, faith in cosmology and spirituality. Their life is 110 110 mostly dependent on the agro-based endeavors and therefore they are generalists, the seasonal calendar rules their lives. They have their own indigenous methods of symbols, counting and quantifying. However, due to the lack of proper utilization of such indigenous skill and knowledge, and impingement of multinational companies resulted in by modernity and globalization, Limbu IK has been found gradually falling into crisis over time. Thus, Limbu Indigenous knowledge system is found running through the risk of both change and continuity now.

Figure 34: Informants at Historical Fort, Yangnam

Most of the Limbu informants of my research areas comprised people of middle aged and above it. However, all kinds of age group and gender participated in the discussions of divergent skills and knowledge. As a result of present situation of unemployment in the country, we find, many

111 111 youths have gone for Foreign Service in different parts of the world especially in the Middle East, , Malaysia, etc. Therefore, number of youths is very low in the villages.

Figure 35: IK Informants, Yangnam

Limbu folk musical instruments are Niyari Hongsing Ke, Chyabrung, Miklakom, Simikla, Chethya/Yethala, Ta, Tungeba, Ungdung, Baja, Tetlafakwa, Mephrama, Negra, Yea Pongey, Puttungey, Phakwa, Phamuk, Phenjekom, Megphama, etc. For them, archery has always been considered as the main traditional sport. Archery often involves religious demonstrations and rituals. Historically, Limbu cavalry archers were the main key for resisting certain invasions that were followed before pre-unification era of Nepal. Archery, tug-of-war, wrestling, stone shot-put throw, etc. are played as traditional sports or games in Limbu community. They have their own traditional garb for both

112 112 male and female – taga(ba) is for male and mekhli for fef male.

Figure 36: Ke (Chyabrung/drum)

Ornament or Pangsama deserves special value in Limbu community. In the past, Limbu females used to wear different kinds of stone ornaments but after the discovery of metal, the Limbu women have begun wearing metal ornaments specifically the silver and the gold. Some of the popular Limbu folk ornaments of females are as follows. a. Sammyang Fung or Head gold flower with clip b. Nesse or flat-gold hung on both ears c. Thongri or Nose ring d. Suthi (Hansuli) or e. Nirikma or Ear rings 113 113 f. Namlachhi or Moon-shaped necklace g. Chholyan/Hukfagi/Hukfeng or Gold/silver h. Head flower around the head i. Lang Pangi or Leg rings made of silver. j. Swagip or Finger ring k. Kang-ichhi or Garland of gold-plated round balls l. Yang- Ichhi or Coin garland m. Pangwari/Panggri (Puwalo) or Earthern stone necklace

Figure 37: Limbu ornaments Such social practices, rituals and festive events which help structure or shape the lives of Limbu community are shared by and relevant to many of their members, even if

114 114 not everybody participates in them. And, those social practices help reinforce and integrate a sense of shared and common identity. The Mundhum being a text of Limbu cultural and ritual performance provides immense guidelines and structural processes about how to conduct particular kind of rituals so that it fulfills both aesthetic and practical requirements of the human beings. Such cultural activities are further helpful to represent their distinct identity and value system. People identify with their lives and the world through their art, literature and other cultural expressions and thereby articulate their socio-cultural images. Furthermore, Limbu indigenous people are also rich in terms of language as their language seems more intimate with the nature and natural phenomenon. It holds the image of nature and daily activities, culture and surroundings. For instance, they call ‘takmiba’ to the elephant which means as ‘possessing tail to the front.’ Similarly, ‘takka(t)’ means ‘a stick’ denoting to a supporting object; they call ‘neghakring’ or ‘pó:(t)’ to the mushroom which means ‘like nebhak or ear,’ or ‘pó:(t)’ means to ‘a bit raised up.’ Moreover, Limbu had their own way of arms and safety instruments such as traps, bow and arrow, khukuri and shield and so on made by them.

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Figure 38: Limbuu warrior

In brief, the Limbus have retained their own indigenous knowledge system and sets of cultural phenomena which bear an interdependent relationship. But, today these Limbu properties suffer a lot from modernization, globalization and climate changes/global warming.

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Chapter 6

Conclusions and Recommendations

As Limbus being the original inhabitants of the study areas, they were found intimately linked with various kinds of indigenous knowledge available there. Because of their in-depth knowledge of the land, vegetation and biosphere, Limbu people have particularly been playing important role in exploring and actively participating in such skills and knowledge. Such implicit indigenous knowledge system in them proves that they are the autochthons of these territories. They were found closely connected to the space, ecological surrounding, vegetation and environment, and thereby formulating their deep-seated culture, tradition and way of life. They have got close nexus between their Indigenous Knowledge and their identity. In other words, they are correlated and interlinked. They are recognized through such various tangible and intangible cultural heritages which, in a way sometimes through change and continuity, help provide them with a sense of identity of Limbu community. It is a fact that those who live on the land and harvest its resources have an intimate knowledge of the distribution of resources, the functioning of ecosystems, and the relationship between the environment and their culture. Manila Declaration, 2002 on Conflict Resolution, Peace Building, Sustainable Development and Indigenous Peoples has declared that “States, indigenous peoples, broader society, and the international community must respect and nurture indigenous knowledge” (558). Hence, they need to 117 117 further understand what it is, how it evolves in response to changing living conditions and how it can be combined with appropriate modern knowledge particularly in biodiversity conservation, health promotion, agriculture, and cultural development. If properly utilized, there are great potentialities of indigenous knowledge for the broader system of knowledge nationally and globally but if it is misrepresented or misused then, for sure, it can bring no positive results. Due to the impact of modernity, globalization and lack of empowerment most of the Limbu youths are found disowning the practice of indigenous knowledge system and cultural activities. Although Limbu traditional skills and knowledge are invaluable resources they have often been fallen prey to primitive and savage for tradition and development are quite frequently seen paradoxical. This bitter truth is of course as a result of intrusion thanks to hegemonic nature of broader knowledge system and multinational corporate in the form of modernity and globalization. Therefore, Limbu Indigenous Knowledge System stands in need of urgent reinforcements and safeguarding for its sustainable development. For this, the following recommendation can be made to be carried out urgently:  As Limbu indigenous knowledge system helps build their culture and their identity of community distinctive to others, its significance should be known by the Limbu community themselves first, and then they are to be encouraged in it from State and other stakeholders and participants.

118 118  All Limbu tangible and intangible cultural heritages should be protected, supported and safeguarded from all levels – local, national and international.  Broader knowledge system like the state, multinational companies and institutions should assist and take special initiatives for recognizing Limbu indigenous skills and knowledge, and make necessary efforts on its enhancement.  The broader knowledge holders should take free, prior and informed consent (PIC) of local and indigenous communities for any access to and use of their indigenous knowledge, skills and practices.  As Nepal has ratified UNESCO convention 2003 for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage in 2010, it should begin the works of identifying, inventorying, safeguarding, ensuring respect, raising awareness and providing various supports.  It is incumbent upon government, industries and multinational companies to recognize the knowledge and skills of Limbu indigenous people and incorporate their knowledge into policies, plans and programmes so as to mutually get benefit from it.

Endnotes

:1 ‘Khas’ is a collective term for ruling class including Brahmin, Chhetri, and Dasnami

2 Mundhum refers to Kirat Limbu ritual (religious) narrative texts, both in oral and written form, consisting of legends, folktales, prehistoric accounts, sermons, moral or philosophical exhortations and so on in poetic language 119 119 References

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128 128 About the Author

Ramesh K. Limbu is a Lecturer in English at Nepal University. After doing his M. Phil. in 2009, he has completed his Ph.D. from Tribhuvan University under the domain of indigenous ethnic identities. The author has so far carried out several research works on varied area of studies including language and literature, indigenous knowledge system, critical discourse analysis and socio-cultural identities. He is also the research Grantee from NFDIN and UGC. He has presented two dozen of research papers at national and international forums, and published more than two dozen articles in the well-recognized journals and publication houses. He is also the Chief Editor of English Weekly Newspaper GNews, and regular contributor of opinion column in Republica, The Kathmandu Post, Nagariknews and Kantipur national daily newspapers. Numbers of poems, stories and essays have been published is different books and anthologies. His works cover the area of interdisciplinary approaches ranging from language, literature, social, political, cultural, traditional, modern, postmodern and postcolonial issues. He is associated with various social, cultural, linguistic and literary associations and institutions including Linguistic Society of Nepal (LSN), Language Teachers Association (NELTA), Nepali Folklore Society (NFS), Molung Research Foundation (MRF), Centre for Research and Translation, Nepal (CRTN), among others.

129 129 About the Executive/Managing Editor

Dr Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha (Humboldt Fellow Post-PhD, University of Leipzig, Germany & PhD, Jawaharlal Nehru University, ND, India) is engrossed in Research-Teaching-Training, writing, editing, publishing and printing especially on Indigenous Peoples’ (IPs’) languages, literature, script, culture, history, IPs’ rights advocacy, policy making, development etc (for more than 10 years) and pedagogy professional with more than 15 years of teaching experience in Social Sciences & Humanities’ discipline focusing on Indigenous-Linguistic-Subaltern- Literary Studies, IK, IPHR and Cultural Issues. He possesses technical expertise in research-proposal writing, editing, teaching, supervising researchers, publishing and impact review, Qualitative & Quantitative research methodology-mainly in research tools development, mass media, data analysis, report writing, and capacity building. He has additional expertise in academic leadership, planning, M&E, Kiranti-Kõits (Sunwar), Nepali and ELT Training (including curriculum, textbooks and literacy material writing), creative and journalistic writings. He also possess organizational, administrative, management and financial planning skills with written and oral communication skills including creative writing in Kiranti-Kõits, English, Nepali and computer skills in using MS Word, Basic Page-Maker, PowerPoint, SPSS, Internet and E-mail. He has to his credit presented 29 academic papers in seminars or symposiums and published 29 papers in academic journals and magazines. As a freelancer, he has contributed articles in more than two dozen literary magazines, periodicals and daily newspapers. As a Chief Research Officer at NFDIN, Government of Nepal he has edited dozens of research-based and creative writing-based publications including bulletins and journals. To his credit, he has authored and co-authored 12 books in his mother tongue Kiranti-Kõits, Nepali and in English too.

His Correspondence Address Dr Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha P.O.Box-5569 Kathmandu, Nepal Mob 9851122208 E-mails [email protected] [email protected]

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