FIFTEENTH MEETING OF THE IMS STUDY GROUP 'CANTUS PLANUS' DOBOGÓKİ, HUNGARY, AUGUST 23 29, 2009 PROGRAM IMS STUDY GROUP 'CANTUS PLANUS' (founded in 1983) Chair: Barbara Haggh Huglo Past Chairs: Helmut Hucke, David Hiley, Ruth Steiner, Charles Atkinson Advisory Board: Nicolas Bell, James Borders, Christelle Cazaux Kowalski, Zsuzsa Czagány, Roman Hankeln, Debra Lacoste, Christian Troelsgård LOCAL ARRANGEMENTS 2009 Adviser: László Dobszay Secretary: Beáta Meszéna SUNDAY August 23 10 AM 3 PM Meeting at the Concert Hall of the 'Old Music Academy' in Budapest 3 PM Bus leaves Budapest from the Music Academy 4 PM Arrival in Dobogókı, check in, rest 6 PM Opening session Chair: Barbara Haggh Huglo Invited Lecturer 1: Christian Troelsgård Christian Troelsgård is Associate Professor at the Saxo Institute of the University of Copenhagen and has published on Byzantine chant and on medieval topics (bibliography: http://forskning.ku.dk/search/ profil/publikationsliste/?personid=155896 ). He serves as secretary for the enterprise Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae and as a member of the Advisory Board of the IMS Study Group 'Cantus Planus'. Songs for the Theotokos – Pieces of papyrus and the Byzantine theotokia Marian troparia are well represented among the fragments of early Greek chant texts preserved on papyrus sheets. Hypo tēn sēn eusplanchnian , in Latin known as the antiphon Sub tuum praesidium , is a well known example, since it has parallel transmissions in other chant families. Other early theotokia on papyrus are furnished with modal indications, and some appear to be furnished with signs that have been interpreted as traces of musical notation. This paper will address these early fragments of Marian chants as a group and investigate their relationship to the theotokia of later Byzantine chant collections. 8 PM Dinner MONDAY August 24 Italy and France between East and West Chair: James Borders 9 AM Invited Lecturer 2: Joseph Dyer Joseph Dyer taught music history at the University of Massachusetts Boston until his retirement in 2001. His research interests have included various topics in the fields of medieval chant, liturgy (especially Rome in the Middle Ages), monasticism, performance practice and medieval music theory. He is a Fellow of the Royal School of Church Music. His most recent publications include: “Speculative Musica and the Medieval University of Paris,” Music and Letters 90 (2009), 177 204. “The Power of Music According to Two Medieval Philosophers,” in ‘Dies est letitie’: Essays on Chant in Honour of Janka Szendrei , ed. David Hiley and Gábor Kiss (Budapest Regensburg Ottawa, 2008), 211 35. “Boy Singers of the Roman Schola Cantorum,” in Young Choristers, 650 1700 , ed. Susan Boynton and Eric Rice (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), 19 36. “Roman Processions of the Major Litany ( litaniae maiores ) from the Sixth to the Twelfth Centuries,” in Roma Felix: Formation and Reflections of Medieval Rome , ed. Éamonn Ó Carragain and Carol Neuman de Vegvar (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 112 37. Katakosmēson ton nymphona sou Siōn — Adorna thalamum tuum Sion : East and West in the medieval Roman celebration of Candlemas Beginning as a local commemoration at Jerusalem in the late fourth century, by the beginning of the seventh century the Constantinopolitan observance of Hypapante (western Candlemas) had taken shape as a penitential procession followed by a liturgy at the church of the Theotokos in the Blachernae quarter. It was introduced to Rome sometime during the latter half of the seventh century, thanks to the presence in Rome of Greek speaking clergy and monks. The first mention of a Roman celebration of the feast ‘of St Simeon, which the Greeks call Ypapanti ’ with a procession occurs in the Liber pontificalis . There it is linked with a reorganization of Marian feasts by Pope Sergius I (687 701). The earliest musical repertory for this and other Roman processions, generally penitential in character, may be preserved in the series of sixteen antiphons in the Old Roman gradual, BAV, vat. lat. 5319. After the time of Sergius, the feast took on a stronger Marian cast, coming to be known as the ‘Purification’, thus referring to the ritual to which Mary submitted herself forty days after Jesus’s birth in obedience to the Mosaic law (Lk 2:22 39). Providing testimony to the Byzantine influence on the Roman celebration of Hypapante /Purification are two Greek chants that were translated into Latin as Adorna thalamum tuum and Ave gratia plena . They were given original musical settings in the Old Roman chant idiom, though apparently relying on the structure of their Greek models. Incorporated in the earliest transmission of the Roman repertory to the Carolingians, the chants were recast according to the stylistic criteria of Frankish singers. One of the earliest northern antiphoners of the Mass (Mont Blandin, without notation) has bilingual versions of the chants, whose Latin transcriptions follow divergent principles. 9:30 Terence Bailey Rome, Milan and the confractoria
Often mentioned casually in the scholarly literature, in support of widely held assumptions about the relationships between the Gallican, Iberian and Milanese rites, the place of the Ambrosian confractoria in the splendid texture of the Latin liturgy of the West has been consistently misunderstood. 9:55 Michel Huglo (to be read in English by Barbara Haggh Huglo) Observations sur les pièces de plain chant traduites du grec Depuis la restauration du plain chant au XIXe siècle jusqu'au début du XXIe siècle, plusieurs musicologues ont examiné les pièces de chant traduites du grec à différentes époques de l'histoire. Aujourd'hui, il semble nécessaire de faire la synthèse des résultats acquis par ces analyses pour déterminer les époques et les lieux où ces traductions furent entreprises et enfin par quelle méthode concrète textes et mélodies passèrent d'Orient en Occident. Les lieux: ce sont les grandes métropoles chrétiennes du bassin méditerranéen où Grecs et Latins se croisent et se rencontrent pour des motifs différents: diplomatie, commerce, conciles. Les époques: à l'exception du Gloria in excelsis Deo , il semble bien qu'il ne reste aucune pièce traduite du grec antérieure au concile de Nicée (325). Les pièces composéés en Orient à l'époque des controverses théologiques sur les deux natures dans la personne de Jésus Christ, né de Marie Theotocos, sont de peu postérieures aux conciles d'Ephèse (431) et de Chalcédoine (451): ainsi, l'antienne Sub tuum praesidium et les antiennes du 1er Janvier. Enfin, la Querelle des images du VIIIe siècle, qui causa l'immigration de milliers de moines grecs en Italie du sud et amena 17 ambassades du basileus à Aix la Chapelle: Cheroubicon et Hymne acathiste. Les méthodes: Traduction par écrit avec corrections et améliorations successives. Traduction par trois collaborateurs: un lecteur du texte grec, un interprète, un scribe qui note au vol les mots du traducteur, avec ou sans les fautes dues à des confusions de mots: ex. l'antienne Sub tuum praesidium . Il reste à expliquer pourquoi les mélodies des pièces traduites diffèrent des mélodies grecques originales. 10:15 Discussion 10:30 Coffee Break
Basic Questions Chair: David Hiley 11 Kate Helsen ‘The stream or the source’? Comparing Gregorian and Old Roman Great Responsories Recounting the transmission of Roman chant north of the Alps in the early ninth century, John the Deacon describes Charlemagne’s dissatisfaction at the discrepancies he perceives between Roman and Gallican chant. In a quotation now famous, Charlemagne asks whether the ‘stream or the source’ is liable to provide the purest water, advising the Gauls to return to the Roman ‘source’. Recent scholarship has shown that purity is an extravagant claim for either tradition; links between the Gregorian and the Old Roman repertories have been identified and examined, however. This paper compares the Gregorian corpus of Great Responsories with the Old Roman corpus. In the past, this kind of comparison was undertaken using the repertories of graduals (by Nancy van Deusen), tracts (by Emma Hornby), and offertories (by Rebecca Maloy). Paul Cutter initiated the comparison of responsories, limiting his work to those in mode 2. Extending the comparison to other modes, I compare information in my database of Gregorian responsories (as found in nine early antiphoners across Europe) to the Old Roman responsory repertory and discuss why certain melodic differences between them might occur. 11:25 László Dobszay Comments on Albi 44 Albi 44 is a very archaic source with regard to both its organization and its repertory. A comparison with the CAO and with Old Roman sources leads to conclusions about the earliest stages of the Roman Office Chant. 11:50 Jeremy Llewellyn A modernioribus vocantur caudae : Jacobus Leodiensis and textlessness in medieval chant Writing at the beginning of the fourteenth century, Iacobus Leodiensis’s polemics against the Moderns are well documented and well known. Of interest, however, is a statement from the sixth book of his Speculum musicae , in which he describes the differentiae of Office antiphons, which were in certain localities performed with textless melodic extensions: whereas these, according to Iacobus, are called aptitudines , formulae , neumae , odae or iubili by some, they are termed caudae by more modern authors. This roll call of textless forms in medieval chant provides the main material for the paper. The historical usage and context of each term will be examined — also with reference to notated melodies — and the crucial, if until now rarely asked question concerning possible continuities in the aesthetic ennobling, theological justification and pedagogical utility of textlessness will be addressed, continuities that would link, for example, a ninth century Notker to a twelfth century Leoninus. 12:15 Discussion 12:30 Lunch; Meeting of Editorial Board, 'Historiae'
Early methods of singing Chair: Joseph Dyer 2:30 Emma Hornby with Rebecca Maloy Analysis of Old Hispanic chant: problems and proposals In this paper, we present the preliminary findings of a pilot project on Old Hispanic chant, which concentrates on the in directum Lenten Mass chants (the threni , some Lenten laudes , and the Easter Vigil canticles). We discuss our methodology and findings in relation to the threni , which replaces the psalmi (the Old Hispanic equivalent of the gradual) on certain Lenten feasts. The use in each chant of a single formulaic melody means that it is the ideal genre with which to develop a methodology for establishing its melodic principles without the assistance of pitched notation. This provides the starting point for comparison of the Old Hispanic chant to other chant traditions. We also investigate the relationship between text and music, the textual traditions of the chants, and the role of biblical exegesis in the choice and treatment of liturgical texts in Old Hispanic chant. Since all of the threni texts are derived from Job, Jeremiah and the Lamentations of Jeremiah, the theological resonances of these chants are limited in scale. Previous scholarship on the Old Hispanic rite has often concentrated on the (probably insuperable) challenge of making transcriptions of the non pitched notations. Our intention is to understand something of the musical grammar and transmission history of the tradition, while side stepping the question of precise transcription entirely. We will be analysing the chants through their neume shapes, and considering the relationship between text and music and the role which theological themes play in the liturgical planning and musical shape of the Old Hispanic rite. 2:55 Diogo Alte da Veiga Alleluia: Venite ad Lusitaniam : Comparative studies of monophonic alleluiae in pre 1600 Portuguese sources The research project ‘A Digital Survey of Pre 1600 Musical Sources’, in progress at CESEM (the Research Centre for Musical Sociology and Aesthetics, Universidade Nova de Lisboa), is providing a wider knowledge of pre 1600 music manuscripts kept in several Portuguese archives. A large number of these sources, almost all of them liturgical manuscripts, whether fragments or full codices, until now remained unidentified and lacking musicological study. The present paper is based on the author’s master’s thesis, The monophonic alleluia in Portugal prior to 1600: a comparative study . Its principal points of departure are several of Manuel Pedro Ferreira’s studies of Portuguese sources and his suggestions for further research, together with Karlheinz Schlager’s catalogue and monumental edition of alleluia melodies, which provides a larger European framework for the present comparative study. The particular choice of alleluiae lies in the fact that the genre, as is well known, includes a body of early melodies, as well as a large repertory that increased with additions that were made to it during the course of the Middle Ages. Different levels of conformity or divergence can therefore be detected in the written transmission, including local, regional and transregional variants and melodies. This paper will present an overview of the Portuguese sources containing alleluias up to c. 1600 and of those alleluias selected for comparative analysis. Several examples discussed here illustrate a varied, sometimes complex panorama of liturgical choices and melodic relationships. Finally, some conclusions will be drawn concerning the melodic affiliation and origins of the traditions encountered in the southern Atlantic coast of Europe. 3:20 Balázs Déri The Coptic Psalmos . Text and Architext, or, between composing and orality The theological spiritual importance of the Coptic Holy Week as the centre of the liturgical year is emphasized by its very special liturgical character. The most remarkable feature of the Pascha is the uncommon structure, the content and the “performance” of the Canonical Hours. The solo tutti chanting of the psalm versicle ( Psalmos ) before the Gospel reading is the most impressive point of the Hours, common both in the Holy Liturgy (it can be compared to the Latin Graduale ) and in the Canonical Hours of Holy Week. Most of the Psalmo s (at least ten per day) are chanted using a special tune for Holy Week. The members of a monastic community or the priests and deacons of a cathedral or a parish church (all of them of different gifts and aptitudes) must be able to apply the tune to texts of different length and content, and perform the lengthy Psalmos (of 5 10 minutes) in a very melismatic manner. Based on field work in two monasteries of Wadi an Natrun in Egypt, I analyze the unchanging musical structures of the Psalmos and the changing elements of its performance. 3:45 Discussion 4:00 Coffee Break Manuscripts Chair: Barbara Haggh Huglo 4:30 Manuel Pedro Ferreira Congregati sunt inimici nostri : A survey, a codex and the Holy War In this brief illustrated overview of a research project developed in the period 2005 2008, ‘A Digital Survey of Pre 1600 Musical Sources in Portuguese Archives’, one of the manuscripts surveyed, P Cug MM45, of unknown provenance, will be analysed, its origin established and its contents interpreted. Two main features will be considered: its collection of twenty invitatory tones and its connection with the Holy War, including the Christian conquest of Jerusalem and the role of military orders in the Iberian Peninsula. 4:55 Mara Fortu Medieval Cistercian chant manuscripts in Portugal and Galicia Unlike some other religious Orders, the Cistercians have left behind a considerable number of manuscripts spread across Europe, which have constituted the subject of many musicological studies. Only a few of these studies have mentioned the Cistercian chant manuscripts of the Western Iberian Peninsula (Portugal and Galicia), however, although it is known that this area holds one of the greatest and richest collections of musical liturgical manuscripts in Europe, of which no thorough inventory has yet been completed. During my doctoral research, while systematically studying original sources in Spanish and Portuguese libraries and museums, I have discovered and identified an astounding range of eleventh to fourteenth century Cistercian manuscripts, many of which originated in the scriptorium of Alcobaça; so far, they have not been studied or even known to exist at all. These manuscripts represent authentic witnesses to the uniqueness and originality of the monastic scriptorium of Alcobaça (a daughter house of Clairvaux), within the broader international context. Starting from the description and palaeographical study of notational peculiarities of these manuscripts, as well as their comparison to other Cistercian manuscripts of the Clairvaux branch, this presentation will demonstrate the importance and the particular features and role played by the Alcobaça in the history of chant, especially that of the Iberian Peninsula. 5:20 Robert Klugseder Medieval musical sources in the Austrian National Library, Vienna The main aim of this cataloguing project is the compilation and evaluation of all sources with musical notation held in the Department of Manuscripts and the Department of Music of the Austrian National Library. The majority consists of Latin codices, but German and Czech texts are also involved. The project is supported by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) and will run from 2008 to 2011. Within the framework of the project, we intend to compile not a mere inventory, but rather a descriptive catalogue, with room for summary case studies, placing the individual sources in their respective contexts and judging their relevance with regard to music history. We chose the generally accepted historical caesura of around 1500 as a time limit, which in some cases (e.g. antiphoners) will be extended into the early sixteenth century. Users of the online catalogue should be able to obtain a fairly clear and complete notion of the type and content of the respective sources; digital images are also included in the descriptions. An almost unknown inventory compiled in 1928 by the music historian and librarian, Constantin Schneider, has been scanned and can be consulted at the project site. As a first source of information, Schneider’s annotations are perhaps of limited usefulness for the modern scholar, but nowhere else can one find a general overview of the musical codices preserved in the ÖNB. Schneider’s system of classification is explained on the homepage. Another link leads to the well known general catalogue of Viennese manuscripts prepared in the nineteenth century, the Tabulae codicum manu scriptorum … in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi asservatorum . Information on particular sources can be obtained by searching the database of codices with musical notation (over 600 entries) or, for comparison and regional studies, the database of liturgical manuscripts without notation (approximately 1100). Search options are the shelfmark, contents, the date or century and the provenance; combined queries are also possible. A special neume table displays the basic notational forms of all notated manuscripts described so far. This overview, together with whole page photos, solves the problem of describing notation systems accurately in the limited format of a catalogue. 5:45 Hanna Zühlke A closer look at Cod. 14208 from the Austrian National Library, Vienna The gradual sacramentary A Wn 14208, written around 1300, is among those codices of the Austrian National Library that have not been examined very closely in musicological literature up to now. Apart from its rough localization in the area of the Salzburg diocese and its clear deviation from the liturgy of the Salzburg cathedral, precise statements about the provenance of the manuscript are still missing. This talk aims to define the place of origin and destination of the source more precisely. Its calendar refers to numerous saints of the Ordo Theutonicorum (OT), aside from the typical southern German and Salzburgian saints’ days. Given this background, in a second stage, the specific repertory transmitted by Cod. 14208 will be evaluated with regard to the musical and liturgical tradition of the Teutonic Order. Das um 1300 geschriebene Graduale Sakramentar A Wn 14208 zählt zu den in der musikwissenschaftlichen Literatur bislang nur am Rande beleuchteten Codices der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Über die grobe Lokalisierung in den Raum der Salzburger Diözese und das deutliche Abweichen von der Liturgie des Domstiftes hinaus wurden noch keine näheren Angaben zur Provenienz der Handschrift gemacht. Im Vortrag soll nun versucht werden Entstehungs bzw. Bestimmungsort dieser Quelle weiter einzugrenzen. Hinweise hierfür bietet insbesondere das Kalendarium, welches neben den typisch süddeutsch salzburgischen Heiligenfesten sowohl im Grundbestand als auch im Bereich der Nachträge eine Vielzahl an Heiligen aus dem Festkalender des Deutschen Ordens (OT) zitiert. Vor diesem Hintergrund gilt es in einem zweiten Schritt, den spezifischen Überlieferungsbefund des Cod. 14208 mit Blick auf die musikalisch liturgische Tradition des OT zu bewerten. 6:10 Discussion 7 Dinner; Meeting of the 'Cantus Planus' Advisory Board TUESDAY August 25 Philology and Music Chair: Nicolas Bell 9 Invited Lecturer 3: Gunilla Iversen Pronouncing the ineffable: ideas and strategies in medieval liturgical poetry When studying how the poetic experience has been explained and treated in Western culture, it soon becomes evident that poetry has not always been perceived as one genre among many, but as a basic expression of an experience of the human condition. This experience is the human discovery of itself in the presence of the ineffable, in the presence of the invisible. Poetry and individual religious experiences, poetry and the divine, poetry and silence, poetry and transcendence, consequently constitute important conceptual fields in this kind of research. In the presence of the ineffable, it is possible to pronounce words which in themselves preserve the ineffable, or to transcend them to explanatory words. This tension forms a central part of the Christian tradition and received its fundamental expression in the form of liturgical poetry: in new creations such as hymns, sequences and tropes, processional antiphons, new responsories, and verses, all sung within the frame of the central and fundamental cultural scene of the Christian culture, that is, the solemn celebration of the liturgy of the mass and the daily office. Textual interpretation in the form of tropes commenting on the biblical words of the chants can be seen as a kind of sung gloss within the liturgical celebration. Early sequences often seem to function as a means of transforming into a corporeal vocal expression the meaning of the originally Hebrew word ‘Alleluia’. To affect the mind, the words have to be sung. In view of the great importance of the performance of liturgical poetry, it is not surprising that certain authors, such as Regino of Prüm in the late ninth century, had located Poetria under Music rather than Grammar or Rhetoric. In this paper I will present some general reflections on this field of research and examine specific examples taken from manuscripts dating from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. 9:30 Ann Marie Nilsson Chants with different text metres adapted to the same melody: the relationship between texts and melody in the offices for Sts. Anne and Ansgar The bishop of Linköping, Nicolaus Hermanni (Nils Hermansson), has been celebrated as the author of three saints’ offices: Rosa rorans bonitatem (AH 25:57) for St. Birgitta of Sweden, Felix orbis, felix hora (AH 25:21) for St. Anne, mother of the Virgin Mary, and Ludovicus imperator (AH 25:31, its music preserved in fragments), the Swedish office for St. Ansgar[ius] (the ‘Apostle of the North’). In my paper, I will discuss the strategies of adaptation in selected responsories from the offices for Anne and Ansgar. Although most of the poetic texts in these offices differ as to metrical structure, and some of the responsories for Ansgar have prose texts, they are adapted to the same melodies, most of which are derived from the office of St. Dominic, Gaude felix parens Hispania (AH 25:85). Some models are from the Nordic Saturday office for the Virgin, Stella Maria maris paris expers , and one is taken from the office for St. Peter the Martyr (OP). The Nordic office for Anne's husband, Joseph exortus regia (preserved in fragments and incompletely), also contains melodies similar to those of Stella Maria . In some cases, the text meter, in others, the syntax of the text, seem to have been decisive when the chant texts were adjusted to given melodic phrases. Analyses show that melodic cadences and phrases of the different texts tend to coincide with the effect of an overall bipartite structure. The psalmodic structure of biblical prose texts might be supposed to have had an impact on the process of adaptation. Since text melody relationships and melodic variants have been of increasing interest and central to our study group (see articles e.g. by Haug & Björkvall 1999, 2000, Dobszay 2008), I have prepared comparative tables of the office melodies for Anne and Ansgar and their models for a forthcoming edition, probably on the internet. 9:55 Charles E. Brewer Two fragmentary Latin song collections from thirteenth century Normandy Studies of medieval Latin song have often concentrated on the well preserved and widely disseminated sources associated with Notre Dame, while many unique and interesting repertories are preserved in lesser known and fragmentary manuscripts. This study is focused on two small fragmentary collections of thirteenth century Latin song from the Benedictine Abbey of Lyre in Normandy. While their contents have been used briefly in earlier studies (for example, by Lipphardt and Stevens), they have never been examined as unique musical and cultural documents. The contents of these collections (Évreux, Bibliothèque municipale, MSS L 2 and L 39), now re bound in other manuscripts, include a number of well known compositions: two by Philip the Chancellor, Ave gloriosa Virginum regina and Cum sit omnis caro fenum , Galterus of Châtillon’s Licet eger cum egrotis , and two similar versions of the famous Marian lament, Planctus ante nescia . They also include some anonymous songs that appear to be local compositions, such as Dic qui gaudes prosperis , found only in these two sources. Each manuscript also contains unique songs: L 39 includes Investigans semitas , and L 2 includes Ave Virgo Maria and Ego mundi timens naufragium . This last song is significant, in that it portrays the uncertainties of life, both through a pessimistic text and a clearly notated modal shift at its conclusion. The mixture of unique songs, possibly composed at the Abbey, and internationally well known compositions follows the pattern found in the contents of other better known collections, such as the Carmina burana . The unique aspects of these two collections, however, also provide firm evidence of the creative literary and musical culture within the traditions of this Norman monastery. 10:20 Erika Kihlman Medieval sequence commentaries: traditions and techniques For a long time, medieval commentaries on sequences have been a practically unknown genre. Before the publication of my thesis in 2006, only a few examples of such texts had been edited: Alan of Lille’s Expositio prosae de angelis on the sequence Ad celebres rex , ed. by M. T. d’Alverny (1965), and three commentaries on Ave praeclara maris stella (one by Caesarius of Heisterbach and two anonymous), ed. by R. B. C. Huygens (1969, 2000). The paucity of critical editions does not reflect the large number of late medieval manuscripts containing sequence commentaries, however. As my inventory of over a hundred manuscripts attests, the manuscripts range from England in the west to the Czech Republic in the east. In this paper, I make a general presentation of the genre of the sequence commentary, as well as of separate commentary traditions that can be identified in the material. Variations in commentary techniques, emphasis and specific points of interest in the texts will be described and discussed in relation to their significance for different pedagogical intentions. The physical aspects of the manuscripts will also be taken into account, such as the layout of the text layers involved in the commentary. Examples of these aspects are found in commentaries taken from separate traditions that represent different times of composition, as well as different pedagogical milieux and levels of instruction. 10:45 Discussion 11 Coffee Break Resources for Research Chair: Terence Bailey 11:30 Debra Lacoste and Gerard Stafleu A new online resource for comparisons of chants in series [This research, though related to the CANTUS database in its reliance on the data contained therein, has been undertaken independently with separate funding sources and individual initiative.] Expanding on the web based research tool, 'Responsory Series: Advent and Lent', introduced briefly during the CANTUS report at the meeting of the IMS Study Group ‘Cantus Planus’ in Zürich (July 2007), I will demonstrate a new, interactive programme which extracts and compares chant series from the CANTUS database and subsequently represents the relationships between those series in a visual format. Earlier research, primarily the unpublished work of Gabriel Beyssac and that presented in CAO by René Jean Hesbert, has successfully shown that a similarity in the usage and ordering of particular items of the liturgy can be interpreted as an indication of affinity among manuscript sources. The 'Cantus Series' extraction programme, linked through the website of the CANTUS database (http://publish.uwo.ca/ ~cantus/), allows users to select any series of chants for any liturgical occasion for comparison. Whether viewed as strings of chant ID numbers or in the graphical representation of the 'dendrogram', a model adopted from cluster analysis techniques used in the biological sciences, the results of chant series comparisons can demonstrate manuscript affinities, and can also lead to new hypotheses about many aspects of chant, chant transmission, hagiography, local customs, and countless other aspects of medieval liturgy and liturgical centres. One might propose that the ideal audience for this new, user directed website is the membership of the IMS Study Group 'Cantus Planus', a group which through its mandate fosters the free exchange of data in electronic form. 11:55 Gábor Kiss Gradualia A new project for comparative research into the repertory of the mass The comparative research of medieval mass repertories lags behind that of the office traditions. This may be the consequence of the general impression that mass repertories are more uniform and, consequently, offer less empirical observations for a study directed towards the regional or local differences within the universal chant tradition. The mass repertory also has several branches, however, and the individual dioceses and ecclesiastical centers developed different repertories with a different physiognomy, which, apart from the stable elements, contain numerous variable points as well. The study of the repertory from this point of view, a mapping of the different uses and their interrelationships, requires the comparison of many sources. While the study of the offices is supported by advanced projects and online databases, such as the CANTUS Index and CAO ECE , scholars of the mass repertory must be satisfied with individual studies, source editions and personal research in the libraries. For this very reason, I have begun to make electronic inventories of different mass sources, concentrating first on indexing the most important Hungarian manuscripts and then extending the work to a wider circle of – mainly Central European – sources. Besides providing analytical descriptions of the repertories, we have begun to develop a stereotyped liturgical template, which, by the (numerical) fixation of the liturgical functions and the order of feasts makes the comparison of sources or traditions possible. In this respect, CAO ECE served as a model. One of my further aims is to make the source indices available online for international research as a counterpart to the CANTUS project. The inventories are detailed enough to serve as a basis for publishing either individual sources or source families. The present paper introduces the methods and means used for the project and summarizes the first experiences of the targeted comparative research 12:20 Discussion 12:30 Lunch; Meeting of CANTUS Cataloguers or Interested Cataloguers Transmission: departures and arrivals Chair: Barbara Haggh Huglo 2:30 Matthew Ward Trinity College, Cambridge, MS fragment 2: evidence for the mutable notation and transmission of chant in the later Middle Ages. This paper proposes to extend understanding of the transmission of chant in the later Middle Ages through a close reading of an uncatalogued noted missal bifolium from England, discovered by the author in 2006. This bifolium – from a Sarum book of the early fifteenth century – presents the proper chant for two masses in Lent with many striking examples of variance from all contemporary traditions to which it has been compared, allied with notational quirks, inked drolleries and decorated notes. Close analysis of these phenomena suggests a manner of transmission nearer to that widely accepted for the period of early notation, rather than a mute exemplar to copy model of written transmission, as one might assume for such a late date, the variants are not errors in a copying process, nor evidence for ignorance or the decadence of tradition, but instead they give witness to a scribe closely involved in the ‘re construction’ of the chant he is writing, in a manner reminiscent of the model of ‘inscribed improvisation’ described by Hucke and elaborated by Treitler for the earliest periods of chant writing (see Hucke 1980 and Treitler 2003). The author proposes this fragment as an example of the continued interaction of oral and written practice in the later Middle Ages, attempting to demonstrate the continued presence of local (or even personal) intervention in the passing on of chant traditions. In this way, the paper is not only an extension of the work of Treitler, but complements such isolated studies as Huglo’s examination of ‘notated performance practices’ in thirteenth century Paris (1992) and Sister Thomas More’s (Dr. Mary Berry’s) neglected 1970 doctoral dissertation on the performance of chant in the later Middle Ages and sixteenth century. It is a paper most definitely ‘In Praise of the Variant’ (Cerquiglini, 1999). 2:55 Orsolya Csomó Horváthné The liturgical placements of three processional antiphons When 150 processional sources were considered, a very interesting fact appeared: some processional antiphons were placed B due to the eschatological meaning of their texts B in different liturgical locations in different sources. These placements can be typical for the tradition to which the manuscript belongs. Three processional antiphons are central to this study: Omnipotens Deus supplices, Cum venerimus ante conspectum, Oremus dilectissimi nobis. I search for answers to the following questions: Which liturgical placements are the most frequent? Which other antiphons appear with the examined ones? What are the results of the geographical and historical investigations? Could the liturgical placement be typical of a given (secular or monastic) tradition? 3:20 James Borders The transmission of non CAO antiphons in later medieval pontificals A forthcoming synoptic edition of chants in twelfth to fifteenth century pontificals — liturgical books with rubrics, prayers and chants for services over which only a bishop could preside — will include some 140 antiphons, by far the largest group. Of these antiphons, about 60% have direct text and music concordances in the office. The remaining 40% are split between those antiphons with texts that depart significantly from related office chants (28) and those with no place in the office whatsoever (31). This paper will examine antiphons in the latter two categories with the intention of shedding light on chant transmission in the High Middle Ages. (As regards responsories, the same pontificals contain less than forty, nearly all with concordances in office books.) Concerning the ‘variant’ antiphon texts, the lion’s share of emendations were evidently designed to suit the ritual particulars of such pontifical services as the dedication of a church, the consecration of an altar and the veiling of nuns. The need for unique texts for unique ceremonials also explains the introduction of the ‘new’ antiphons texts. That the texts of the ‘variant’ and ‘new’ antiphons changed rather little in later transmission further suggests the regulation of official liturgy, as well as the fact that nearly all the antiphon texts, including the ‘standard’ ones, came from the Bible. The melodies are a different matter. Comparison of musical examples will show that the melodic transmission of antiphons without office concordances (i.e. non CAO antiphons) was considerably less stable than that of the first category ( CAO antiphons). This presentation will track and seek to account for the most significant changes. Although vicissitudes of orality, the intrusion of local traditions, and scribal carelessness all played roles in this transmission, such considerations cannot adequately explain all the evidence. This paper will thus entertain the possibility that some melodic changes were products of editorial interventions coinciding with the recensions of the (so called) Pontifical of the Roman Curia and the Pontifical of William Durandus in the thirteenth century. That such an intervention occurred in Rome during the preparation of the editio princeps of the Pontificale Romanum (1485) strengthens this hypothesis. 3:45 Discussion 4:00 Coffee Break Ordinals and order Chair: Roman Hankeln 4:30 Miklós István Földváry A recent survey of Catalonian and Mallorcan ordinals and its contribution to the editorial approach to normative liturgical texts Although the liturgical life of the Iberian Peninsula is recorded by plenty of manuscripts, only a few of these can be studied in modern scholarly editions. This is certainly the case with ordinals that are usually called 'consuetas' in the local dialects, both Latin and vernacular. In order to supplement this lack of information, a systematic survey was initiated in several Catalonian and Mallorcan archives in the Fall of 2007, regarding especially the textual relationship, structure and terminology of medieval and early modern consuetas . The sample thus analysed was an important contribution to the typology and history of medieval normative liturgical texts, and it helped to reconstruct with greater accuracy the original context of fragmentarily documented traditions. 4:55 Franz Karl Praßl Einige libri ordinarii im Umfeld der Augustiner Chorherren Mehrere libri ordinarii in österreichischen Bibliotheken (Wien, Admont, St. Florian) sind dem Umfeld des Salzburger Liber Ordinarius zuzurechnen, da sie alle zusammen mit dem Einleitungskommentar ‘Secundum sex aetates beginnen’. Die Bücher enthalten bisher nicht eindeutig identifizierte liturgische Ordnungen, welche in größerer oder geringerer Nähe zur Salzburger Dom Tradition (seit 1198) stehen. Die genannten Quellen sind kaum studiert. In diesem Beitrag wird versucht, das Beziehungsgeflecht dieser libri ordinarii zu entwirren und eine Provenienz hinsichtlich der Liturgie zu benennen. Es geht auch um die Frage nach dem gut funktionierenden Netzwerk der Chorherrenbewegung im 12. Jahrhundert, das auch liturgisch musikalische Komponenten umfaßt. 5:20 Inga Behrendt A Gu 756: Der Seckauer Liber ordinarius als musikalische Quelle Die Vorstellung des rekonstruierten Kyriale in der Handschrift A Gu 756, einem Liber ordinarius des Augustiner Chorherrenstiftes Seckau aus dem Jahr 1345, ist Gegenstand dieses Vortrags. Anhand der adiastematische Neumen konnten die Gesänge des Ordinariums in ihrem liturgischen Kontext identifiziert werden. Dabei zeigt sich, daß nicht nur die Gestalt einzelner Gesänge, sondern auch ihre Positionierung im Kirchenjahr eine bestimmte Wirkungsintention in der Liturgie haben kann. Die Zuordnung von Kyrie und Festgruppe wird weiterhin nicht nur für den Liber ordinarius von Seckau vorgestellt, sondern auch mit derjenigen im Salzburger Liber ordinarius A Su M II 6 verglichen und damit in einen größeren Kontext gestellt. Gesänge haben selbst bereits durch ihre Positionierung in der Liturgie liturgieordnende Funktion in der mittelalterlichen Liturgie. A Gu 756: The Liber ordinarius from Seckau as a musical source The presentation of the reconstructed Kyriale in the manuscript A Gu 756, a Liber ordinarius of the monastery of the Augustinian canons of Seckau from 1345, is the topic of this paper. With the help of the adiastematic neumes, the chants of this ordinal in their liturgical context could be identified. Thereby it is shown that not only the shape of individual chants, but also their placement in the Church year can have a particular intended effect in the liturgy. Furthermore, the assignment of Kyries to groups of feasts will be presented for the Liber ordinarius of Seckau and compared with that in the Salzburg Liber ordinarius A Su M II 16, thereby placing the former in a broader context chants already have an organizing function in the medieval liturgy by means of their position in the liturgy. 5:45 Discussion 6 6:45 IMS Study Group 'Cantus Planus' Business Meeting 7 Dinner WEDNESDAY August 26 Eastern topics Chair: Christian Troelsgård 9:00 Invited Lecturer 4: Eustathios Makris Eustathios Makris studied music at the National Conservatory in Athens, musicology at the University of Thessaloniki and continued his studies at the University of Vienna, where he specialized in Byzantine music, obtaining the PhD in 1996 (supervisor: Prof. Christian Hannick, subject of the dissertation: “The Musical Tradition of the Anastasimatarion in the 16th and 17 th centuries”). He has served as Music Librarian at the Music Library of Greece “Lilian Voudouri” (1997 1999), taught the history and theory of Byzantine music at the University of Thessaloniki, Department of Music Studies (1999 2001), served as Music Researcher at the Hellenic Folklore Research Centre of the Athens Academy (2000 2006) and is currently Associate Professor of Greek traditional music (liturgical and secular) at the Ionian University, Department of Music Studies (2006 ). In 2006, he founded the vocal ensemble “Corfu Cantors”, whose main purpose is the cultivation and dissemination of the local chant repertories of the Ionian Islands, focusing especially on the Corfiot tradition. Chant traditions of the Ionian Islands The survival and further development of Byzantine chant in Postbyzantine times is mostly seen in connection with the Ottoman Empire and its musical environment. The continuation of the tradition also in Venetian ruled territories with Greek population after the fall of Constantinople is a parallel reality, which remains widely ignored as being irrelevant to the “mainstream” tradition of the last centuries. The musical resonance of this historical reality can be studied only in the local chant traditions of the Ionian Islands, which flourished especially from the end of the seventeenth to the first half of the twentieth century. 9:30 Oliver Gerlach Religious chant in the late Ottoman Empire between Petros Bereketēs and Hammamizade Ismâil Dede Efendi Introduction: During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and in relation to the political changes that brought the Ottoman Empire to its end, religious chant and its transmission had to go through several changes, which caused many breaks within every tradition of religious chant. The historiography and ethnography of the Balkans is still a highly ideological matter and can only be understood in the context of a political movement, combining a new form of national identification of religions, or a new form of religious nationalism, with a Western attitude of enlightenment. But in this Western or West European perspective, the Balkans were often suspected to be a dangerous and uncivilized place, where the borders between the different ethnic groups and different religious civilizations were not clear, and where innocent visitors would be seduced to crime and murderous rebellions – fears that culminated in WWI and the ensuing catastrophe for the Greek population around Smyrna (Izmir 1922), and recently, in the Yugoslavian war. At odds with this concept of national civilization was the seventeenth and eighteenth century culture of traditional chant, which was subject to these national and medial transformations, and which was, in many respects, their 'source of inspiration'. It was deeply rooted in the culture and administration of the Ottoman Empire, where musicians and religious people from different traditions lived close together and were inspired by and learned from each other. These forms of coexistence and influence will continue to be hard to understand for scholars studying traditional music, as long as they insist on following the stereotypes of Byzantine studies that are based on purifying the 'national heritage' of its Ottoman past. In general, nationalism developed two different paths of the emancipation process as a form of modernization, beginning in the early eighteenth century. These experiments developed so slowly that they continued through the entire nineteenth century: • a secularized path, which aimed at turning a religious culture into a modern secularized nation, in which the state could replace the religious authority • a religious one, where the national culture had to be represented by a sacral religious institution, like a national and Orthodox Church. Atatürk, who founded the new Turkish republic in about 1923, was the only one to follow the first path – although there were very similar plans for Greece. He closed all the courts of dervish brotherhoods – mainly those of the Mevlevy and Bektashy orders – and forbade their religious activities. Young musicians were sent to Paris and Vienna to create a new academic music culture according to the Western model, presented in urban concert halls and opera houses. Traditional music became the object of academic ethnographic studies and the living oral tradition of Ottoman music, for instance the dance suites composed for the dervish ceremony (ayin i erif), and even improvised forms, like Mevlid or Taksim , were banned and transcribed into staff notation, while the leading traditional musicians, dervishes and hafiz’, like Rauf Yekta Bey, became teachers in the newly founded music academies, in order to take responsibility for the academic transformation of the oral tradition. The second way was taken by nations, whose national Orthodox Church had established its autonomy (autocephalia) from the patriarchate of Constantinople (Istanbul) – by claiming the (usually usurped) right to have an own national patriarchate or exarchate, as in Greece (1833), Bulgaria (1870), Romania (1871), Serbia (1879) and Albania (1929). The process of secularization came later, during the Communist period, when the national identification with the church was reinforced by several repressions of the Communist government. In contrast with this new national orientation, the newborn autocephalous churches and their chant repertoire were based on the old patriarchate in Istanbul, which, in the end, was only responsible for the Christian Orthodox population of Turkey. The medial transformation was marked by the reform of Chrysanthos around 1814, when printed chant books were distributed for the first time with the Greek texts translated (into church Slavonic for Serbia and Bulgaria, and into Romanian for Romania). But it started with the Second Music School of the Patriarchate in the 1870s, two generations earlier, when the melos of the different chant genres was reformulated in a rhythmic style and written down into late Byzantine round notation by Petros Peloponnesios and his students. Many teachers, like Petros himself, had a deep knowledge of the maqāmāt, composed their own maqām pieces, and learned the classical Arabian Persian tradition from Turkish masters, like Grēgorios Prōtopsaltēs, one of 'three great teachers' of the third generation. Prōtopsaltēs transcribed the collected repertoire into modern neume notation. He was a student of the Ottoman composer Ismāil Dede Efendi, who composed seven dance suites in different maqâmât . The suites are still today part of the traditional repertory of the Mevlevy order (i.e. the whirling dervishes in the tradition of the Persian mystic, Jelaluddin Rūmī, called “Mevlana”). The evolution of religious chant between Byzantine, Sephardic, Persian and Arabian singers was more than 1000 years old, when Petros Bereketēs started to use special phthorai, transition models called 'hisar', 'müstear' and 'nisabur' (the names of Ottoman regions). Although he was born on Halkē island (Heybeliada) the location of the university and of the patriarchate about 1665, he never held an office at the patriarchate, and he refused the contemporary way of papadikan and kalophonic singing of the traditional songs (of Panagiotēs, Valasios, and Germanos). But he was the first singer and composer whose completed works were collected in a notated form, which was also an important foundation for teaching at the school of Petros Peloponnesios and a motivation to explore more deeply the relationships between the maqāmāt and the octōēchos . This paper will focus on the experiments in this field, analyzing Muslim and Greek Orthodox chant in comparison. It results from a project to coordinate comparative studies at the Halki Sound Centre, which collaborates with traditional singers from Turkey and Greece. Abstract: Traditional musicians, as well as academic scholars studying Orthodox chant in the Balkans, can easily forget that they are singing and studying a repertory that was created as a reformulation of the living tradition of the late eighteenth century Ottoman Empire, which had been characterized for centuries by communication among Sephardic, Christian and Sufi musicians, who learned from each other. The existence of such exchanges during the Ottoman Empire is often ignored in the cultural memory of a Greek or Bulgarian, who considers this the period of the 'Turkokratia' or 'Turkish yoke'. This study emphasizes the eighteenth century school of Petros Peloponnesios, which reformulated the traditional chant genres (troparic, heirmologic, sticheraric, papadikan & kalophonic) for their transcription into new printed chant books. These books would become the point of departure for nationalized Orthodox repertories of chant in many Balkan countries. The singers at Petros Peloponnesios's school had studied the compositions of Petros Bereketes, whose complete works were collected in a notated form, using transitional models named after seventeenth century Ottoman regions. The same singers also composed maqâmât music and were taught by famous Turkish composers, such as Ismail Dede Efendi – a dervish, who composed seven dance suites in different maqâmât for the ceremony of the whirling dervishes, compositions that are still part of the traditional repertory. Recent studies, like those of Mark Mazower, about the national movements breaking away from the Ottoman Empire, help one to understand better the historical background of this transformation of chant transmission, which occurred in many countries, including Turkey. In this respect, we have several very complex areas of study for each tradition, which, because they require consideration of Islamic as well as of Byzantine music, would benefit from interdisciplinary exchange. This would be the best way to continue the studies of Simon Karas, who could understand the maqâmât only as part of the Hellenic oktōēchos system, and Iannis Zannos, who followed in his footsteps, using the methods of systematic musicology. Aspects of cantus Chair: James Borders 9:55 Charles M. Atkinson Frutolf (?) the magician One of the theoretical innovations most closely associated with the Prologus in tonarium of Bern of Reichenau (d. 1048) is the definition of the church modes as concatenations of species of fourths and fifths. Building upon on the earlier treatise usually identified by its incipit, Prima species , the most complete version of the Prologus not only presents the church modes as conjunctions of species of fourths and fifths, but also situates these on the tone system usually attributed to Pseudo Odo, using both Roman letters and ancient Greek string names. Ironically, however, Bern’s own treatment of the topic is rather far from the version just described. The species of diatessaron and diapente he presents, which are situated firmly on the ancient Greek Immutable System, cannot be combined to form the varying octave species that would make up the eight church modes. The process by which this becomes possible is the work of an interpolator whom Alexander Rausch has identified as Frutolf of Michelsberg (d. 1103). In an act of intellectual legerdemain that Houdini might have admired, the interpolator redefines the elements of Bern’s treatment that were faulty in the first place, ultimately allowing Bern’s own description of the church modes to stand as he wrote it— with the major difference being that it now makes sense. This paper will describe the nature of the problem in Bern’s own approach to the definition of the church modes, and will track the interpolator’s moves as he contrives to allow Bern’s theory of the church modes to make sense with itself. 10:20 Discussion 10:30 Coffee Break Aspects of cantus (cont.) Chair: James Borders 11:00 Gabriella Gilányi Lenten chants on the rising of Lazarus in early Mediterranean antiphoners For Friday of the fourth week in Lent, medieval office sources generally assign two antiphons to the great Gospel Canticles – one to the Benedictus and another to Magnificat – whose texts derive from the Gospel of the day on the story of Lazarus of Bethany. Early antiphoners from the Aquitaine and from Italian areas preserved a wider selection of such chants on Lazarus at the same place in the liturgy. Inspections have revealed that the phenomenon was isolated: these surplus antiphons and responsories are unknown outside the Mediterranean basin. Several questions arise: Where do these chants come from? What is the connection between this group of items and the cult and office of Lazarus in Marseilles? What about the chants of the Lenten Dominica de Lazaro in Ambrosian sources? What can be proven by musical analysis? By collecting the ‘virtual’ series of Lazarus chants and describing them musically, this paper presents some new data about early repertorial connections between Mediterranean rites, Mass and Divine Office, Temporale and Sanctorale. 11:25 Cesarino Ruini Nota Romana in Aemilia. Documentary evidence for the diffusion of Central Italian notation in the diocese of Reggio Emilia For over twenty years, Giacomo Baroffio has been proposing a new interpretative approach, which is reshaping our understanding of the appearance and diffusion of musical notation in Italy ('Le grafie musicali nei manoscritti liturgici del secolo XII nell’Italia settentrionale. Avvio a una ricerca', in IMS Study Group ‘Cantus Planus’: Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting Pécs, Hungary, 3 8 September 1990 , Budapest, 1992, pp. 1 16; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Archivio S. Pietro B 79. Antifonario della Basilica di S. Pietro (Sec. XII) , Roma, 1995, 25 31). In a recent article ('Nota Romana: l’espansione delle notazioni italiane e l’area d’influsso dei Canossa', in Matilde e il tesoro dei Canossa tra castelli, monasteri e città , Milano, 2008, pp. 165 175), he argues that the different ways in which manuscript culture spread appear to be linked to the increasing use of the so called 'Central Italian notation', which he has renamed 'Nota Romana'. A crucial phase in the spread of Nota Romana coincided with the movement for renewal of the Church, which was promoted by the Gregorian Reform and was reflected in the Investiture Controversy (1046 1123) within a political context in which the Canossa dynasty and Countess Matilda, in particular, were involved in a dramatic struggle between Pope Gregory VII and Henry IV. A thirteenth century hymnal from the cathedral in Reggio Emilia, together with a series of parchment fragments recently recovered from bindings in the same area, allow us to make comparisons and establish connections with musical writing in Tuscany. This material provides further documentary evidence to confirm the way the notation spread, as described by Baroffio. In fact, the connections he discovered between Tuscany and Emilia concern two areas situated at the centre of the feudal system governed by the Canossa family. These fragments of historical evidence, which are among the oldest musical documents of the Church in Reggio Emilia, also provide hitherto unknown details regarding local liturgical customs. Nota Romana in Aemilia. Documenti sulla diffusione della notazione dell’Italia centrale nella diocesi di Reggio Emilia Da alcuni decenni Giacomo Baroffio propone nuove linee interpretative e va ridisegnando la mappa della comparsa e della diffusione della notazione musicale in Italia (Le grafie musicali nei manoscritti liturgici del secolo XII nell’Italia settentrionale. Avvio a una ricerca, in IMS Study Group ‘Cantus Planus’: Papers Read at the Fourth Meeting Pécs, Hungary, 3 8 Septembre 1990, Budapest, 1992, pp. 1 16; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Archivio S. Pietro B 79. Antifonario della Basilica di S. Pietro (Sec. XII), Roma, 1995, 25 31). In un recente contributo (Nota Romana: l’espansione delle notazioni italiane e l’area d’influsso dei Canossa, in Matilde e il tesoro dei Canossa tra castelli, monasteri e città, Milano, 2008, pp. 165 175) ha delineato una serie di percorsi di trasmissione della cultura libraria, ai quali appaiono connesse direzioni di espansione della notazione cosiddetta ‘dell’Italia centrale’, che egli ha ribattezzato “Nota Romana”. Un momento cruciale di questa propagazione è concomitante all’affermarsi delle istanze di rinnovamento della vita ecclesiastica, sollecitate dalla Riforma gregoriana e riflesse nella lotta per le investiture (1046 1123), in un contesto politico che vide la dinastia dei Canossa e, prima fra tutti, la contessa Matilde, tra i protagonisti dell’epico scontro tra il papa Gregorio VII e l’imperatore Enrico IV. Un innario duecentesco proveniente dalla cattedrale di Reggio Emila, cui va connessa una serie di pergamene recentemente recuperate da legature in ambito locale, consente di instaurare confronti e stabilire connessioni con grafie musicali di area toscana, corredando di un ulteriore supporto documentario concreto i percorsi di circolazione delineati da Baroffio: i collegamenti individuati tra Toscana ed Emilia interessano infatti due aree collocate esattamente al centro del sistema dei feudi controllati dai Canossa. Queste testimonianze frammentari, tra i più antichi documenti musicali della chiesa reggiana, rivelano inoltre particolari finora sconosciuti sugli usi liturgici locali. 11:55 12:15 Discussion 12:30 Lunch The twelfth century Chair: Jeremy Llewellyn 2 Miriam Monroe Wendling Pitch clarification in twelfth century Bamberg Scribes working for Bamberg Cathedral in the twelfth century began to change the south German neumatic notation they used to copy liturgical books by altering old signs and incorporating new ones. Unlike scribes in other parts of Western Europe, these Bamberg scribes held on to the practice of writing neumes in campo aperto , supported by their own oral tradition, long after staff notation became standard elsewhere. This was not for want of contact with or ignorance of staff notations. Rather, it appears to have been a conscious choice made by those involved in the production of liturgical manuscripts. Five twelfth century manuscripts some which represent collaborative efforts by multiple scribes, as well as several from the thirteenth century demonstrate that the retention of neumes in campo aperto was not without challenges for the community: these sources all contain a variety of signs and methods designed to clarify pitch, while refraining from using a directly pitch specific notation. No key or treatise has been found to introduce the innovative signs to a modern (or medieval) reader. Thus, this research uses scribe based and comparative palaeography to identify the alterations and ‘decode’ the meanings of the neumes. This paper focuses on pitch clarifying procedures, such as those showing the placement of fa , or the upper pitch of the interval of a semitone, within a melody. 2:25 Svetlana Poliakova Sin 319 and Voskr 27: Innovation in Russian liturgical practice at the end of the twelfth century This paper concerns two Russian manuscripts from the twelfth century in the Moscow Historical Museum, the Lenten Triodion, Sinod. 319, and the Pentecostarion, Voskr.27. These books were included in studies by some scholars from Russia and the West. In this communication, which is the result of Ph.D. dissertation research, the place of writing of one of the books and the date of writing of the other are corrected. Following analysis of the texts, semiology and palaeography, it is concluded that both books were written as an integral part of the same group, in one of the scriptoria of Novgorod. The ten Sofisky Menaia, Sinod.159 168, are also attributed to the same set. Regarding the type of liturgical book, Sin 319, Voskr 27 and Sofisky Menaia represent a codex which includes different genres of canticles. These manuscripts are notated with znamenny notation. This notation, in the Russian tradition, can be found mostly in collections of the same genre Sticheraria and Heirmologia. The presence of the texts of contrafacta with znamenny notation in Sin 319, Voskr 27 and Sofisky Menaia makes these multi genre liturgical books unique. The use of the technique of contrafactum in Russia presented more difficulties than in Greek speaking traditions. The complexity of the technique presupposes professional training, the acquisition of which must have taken a considerable amount of time. To this one may add the vast geography of Russia, which conditioned the appearance of a great variety of local contrafacta. By the end of the twelfth century, it became necessary to fix and unify the technique of contrafactum. For this purpose, a new kind of book was created, setting out the “official” version, thereby unifying all the contrafacta. This exemplary set consisted of the Sophia Menaia, Sin 319 and Voskr 27. 2:50 Discussion Central European chant Chair: David Hiley 3 Invited Lecturer 5: Janka Szendrei Rare and unique sequences from a Transylvanian source Medgyes was an important center for the community of German speaking settlers in medieval Hungary. One Proser survived from them, which is an interesting mixture of typical Central European, German, Hungarian and perhaps local repertory. This paper seeks to separate these layers and highlight the unica in the hope that colleagues can identify them. 3:30 Jan Koláček Liturgical and chant transitions in late medieval Bohemian graduals Research tools for studying chant sources of Bohemian provenance from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were integrated into a new database that offers the possibility of systematical research on the repertory and liturgy of Bohemian manuscripts. That its melodic codes are compatible with the Volpiano font and other electronic resources, including the digitized Index of Gregorian Chant (Bryden and Hughes), permits the study of transitions of plainchant in the late medieval Bohemian sources that include a repertory in the vernacular. The comparative approach, based on statistical evaluation of textual and melodic concordances, helps us to find relationships between the sources. Using this method in earlier research, I have found liturgical connections between sixteenth century Bohemian graduals and Lutheran influences, as well as repertorial resemblances in manuscripts originating in the same scriptorium. This paper summarizes the main liturgical tendencies in the late medieval Bohemian graduals and specifies a number of new melodies in the Utraquist mass liturgy. A brief presentation of the Global Chant Database project (www.globalchant.org) will be included in this paper. 3:55 Discussion 4 Coffee Break 4:30 Jurij Snoj The Franciscans in Carniola and their chant In the inner Austrian provinces of Carniola and Styria, the Franciscans had already appeared by the mid thirteenth century. Four Franciscan settlements came into being by the end of the thirteenth century, and they formed part of the 'privoncia Austriae'. During the next two centuries, the number of the Franciscan monasteries increased, and around 1500 there were about ten Franciscan settlements on the territory under consideration, the majority of them belonging to the branch of the Observants. Although there can be no doubt that the Franciscans in Carniola and Styria performed a chanted liturgy, the written documentation of their singing appears to be just partly preserved (or not yet identified). There is a fifteenth century gradual in the monastery of Novo mesto (German: Rudolfswert), and the monastery of Ljubljana boasts a set of manuscripts dating from the very beginning of the sixteenth century, as the 'custodia Carnioliae' was established (in 1517). As expected, these manuscripts, written in square notation, show the characteristics of the liturgy of the Roman Curia. Yet a comparison of the two graduals reveals differences, too. The differences lie not so much in the liturgical calendar and in the order of the chants, but also in their musical shape. The melodic variants to be seen in the graduals make it likely that the two manuscripts do not share the same exemplar; their study leads to a more general consideration of the aesthetic aspects of the history of late plainchant. 4:55 Ana Čizmić The Dubrovnik antiphoner: presentation The Dubrovnik antiphoner is a full antiphoner in four parts, kept in the library of the monastery of Friars Minor in Dubrovnik, Croatia. All four manuscripts are written on parchment by the same scribe. The notation in all four manuscripts is the Italian type of square notation. There are no direct elements to indicate the date or the origin of the manuscript, but the Dubrovnik antiphoner was probably made in the second half of the fifteen century, in an Italian scriptorium. Although the provenance of the manuscript is not known, it can be proven that the antiphoner was used in the monastery of the Friars Minor in Dubrovnik, since the manuscript contains the Franciscan liturgy. A comparison of its content with other sources only confirms this thesis. This is not self evident, because the antiphoner includes no feasts of St. Francis, St. Anthony of Padua or St. Clare, which are saints especially venerated by the Franciscan Order. There is no explanation why these feasts are missing. The office of the Holy Trinity in the Dubrovnik antiphoner is also important proof that the manuscript is a Franciscan source. In Codex F, there are two offices for the Holy Trinity, one of them being a later addition. The office originally found in the manuscript is the versified office, Sedenti super solium from 1279, attributed to John Peckham. The office is not very common, especially when accompanied by music. The other office found in the Dubrovnik antiphoner is, in fact, the earlier Gloria tibi trinitas office, from 920, attributed to Stephen, bishop of Liège. The CANTUS index of the entire Dubrovnik antiphoner has been made. It is the first manuscript from Croatia to be included in the database and, as such, presents an important step towards the international recognition of the medieval musical heritage of Croatia. 5:20 Anette Papp The antiphons of two graduals from Sárospatak that were recently repatriated to Hungary The Protestant College in Sárospatak was founded in 1531, according to tradition. The library opened at the same time as the foundation of the College. The collection includes many valuable printed books, but there were significant losses to it in WWII, when almost 180 of the most valuable volumes in the library were taken to Gorky on the Volga (modern day Nizhniy Novgorod). On 11 November 1992, representatives of Hungary and the Russian Federation agreed to the mutual return of cultural artefacts, and on 21 May 1993, they decided to establish a common Russian Hungarian working commission. At the end of February 2006, after more than six decades, the identified volumes were returned to Hungary, among them the graduals of Csati (1602) and Pathay (early seventeenth century), whose antiphons will be discussed in this presentation. 5:40 Discussion 7 Dinner 8:30 PM: Informal Session: Listening, and Discussion of Recordings THURSDAY August 27 ALL DAY EXCURSION, 9 AM 7:30 PM: Esztergom: Cathedral Library, Christian Museums, Lunch, Latin Vespers in a Franciscan Church, Return to Visegrád by boat then to Dobogókı by bus. 7:30 PM Dinner FRIDAY August 28 Officia sanctorum Chair: Barbara Haggh Huglo 9:00 Roman Hankeln Schwerter und Pflugscharen: Zum Reflex des Geschichtlichen in der liturgischen Einstimmigkeit des Mittelalters Der Heiligen und Reliquienkult hat nicht nur religiöse, sondern auch profangeschichtliche Aspekte. Damit liegt die Frage nahe, welchen konkreten Widerschein diese Aspekte in der Liturgie und der liturgischen Musik für Heilige und Reliquien gefunden haben – und damit vor allem in den Heiligenoffizien des Mittelalters, den sogenannten Historiae und ihren Gesängen. In welchem historischen Kontext stehen die Historiae ? Wie werden Aspekte historischer, gesellschaftlich politischer Relevanz in ihnen reflektiert? Und: Welche Rolle spielt die Musik in diesem Zusammenhang? Die Musikwissenschaft hat diese Fragen bisher nur sehr selten aufgegriffen, in der Historiographie spielen Historiae als historische Quellen bisher keinerlei Rolle. Der Vortrag wird sich diesen Fragen anhand zweier prominenter Fallbeispiele nähern: der Historia zur Ehre Karls des Großen (1170 80) und der Historia zur Ehre der Kaiserin Kunigunde (vor 1280). Neben der Frage nach dem „historischen“ Inhalt der Historiae soll insbesondere die Frage nach seiner musikalischen Formulierung im Vordergrund stehen. Interessant scheint hier insbesondere das Verhältnis präexistenter, traditioneller Formfaktoren zur hochmittelalterlichen musikalischen Realisation zu sein: Inwieweit läßt sich etwa bei Kontrafaktur die bedeutungsstiftende Rolle musikalischer Interpunktion aufgreifen? Wie stellt sich das Verhältnis von präexistentem Vitentext zu Form und Gehalt des darauf basierenden Gesangstextes dar und lassen sich auf dem Feld der Text Musik Interaktion dieser späten Historiae Veränderungen im Hinblick auf die Verfahren klassischer Gregorianik beobachten? 9:25 Henry Parkes The composition of English saints' offices in the tenth and eleventh centuries Recent scholarship on the repertory of tenth and eleventh century English office compositions has placed strong emphasis on musical and literary style . David Hiley (2001), for example, describes the common musical features of specifically ‘non rhymed’ English offices, while Andrew Hughes has regularly used the stylistic features of composition (including versification, rhyme, modal order and rhythmic cursus ) as a means to navigate the repertory. Although Jonsson (1968) has argued against the use of the misleading term ‘rhymed office’, and Björkvall/Haug (2000) have criticised the tendency to create evolutionary stylistic narratives, a basic question remains: how might a medieval monk or cleric have perceived an office? Were the authors and composers of such works aware of specific stylistic trends in office composition, or did they draw inspiration from other musical and literary sources? Synoptic studies, such as Hughes (1989, 1993, 1994), may have given the impression that the early repertory of English saints’ offices was largely homogeneous, but I intend to show that this is far from the case. While manuscript sources of other office compositions may have been freely available to aspiring office composers, it appears that there was no unified approach. Office composition may simply have been a vehicle for individual creativity, or, alternatively, perhaps the devotional nature of the act outweighed any wider kind of artistic considera tion. I shall consider these questions with detailed reference to the office of St. Edmund, an eleventh century composition from Bury Abbey, as well as to the other English offices confidently datable to this period: those for Sts. Cuthbert, Guthlac, Alban, Birinus and Mildreth. By considering the musical treatment of different compositional layers in the St. Edmund office, I will attempt to show how strikingly different attitudes to office composition may have co existed at Bury, and in the English repertory at large. 9:50 Pieter Mannaerts A new source for the liturgical office of St. Vincent Vincent of Saragossa was the first Spanish martyr and knew an early veneration throughout Europe. A liturgical office in his honor was composed, probably during the ninth or the tenth century. The earliest sources stem from the Aquitaine and Toledo. This paper discusses a recently discovered source, a tenth or eleventh century antiphoner fragment from Tongeren (diocese of Liège) found in the Tongeren City Archives (B TOa St Jacobsgasthuis 61). It argues that the new source is important for our understanding of early prose historiae and their dissemination throughout Europe in at least two respects. First, the antiphoner fragment represents an important new element in the transmission of the office. The fragment is the earliest source of the office from the region north of Paris, and pre dates not only the antiphoners from northern France and eastern Europe known today, but also (most of) the quotations of chants from the office in theoretical treatises, such as the Commentarius in Micrologum , the Quaestiones in musica , or Elias Salomo’s Scientia artis musicae . Second, there is evidence from this and other liturgical sources in Tongeren to suggest that the veneration of Vincent in Tongeren most likely came from the Parisian abbey of St. Germain des Prés. A detailed study of the text and music of the office, and of the arrangment of the chants in the fragment, allow us to date the office more precisely. 10:15 Andrea Kovács Un officio sconoscuto di Santo Gerardo di Csanád Nel 1083, per iniziativa del re Ladislao furono canonizzati il re Stephano, il principe Emerico, il vescovo Gerardo e gli eremiti Andrea e Benedetto. Quasi subito cominciava l'elaborazione degli uffici dei santi nuovi e cosí alla fine del Cinquecento quattro tra di loro avevano uno o due uffici ritmici composti in Ungheria. Finora sapevamo che per la festa del personaggio quinto della canonizzazione cumulative non nacque un ufficio proprio. Secondo I fonti ungheresi eccetto l'orazione, le lettere e un'antifona al Magnificat il commune martire fu suonato nel giorno di Gerardo. Questa ipotesi é stata invalidate dalla sopravvenienza di un ufficio complete di Gerardo in un breviario medievale di Zagreb. Alle domande seguenti cerchiamo la risposta: C'é relazione tra l'ufficio ungherese e quello veneziano unico noto? Che fonti fuerono utilizzati dal compilatore del testo? Quando, dove e perché fu composto questo ufficio? 10:40 Discussion 11 Coffee Break Officia sanctorum (cont.) Chair: Debra Lacoste 11:30 David Hiley The chants for St. Verena of Zurzach and other historiae of the Lake Constance region St. Verena (1 September), who ended her days at Zurzach on the Rhine, is a popular saint in Switzerland, but her liturgical office is practically unknown. Its texts were edited in Analecta Hymnica from an unnotated source, the only one known until recently. Now, however, a second source has been discovered, and this contains all the melodies on staff notation. In the present paper, a discussion of the historia for St. Verena leads into a comparative survey of the proper offices presently known from the area around Lake Constance. 11:55 Sarah Long The office of the Translation of St. Nicholas in fifteenth century Parisian confraternity manuscripts The study of Parisian trade and devotional confraternity liturgies in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries has often been overshadowed by musicological scholarship focused on major ecclesiastical and monastic institutions. Due to this, numerous monophonic masses and offices appearing in Parisian confraternity manuscripts have remained virtually unknown. One of these sources, Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS 464, was produced in the fifteenth century for the confraternity of the Grocers, who met at St. Victor, and it contains a monophonic votive mass and several offices in honor of St. Nicholas, their patron saint. The antiphons and hymns used during Vespers, Matins and Lauds for the office of the Translation of St. Nicholas in this source, when compared to those found in manuscript and printed service books for the diocesan usage, shows that the confraternity of the Grocers had developed a unique liturgical practice based on foreign and newly composed material that was in no way connected to the order of service followed at Notre Dame Cathedral or in parish churches in the city. Some of this specialized material is also found in other Parisian confraternity manuscripts, thus indicating conventions in the usage of non diocesan chants in confraternity devotions. When this data is viewed in correlation with the personal contact among members of these communities and other organizations, the study reveals how office chant repertories traveled at the time and illustrates the multiplicity of liturgical practices in the diocese of Paris. 12:20 James Boyce (to be read by James Borders) Honoring one of their own: the Carmelite office of St. Albert of Sicily Albert of Sicily was the first Carmelite to be venerated as a saint within the Order. Born in Trapani, Sicily around 1240, Albert entered the Carmelite monastery there and was ordained in 1289; by the time of his death in Messina, Sicily, on 7 August, 1307, he had already acquired a reputation for sanctity, which was later commemorated in his vita and liturgical celebrations. A proper feast for Albert was only established by the General Chapter of Bonn of 1411, which legislated that it be celebrated as a duplex on the day of St. Donatus, that is, 7 August; Albert was to be celebrated as a confessor not a bishop, with all the office texts to be taken from the common until a proper office could be developed. Pope Callistus III approved his cult in 1457, and Pope Sixtus IV ratified it in his bull Caelestis aulae militum of 31 May 1476. Texts for a proper office for Albert came even later, since his vita was only written by Joannes Maria Poluciis (d. 1505), a Carmelite of the Mantuan congregation, in 1499. This rhymed office, O Alberte norma munditie , was composed from texts based on the vita , while the hymns were written by the Carmelite Blessed Baptist of Mantua. So well respected was this office that its texts, and perhaps some of its music, continued to be used after the Council of Trent. Using texts from a printed Carmelite breviary of 1495 and music from surviving early modern liturgical manuscripts, the paper will demonstrate how the Carmelites shaped the liturgy of St. Albert, and how they used it as a model for their own spiritual life in the later Middle Ages and early modern period. 12:45 Discussion 1 Lunch Liturgical sounds; liturgical drama Chair: Anna Vildera 2:30 Thomas László Csanády : On the meaning of cymbals in the daily life and liturgy of the Canons Regular in the High Middle Ages Cymbals in antiquity were small, concave plates of copper or bronze used as percussion instruments in connection with the temple service. They were hand held or fixed to short wooden bars and played by one hand. Sometimes cymbala are mentioned as nothing but a kind of disc of some hard wood or metal, used like a gong. The description of the instrument goes back to the ecclesiastical writers of the early Christian centuries, like Augustine, and was often reproduced by later medieval writers. The illuminations of manuscripts from the tenth century onwards show us that the Middle Ages applied the word to little bells without a clapper, which were struck by a small hammer. Among other medieval handwritten sources, the Consuetudines of the Augustinian Canons Regular of Klosterrath (nowadays Rolduc in the Netherlands), as well as some manuscripts from Seckau in Upper Styria in Austria (today at the University Library of Graz) from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, reveal the use of cymbals in the daily life of religious communities. 2:55 Nils Holger Petersen, Drama, liturgy and performativity: The ludus magnus (c. 1205) in Henry of Livonia’s chronicle Henry of Livonia’s thirteenth century chronicle about Christianizing efforts in the Baltic region contains a short description of a ludus magnus , a ludus prophetarum ordinatissimus used for missionary purposes. Although the account only gives vague informations about the play and its performance, the description is suggestive in the context of ‘liturgical drama’, bringing with it associations to the term ordo prophetarum and – because of the representation of armies and wars in the ludus magnus – to the ludus de Antichristo . In the paper, I shall discuss the mentioned passage from the chronicle in the light of other contemporary evidence, involving also statements and criticisms concerning dramatic representation at the time in the Medieval Latin Church, e.g. by Pope Innocent III. Henry of Livonia’s mentioned passage also raises questions concerning performative aspects in the described event. Taking this example as a point of departure, and bringing in Erika Fischer Lichte’s modern theory of performativity, I shall widen the perspective to a general discussion of performativity in devotional ceremonies of the Medieval Latin Church. 3:20 Stefan Engels Zum Wesen liturgischer Spiele Die Grenze zwischen Ritus und Spiel im Mittelalter scheint fließend zu sein. Liturgie selbst kann bereits als heiliges Spiel aufgefasst werden. Dennoch unterscheiden sich liturgische Spiele entscheidend vom Ritus selbst. Liturgische Dramen (wie die berühmte „visitatio sepulchri“, das Osterspiel am Ende des Morgenoffiziums des Ostersonntages) wachsen aus den liturgischen Prozessionen verschiedenen Typs heraus. Liturgische Prozessionen (v.a. Lichtmess, Palmsonntag, symbolische Grablegung und Aufnahme eines Kreuzes während der Karliturgie, visitatio sepulchri ) scheinen im Gegensatz zu anderen Umgängen wie den Prozessionen am Markustag oder an den drei Tagen vor Christi Himmelfahrt durchaus Spielcharakter zu haben, wenn dies auch kontrovers diskutiert wird. Sie erinnerten an eine bestimmte Begebenheit (z.B. den Einzug Jesu in Jerusalem am Palmsonntag) und vergegenwärtigten sich durch bestimmte dramatisierte Elemente wie symbolische Handlungen, Gesten oder Gesänge. Finden wir hier Nährboden für das liturgische Spiel? Äußeres Kennzeichen dafür, dass es sich beim liturgischen Drama um ein Spiel innerhalb der Liturgie und nicht mehr um eine symbolische Handlung innerhalb des Ritus handelt, ist in den Rubriken der liturgischen Bücher die Bezeichnung mit konkreten Personennamen. So ist in der visitatio sepulchri bei den angeführten Gesängen von „mulieres“ die Rede, ebenso von „angelus“, von „Petrus“ und „Johannes“; die Spielrolle und nicht mehr die Darsteller werden bezeichnet. Dennoch sind liturgische Spiele durchaus Teile der offiziellen Liturgie, sie werden in liturgischen Büchern (Libri ordinarii, Ritualia und Prozessionalia) aufgezeichnet, ihre Durchführung ist verpflichtend. Davon streng zu unterscheiden sind die so genannten “Mysterienspiele” des späten Mittelalters. Sie verwenden zwar Texte aus der Liturgie, sind aber von ihr unabhängig. Mysterienspiele treten die Nachfolge der liturgischen Spiele in einer veränderten Gesellschaft an: nicht mehr der Klerus, sondern die Bürger sind Träger der Spiele, die an den Hauptfesten des Kirchenjahres aufgeführt werden, etwa in Tirol. Die Spiele bestehen aus gesprochenen Texten, enthalten aber auch Gesänge in dramatisierter Form, die der Liturgie entlehnt sind und das Spiel umrahmen. Es handelt sich dabei nicht um Theater in unserem Sinn, sondern um eine Meditation bzw. Auslegung der Evangeliumsperikope der Messe des jeweiligen Festtages, ist also wie das liturgische Spiel ein religiöser Akt. Nicht zuletzt wird auf diese Weise eine Brücke zurück zu den antiken Mysterienspielen geschlagen. 3:45 Coffee Break 4 Preorganized session: Dialogic texts in Gregorian chant Coordinator and Chair: Anna Vildera , introduced by Nils Holger Petersen Introduction Not only do the so called liturgical dramas contain texts in dialogue. They are also found in other formularies (offices of saints) or forms (Passion). Particular examples (antiphons, responsories) of Gregorian chant may be considered, even if not properly, potential liturgical dramas, because of their texts which compose or presuppose a dialogue. Therefore, this session intends to reposition research on instances with dialogic texts in Gregorian chant that are close to those in liturgical dramas, in order to survey the dramatic attitude of the medieval composers on a differentiated range of examples. The first of the subjects discussed are chant forms and formularies that do not belong properly to dramatic offices; then liturgical drama is considered, with the secondary aim of observing the distance (or the closeness) between these two formal divisions, 'chant' and 'drama'. The papers combine specific critical considerations (the definition of the Roman Passion tone, the tradition of the chant for St. Apollinaris, the office of St. Daniel, priest and martyr, the Hungarian tradition of the Officium stellae , and Paduan liturgical dramas), with the common presence of dialogic texts. This variety of themes is expressly wished and responds to the will to face the main subject of the session from different points of view. Part 1. Normal forms and formularies (1) The gospel Passio is one of the most classic examples of a dialogic liturgical text: setting Guidetti’s tonus Passionis in a wider Italian context, Diego Toigo will try to clarify its relationship with the present tonus Romanus and to underline, by a comparison with other sources, the space open to the dramatic performance of Christ’s suffering on the Cross. (2) Cristina Di Zio devotes her attention to only one antiphon included in the office of St. Apollinaris, the patron saint of Ravenna: this single antiphon, at a key point of the legenda related to the saint, is presented as direct speech, and that reveals its dialogic direction. So it becomes fundamental to specify the way by which this chant is linked with its context. (3) Anna Vildera argues that the office of St. Daniel, a minor patron saint of Padua, applies dialogic narrative parameters to all its parts: it is another example of a standard hagiographic story that might easily be transformed into a dramatic office. Part 2. Special formularies: liturgical dramas (4) To approach such a well known liturgical drama as the Officium stellae and its variants, Nausica Morandi, besides treating this subject with philological care, focuses on an element in the drama that is sometimes developed further: this is the figure of the angel, recurring in many examples of liturgical and not strictly liturgical drama. (5) The last paper, read by Lanfranco Menga, concludes the session with concrete instances of dramatic offices that were recently performed, which introduce many problems connected with the differences between past and present location, of restoring parts that are only named in the manuscripts, and of replacing chants sung cum organo without any other indication but the rubric. Individual papers 4:00 Diego Toigo The Roman Passion tone: from Guidetti's edition (1586) to the new Editio typica (1917) Giovan Domenico Guidetti’s Cantus ecclesiasticus Passionis was edited in Rome in 1586 by Alessandro Gardano. The work, considered an important source of the authentic Roman Passion tone, had immediate fame in Italy and over the Alps; it was often reprinted in the course of the following centuries, and by means of the Pustet editions, it survived into the beginning of the twentieth century. Finally, in 1917, it was set aside as a spurious and late tone, in favour of a new and presumed authentic Roman Passion tone, which was studied in Solesmes and published among the new Vatican Editions by the decree of Pope Benedict XV. This paper contributes to the definition of the Roman Passion tone, reconsidering Guidetti’s work in light of what emerges from a wider recognition of notated sources of the Passion between the late Middle Ages and the sixteenth century, in Rome and Italy. In particular, it appears that Guidetti’s Passion tone, contrarily to the other one of 1917, can easily be situated within an Italian tradition to which fourteenth and fifteenth century sources already testify. As far as the melodic behavior of the recitative is concerned, we can notice in Guidetti’s tone a certain tendency to melodic ornamentation in punctuation formulae. This is not evident in the new Roman tone that was studied at Solesmes. On the other hand, we have no evidence in the original Guidetti tone of those dramatic amplifications that are connected to the narration of the crucifixion and death of Christ, which were imputed by scholars at Solesmes to the bad taste of the decadent centuries. Those dramatic events, so emphasized in other Italian traditions, are rather simply and soberly delivered in Guidetti's tone. 4:40 Cristina Di Zio The Office of St. Apollinaris in the manuscript 'Nn' of Fonte Avellana St. Apollinaris is the principal patron saint of Ravenna. The legend that he was sent by St. Peter to evangelize that area and to found a new church, of which he was bishop and martyr, was always believed to be a true story. The ‘Passio’ written in the seventh century is based on this fact and on miracles he produced. The text of the office, which survives in eleventh and twelfth century antiphoners related to Ravenna, shows a number of textual parallels with the Passio . The worship of St.Apollinaris spread throughout Italy, and for this reason, it is possible to find chants for this saint in manuscripts from Venice, Florence, Rome and Benevento. The office written in those sources shows differences in some texts and their order; nevertheless, each one contains the dramatic antiphon that re echoes the mandate of St. Peter: 'Surge, accipe Spiritum Sanctum simulque pontificatum, et perge ad urbem que vocatur Ravenna'. Our comparison of these sources demonstrates a new approach to the study of the texts and music of this office. The study of the dramatic aspects is related particularly to the long Office for St. Apollinaris in manuscript 'Nn' from the Archive of the monastery of Fonte Avellana. 5:05 Anna Vildera Dramatic frames in the office of St. Daniel, levita et martyr of Padua The offices of saints are not only a liturgical expression of Christian devotion, or a mere historia of people whose life is presented to the believers as a model to follow. Thanks to an organic combination of text and music, sections of the office (for instance: 1. antiphon ad Magnificat of first Vespers, ad Benedictus , ad Magnificat of second Vespers; 2. Matins antiphons; 3. Matins responsories and Lauds antiphons) offer different kinds of liturgical drama, where the teller’s story is enriched by dialogues that are generally drawn from the Passiones or Vitae sanctorum . The office of sanctus Daniel levita , Paduan martyr (I Pc B 14, beginning of the fourteenth century), may exemplify this point of view, because it contains three different versions of a potential liturgical drama. Furthermore, in some cases it is quite evident that the text guides the composer of the music to utter dramatic gestures: in order to prove this, some levels of connection between text and music will be investigated, mainly related to choices of melodic style and of the tonal significance of single notes or patterns. Indeed, the organization of a normal liturgical office, completely lacking in scenic apparatus, but also very close to a sacred drama with music, might have actually developed a 'format' that would last in time and stimulate the later composers of the oratorio. 5:30 Nausica Morandi Györ's Officium stellae within a European network of Epiphany dramas This paper examines the relationship between the Hungarian Officium stellae tradition of Györ, of significance for its own peculiarities and geographic position, and other linked European traditions. The comparison shows Györ’s elements of originality and novelty, connections to other sources, and similarities and differences in textual, musical, liturgical and dramaturgical plans interacting with each other. In a system of synchronic and diachronic comparisons, I intend to present considerations about text tradition, a synopsis of the chants’ succession and musical analysis, taking the problems of adiastematic sources into consideration. The dramatic plot and dramaturgical ties are considered from particular rubrics, an 'intertextual' notation beyond notation that is fundamental not only for representation, but also for giving prescriptions for: musical execution, expressive mimic codes, characters’ rules and their characterization, theatrical costume and its connotations, scenic sub codes, over coding of voice projection, proxemic and kinesic codes. Special attention will be given to chants added in the margins of Györ’s Officium stellae that have coeval, later traditions (from Bilsen, Freising, Fleury, Rouen), and they also include Gospels and scripture. Finally, assumptions about the musical and dramatic meaning of chants added in the drama's framework will be formulated. 5:55 Lanfranco Menga Realizzare oggi un Dramma liturgico La riproposta in tempi moderni degli uffici drammatici padovani (I Pc C 55, C56, sec. XIV XV) pone una serie di problemi di varia natura. In primo luogo si pone la questione dei luoghi e degli spazi da utilizzare: infatti, come si può ricavare dalle indicazioni del liber ordinarius della cattedrale di Padova (I Pc E 57, terzo quarto del XIII secolo), gli uffici sono stati pensati e programmati per una realizzazione che prevedeva il coinvolgimento di molti spazi: la sacrestia dei canonici, il chiostro, il battistero ed alcune cappelle laterali. La profonda trasformazione di questi spazi avvenuta in epoca rinascimentale ha completamente stravolto la situazione rendendo di fatto impossibile una riproposta pura e semplice dei drammi liturgici “come erano e dove erano”. Si rende quindi necessario un ripensamento delle azioni sceniche, non solo delle processioni, ma anche delle vere azioni drammatiche, che nel Medioevo tendevano a non coinvolgere l’altare maggiore con il relativo presbiterio, ma soprattutto alcune cappelle laterali. Questa situazione fa sorgere una domanda legittima: chi poteva realmente ‘vedere’ queste azioni sceniche? In sostanza, chi erano i reali destinatari e fruitori di questa drammatizzazione? Dalla lettura delle rubriche sembra chiaro che i veri destinatari non fossero i fedeli bensì gli “attori”, cioè il clero stesso nelle sue varie componenti (vescovo, canonici, chierici, pueri , etc.), che a vario titolo era protagonista e destinatario degli uffici drammatici. Una realizzazione in tempi moderni deve quindi tener conto anche di questo problema, in quanto gli attuali fruitori sono distinti dagli esecutori e questo comporta un ripensamento degli spazi ed un condizionamento notevole nella realizzazione scenica. Le immagini proposte possono meglio far comprendere alcune soluzioni possibili, tenendo conto del fatto che è necessario cambiare tali soluzioni a seconda del luogo in cui si realizza concretamente l’azione scenica. 6:20 Discussion 7 Dinner SATURDAY August 29 Early Medieval France Chair: Charles Atkinson 9:00 Rev. Jerome F. Weber Gallican chant before the Oktoechos (with written response by Michel Huglo) Two recent recordings have focused attention on the survival of Gallican chants in the post Carolingian repertoire: 1. Dom Jean Claire’s article on modality of 1975 has not received extensive evaluation, as László Dobszay pointed out in 1995. Dom Claire’s discussion of his theory with Thomas Forrest Kelly, “Modality in western chant: an overview,” appeared in Plainsong and Medieval Music in 2008. One of the few attempts to illustrate his argument on records is “Quand le chant grégorien s’appelait chant messin.” The recording, by the Scola Metensis under Marie Reine Demollière, presents groups of chants on the corde de re, corde de do and corde de mi , the first of these being of purportedly Gallican origin. 2. Fred Schneyderberg, writing booklet notes for a recording titled 'Cantus Gallicanus', describes 'a new method for rediscovering the Gallican tradition'. He states that until recently, Gallican chants were identified according to extra musical criteria, such as provenance. He proposes identifying Gallican chants by their tonal characteristics. The Schola Trunchiniensis under Frans Mariman sings a variety of chants to exemplify the argument. 9:25 Marit Høye Two early Kyrie chants Kyrie 39 and Kyrie 55 are two of the earliest notated Kyrie chants. Both have manuscript concordances in the first half of the tenth century. The two melodies share some melodic features, but previous research differs in the view on their relationship. Peter Wagner (1921) regarded Kyrie 39 and Kyrie 55 as two versions of the same melody, while David Bjork (1977) dismissed this view on the basis of stylistic and historical evidence. This paper will explore the relationship between the melodies further. David Bjork singled out Kyrie 55 with the Latin text Tibi Christe supplices and described the chant as '…probably one of the oldest Kyries we know now' (Bjork 1981, p. 16). Bjork suggested that Kyrie 55 might have been written as early as the end of the ninth century (see also Bjork 1977, p. 218 and Bjork 2003, p. 102). Richard Crocker also placed this Kyrie in the ninth century and stated that Kyrie 55 was the only Kyrie in the known repertory that dated from before its split into East and West Frankish parts (Crocker 1990, p. 276). Anders Ekenberg (1987, p. 48) placed Kyrie 55, Tibi Christe supplices , in the ninth century by referring to Bjork's work. David Hiley added nuance to this view: 'It is not clear if there survive among the oldest recorded melodies any compositions from earlier centuries' (Hiley 1993, p. 152). However, he allowed for the possibility that the three Kyries Kyrie 55, Kyrie 68 and Kyrie 155 might be of an older origin (Hiley 1996, p. 837). The relationship between Kyrie 39 and Kyrie 55 is particularly interesting, due to the proposed status of Kyrie 55 as one of the oldest surviving Kyrie chants. Thus, this discussion of their relationship has possible implications for a more general view of the melodic shape of the Kyrie chant as well. 9:55 Robert Bernagiewicz Some traces of the ‘Enchiriadis’ system in the Justus ut palma graduals We still cannot reconstruct the entire early history of the group of second mode graduals and say much about the origin of its melodic material with certitude. According to scholars, responses were composed in Gaul later than verses or might have also been Gallican compositions. The second supposition is supported by the existence of some traces of the ‘Enchiriadis’ tonal system that I have discovered in the melodies of such responses. From the very beginning of diastemacy, the Justus ut palma graduals were notated in transposition: on the final la , or two whole tones under the final re , because of a specific modal structure (two whole tones under the final re ). The notation in transposition permitted the avoidance of B flat, which was outside of the Guidonian system. The gradual Graz 807 is the only manuscript to notate B flat without changes. This gradual applies a letter sign 'B' before the neumes. Having this possibility, the scribe could write all of the second mode graduals on the original level – on the final re. Other early diastematic manuscripts have found different solutions for the problematic notes. The older Aquitanian and Beneventan manuscripts place the problematic notes 'two spaces' under the final note. In fact, the notes were not 'problematic' for the copyists who were not using key signatures: in those days, copyists did not think according to the Guidonian staff, which imposed exact pitch levels. One later Aquitanian manuscript – Yrx903 – changes Bb systematically to A (surely a copyist thinks of second mode graduals as re level compositions). The transpositional notation of our graduals had 'lateral' effects. It changed the melodic structure of the upper octave of responses: B natural in the final melisma becomes B flat (fa) when transposed by a fifth. There is proof that originally the pitch in the final melisma was indeed B natural and not B flat. The only tonal system with B flat in the lower octave and B natural in the upper octave is the daseian musical system in the described in Musica enchiriadis . A reconstructed melody of the response of the Justus ut palma graduals fits the daseian system perfectly. Thus, the melody was likely composed in the old Gallican modal system – a real musical system and not a theoretical one. It means that the melodic material of the Justus ut palma gradual's response is, without fail, of Gallican origin. These findings about a piece based strictly on the daseian musical system demonstrate that what was formerly understood as a purely theoretical system in fact supplied practical applications. My research findings are also a contribution to the early history of the mass repertory. 10:20 Discussion 10:30 Coffee Break Patterns and maps Chair: Christian Troelsgård 11 Pavlos Erevnidis Exploring Hagiopolitan topoi: vocabularies and patterns of explanations Any comprehensive and ongoing comprehension of a medieval theoretical treatise must include an intertextual approach in order to reveal its wider rhetorical environment. This environment consists of a particular vocabulary (or vocabularies) and of patterns of explanation (i.e., standard phraseological units for describing musical or other phenomena), as was characteristic of the medieval 'art of thinking'. We can use these patterns of explanation of a source in useful ways (even if at first we do not understand their original meanings), for example, as communication points with other medieval disciplines. In this way, the patterns provide a basis for understanding the original content and the degree of intra cultural consciousness therein. On a second level, we can exploit them as conceptual units of a tradition, which necessarily have a chronology that permits the investigation of earlier stages (or different geographies) of such a tradition. The fourteenth century manuscript, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, ancien fonds grec 360, contains a treatise on music theory, known as the Hagiopolítes, which verbally correlates its content with the ecclesiastical environment of Jerusalem (Hagía Pólis, the Holy City). It seems that the material of this treatise represents a particular theoretical domain in medieval music not only of Byzantine cultural geography. Since the Paris manuscript represents the last stage of this tradition, I choose to isolate it from other late Byzantine music theoretical writings (which may represent different theoretical streams) and to consider its vocabulary and explanation patterns within a wider context, that of the varied Eastern and Western medieval scholarly environments. I hope thereby to detect earlier layers of this tradition and to distinguish its historical geography. 11:25 Alexej Jaropolov From orbit to landscape the deployment of the oktoechos ('Orbit' used as a term from group theory in mathematics. Example: if group G acts on set X, the orbit of element x of X is the set of elements of X to which x can be moved by the elements of G. If both G and X are finite [like the planet at the center of an astronomical orbit] then the size of any orbit is a factor of the order of the group G by the orbit stabilizer theorem and the set of all orbits is denoted by X/G.) One of the major Russian theoretical sources from the seventeenth century, manuscript # 219 of 'Pevcheskoe sobranije', a collection in the State Historical Museum in Moscow, contains the following words: 'there are seven pometa’s [pitch signs whose relationship to a scale is unknown] (a kind of martiria [in Byzantine notation, signatures giving the pitch to a singer]): they give direct measuring soglasijas [they indicate the regular associations of degrees in the trichords], which each contain three pomety's , because pometa " nash " converges with pometa "pokoj ", and pometa "tochka " with pometa "vedi " [names for the pomety's ]'. In this rather obscure phrase, one recognizes one of the paradigmatic topics of music theory the reconciliation of diatonic tetrachords and octachords (triphonia and heptaphonia), and the related problems of the mutual disposition of authentic and plagal modes. The narrow ambitus of the formulas that were characteristic of monophonic Znamenny chant, and the techniques whereby pometa's are identified with one another, resembling Guidonian mutations, seem to mask the following conflict the literal meaning of the neume always implies the possibility of transposition up a fourth (as suggested by the treatises) or up an octave (as results from performance practice). Moreover, the resulting accumulation of the results of these two types of transpositions, upwards and downwards (as is suggested by the additional specifications of pometa's , which occur frequently), runs through all possible meanings provided by the given (e.g. Guidonian) scale. In this context, the totality of the possible meanings of the neume always looks like an orbit every pitch can be 'reached' from any other pitch by a finite number of transpositions. On the other hand, if the possibility of enharmonic equality (F= E sharp etc.) is provided, it is always possible to return to a starting pitch that constantly moves forwards, i.e. without any regression hence 'the orbit'. Mathematicians would say that the set of pitches is 'closed under the operation of transpositions'. That would make deciphering of the kriuks/kryuks [English: 'hook', here meaning Znamenny neumes] at least theoretically feasible.Yet nobody knows exactly which scale was used by the Znamenny singers, at least before the seventeenth century, and it is doubtful that they would adhere consistently to the same scale, even within the same 'composition', thus nobody can 'provide' the possibility of enharmonic equality. So, if one weakens the requirement of the literal meaning of the neume and restricts oneself to the discovery of the set of possible orbits (that would not contradict the Znamenny notation), then the melodic substrate underlying the graphic signs would be conceived of as an ordered ensemble of different, but related scales, rather than as one single scale. It may weaken the statements about single kriuks, yet their combinations would look more predictable and comprehensible. It would also facilitate the comparison of Russian medieval music theory statements with the methods of other 'medieval' disciplines, dealing with notions of time and measurement tentatively, of course. For example, the so called Velikij mirotvornyj krug ( megala indiction ) ['Great Cosmogony Circle ('big' indiction)]= the Easter indication in a time span of 532 years) in some of its representations displays affinity with the Koukouzelian wheel; the so called vrutselet , a mnemotechnical instrument, which assists with the reckoning of the date of Easter and uses phalanxes [finger bones] in a way similar to that of Guido [each phalanx represents a position in the decimal system decimals, hundreds, thousands, etc. The left hand stands for the lunar cycle of 19 years; the right hand for the solar cycle of 28 years]. The fate of heretical astrology treatises in sixteenth and seventeenth century Russia, and the key role of mnemotechnical means in semi oral cultures make this analogy useful. The comparison of Slavonic and Byzantine oktaicha ( Thearhio neumati Bogonachal’nym manoveniyem ) chants that 'surf' through all modes, demonstrates a certain selectivity in the behavior of the modes. That leads to conclusions about the possible orbits of the kriuks. Performance Questions Chair: Gábor Kiss 11:50 Geert Maessen Music notation for performing tenth century chant Several notations are available to the modern performer who seeks to recreate the sound of tenth century chant. The aim of this paper is to discuss the usability of the extant options and to introduce, for the first time in an international context, an original notational system called Fluxus. It shall be argued that the latter notation, which has been under development since 1996, offers an unprecedented amount of historical detail to the chant singer. For the performance of tenth century chant, there appear to be two major problems. First, tenth century sources do not provide definite pitches and, second, the meaning of specific details of their notation is not always clear. Hence, singing directly from these sources is no viable option, while the later medieval sources omit tenth century detail. There appear to be two types of editions for performing tenth century chant, which, as I shall argue, each present difficulties of various sorts. First, we have editions in square (or modern) notation with added tenth century neumes, such as the Graduale Triplex (1979). Second, we have editions in which square (or modern) notation is adapted according to specific interpretations of chant, as in the Graduale Lagal (1984). Introducing Fluxus, I shall demonstrate how this notational system presents tenth century neumes on staves. I argue that the suggestive strength of tenth century neumes is here preserved in a notation that also represents definite pitches. While one sings, the neumes can be interpreted without the obtrusive interference of theory. Pitches and neumes come together as close as they might have in the tenth century. For a chant performance from Fluxus, see the ensemble Gregoriana at YouTube, http://www.gregoriana.nl/0218live recordings.htm 12:20 Karin S. Lagergren Monastic liturgical singing after the Second Vatican Council This paper presents the results of an ethnomusicological investigation about the contemporary use and function of liturgical singing in 21 Catholic monasteries with emphasis on Gregorian chant. The monasteries are located in Sweden, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Norway. The Second Vatican Council gave rise to a multitude of new liturgical strategies, which fall into three main categories: 1. to continue to sing the Gregorian melodies with Latin texts as they appear in the editions from Solesmes, 2. to sing Gregorian melodies to vernacular texts with the melodies adapted slightly to the accentuation of the vernacular, 3. to sing newly composed music to texts in the vernacular. In reality, these categories are often mixed. Monasteries following category 1 are few, but they are important in shaping the ideology around monastic Gregorian chant in Latin. Two themes will be discussed in this paper. The first is the process of re Gregorianization. Several monasteries that stopped singing Gregorian chant completely or partially after Vatican II are today in the process of reintroducing parts of the liturgy in Latin as sung to Gregorian melodies, mainly during the mass and on feast days. Their reasons for this, as well as the way in which they realize it, will be discussed. The second theme discussed concerns different contemporary approaches to adapting music to vernacular texts. A few approaches, mainly from Sweden and Great Britain, will be discussed. 12:45 Announcements 1 Lunch Bus Transfer to Budapest Short biographies of participants: Thomas Csanady Staff member at the Center for the Study of Printed and Written Heritage (ZEBS) of the Karl Franzens University of Graz, and staff member of the University Library of Graz in charge of Special Collections of papers. Studies in theology and postgraduate studies in information technology and librarianship in Graz and Vienna. Ph.D. in the medieval history of liturgy. Research on the liturgical origin of the diocese of Seckau. Oliver Gerlach Studied in Heidelberg, Basel and Berlin (Humboldt University). In 2000, he founded Ensemble Ison to explore improvised forms like florid organum (ars organi) and several forms used in kalophonic chant. During field research in Bulgaria, the ensemble’s singers could learn from traditional singers. Oliver Gerlach’s research methods combine field research and performance practice with historical studies, including paleographic studies. In his Ph.D. dissertation of 2006, entitled “In the Oktōēchos Labyrinth”, he approaches a certain tendency in Eastern (kalophōnia) and Western chant (organum) to find a mode on every pitch of the scale. The paper of this conference is related to the coordination of comparative studies planned in the Halkē Sound Centre, which collaborates with traditional singers from Turkey and Greece. Geert Maessen Finished studies in Architecture and Philosophy. In 1982, he was introduced to Gregorian Chant by the Benedictine monks of Mamelis in the Netherlands. He sang in Wim van Gerven's Schola in Amsterdam from 1986 to 2006. Geert produces braille scores for the blind and invented an internationally recognised braille standard for chant. In 1996, he invented the non interpretative Fluxus notation for Gregorian Chant (St. Gall on lines). He transcribed a large part of the repertory (especially responsories and offertories) for performance with his ensemble, Gregoriana. See: http://www.gregoriana.nl / Cesarino Ruini Professor of Musical Palaeography and History of Medieval and Renaissance Music at the “Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia”, University of Bologna. He has done research and has published widely on medieval music treatises and the tradition of liturgical chants in the Latin Church. Using his background in musicology, history and literature, he has investigated topics relating to the sources of theoretical reflection on music and the heritage of Gregorian chants in relation to performing practice. He has emphasized the mutual influence between oral and written tradition as manifestations of a wider cultural context. He has edited the Italian section of the catalogue of medieval music manuscripts for RISM. Currently, he is general editor of the “Regole della musica”, a series of editions of medieval music treatises with Italian translation and commentary, for the publishing house SISMEL (Società Internazionale per lo Studio del Medioevo Latino) – Edizioni del Galluzzo, Florence . C. RUINI BIBLIOGRAPHY I manoscritti liturgici della Biblioteca musicale L. Feininger presso il Castello del Buonconsiglio di Trento , 2 voll, Trento, Provincia Autonoma di Trento – Servizio beni librari e archivistici, 1998 2002. FRANCHINO GAFFURIO, Theorica musice . Testo latino e italiano. (with I. Illuminati), Firenze, SISMEL Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2005. “Il Frammento Mischiati dell’Archivio di Stato di Reggio nell’Emilia”, in Magnificat Dominum Musica nostra , ed. by P. Mioli, Bologna, Patron, 2007, pp. 151 153 “Il futuro della musica medievale”, in Il Saggiatore musicale , XIII/2, 2006, pp. 349–354 “Sui criteri di edizione di testi e musiche dell’Archivio Petrarca in musica”, in: Petrarca e i compositori fiamminghi , Convegno internazionale intorno al progetto europeo “Gli archivi digitali per la salvaguardia del patrimonio musicale europeo”, Roma, Academia Belgica, 7 9 settembre 2006 (published on line: http://www.unisi.it/tdtc/petrarca/pim.htm?ruini). “Esempi di notazione mensurale nei codici liturgici della Biblioteca musicale L. Feininger di Trento”, in Il canto fratto. L’altro gregoriano , ed. by M. Gozzi and F. Luisi, Roma, Torre d’Orfeo, pp. 185 202. “Il Cannocchiale per la Finta Pazza di Maiolino Bisaccioni” , in «Or vaghi or fieri». Cenni di poetica nei libretti veneziani (circa 1640 1740) , ed. by A. Chiarelli and A. Pompilio, Bologna, CLUEB, 2004, pp. 279 294. “Fonti settecentesche di polifonia semplice a Trento: un modello di trasmissione”, in Un millennio di polifonia liturgica tra oralità e scrittura , ed. by G. Cattin and F. A. Gallo, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2002, pp. 187 199 “Frammenti di mosaici e di manoscritti per un’archeologia musicale: il caso di Trento”, in Melodie dimenticate. Stato delle ricerche sui manoscritti di canto liturgico , ed. by G. Filocamo, Firenze, Olschki, 2002, pp. 1 17