Notes

Preface 1 . The term “salaryman” (sararīman ), a combination of the two English words “salary” and “man,” chiefly denotes Japanese white-collar worker in the bureau- cracy and corporation and in fact symbolizes the “standard” and stable Japanese social structure (see Vogel [1963] for the emergence of this class and Dasgupta [2000] for its relationship with masculinity, and see especially chapters 2 and 4 in this book). The term “wives’ kingdom” (tsuma tachi no ōkoku ) was coined by a popular writer in his novel of that title and set in the same area of Senri New Town as my research (see Shiroyama, 2007). 2 . Office ladyship is the most common job for Japanese women, especially in the period between their graduation and marriage. An OL ( ōeru ) is a woman work- ing regularly in an office who engages in simple, repetitive, clerical work with- out any expert knowledge or management responsibility. Like many unmarried Japanese women, OL often live with their parents well into early adulthood. They are usually full-time permanent staff members, although the jobs they do usually have little opportunity for promotion, and there is generally the tacit expectation that they will leave their jobs once they marry. 3 . Ma and Ma-chan are nicknames for Mariko used only by her very close friends. Chan is the suffix used for a familiar (female) person. In the same light, I would often sign my e-mails to Mariko as “O,” and Mariko would greet me as “O-chan.” 4 . In the following I will use “State” (capitalized) whenever I refer to its compre- hensive meaning in the sense given to it by Corrigan and Sayer (1985). 5 . Throughout the book, the intertexts are numbered according to the chapter which they precede. Notes for the intertexts are included in the notes for the chapters.

1 Entering the Field: Joining Mariko’s Introspective Journey 1 . During a visit to Japan, Mariko and I attended a series of lectures at a Women’s Center ( Josei sentā) in Nishinomiya (a city in Hyogo Prefecture, between 226 ● Notes

Osaka and Kyoto) given by women professionals on the theme of “housewife’s malaise” (shufu no iwakan ). 2 . On the “wives’ kingdom,” see note 1 in the preface. 3 . The time stamp denotes the time the e-mail reached my e-mail inbox; there is usually a seven-hour difference between Japan time and Israel time, so when Mariko sent this e-mail it was 11 p.m. in Japan, which explains her rush to finish her household chores. 4 . The Japanese word for “grandmother” is obā-san ; Chan is a suffix used for a familiar (female) person. 5 . The use of Mariko’s first name only arises not merely from the personal aspects of my relationship with her, but also from her own request not to use her family name to protect the privacy of her husband and his family. 6 . “Mi ” is an abbreviation of familiarity for Mizuki, Mariko’s younger daughter. 7 . Here, Mariko quotes directly from an earlier message of mine. We both regu- larly adopted this practice to refer to a specific issue, question, or idea. 8 . I use ellipsis here to mark an omission of long passages that, although highly significant and mutually intriguing at the time, would probably burden the reader. 9 . See Constable (2003, pp.231–2, n.6) for examples of Internet research. 10 . The research formally began in 2003. Unfortunately, due to the “wonders” of computers, most of the e-mails in my sent-items box, including what I wrote to Mariko at the time, were deleted, and therefore, cannot be presented here along with Mariko’s e-mails, which were kept in my inbox. 11 . Minpaku is the National Museum of Ethnology, located in the same Expo Park. I had academic contact with anthropologists working there. By “those days,” Mariko means the time I spent in Osaka in 1997. We went to the park with our two young children. 12 . As noted previously, some of my messages to Mariko were unfortunately deleted. Clearly, however, Mariko refers to my previous mail, in which I prob- ably shared with her my impressions of a fascinating PhD dissertation by Tsipy Ivry (2004) that I was reading at the time. 13 . Ueno Chizuko is a renowned Japanese feminist writer. She has contributed greatly to the discussion of the social phenomenon of the Japanese housewife, as is further discussed later in this book (see mainly chapter 2). Naturally, I had read Ueno’s books, as I probably replied to Mariko. 14 . Japanese women’s participation in the labor force is generally depicted as an “M-curve,” referring to their high participation after college or high school graduation, their first retirement upon marriage or childbearing, starting again usually when their children go to school, and then leaving again to care for aging relatives or to retire permanently. However, the M-curve does not reveal the nature of women’s participation in the labor force, especially as they return to it mainly as part-timers ( pāto ). See chapter 4 . 15 . This e-message, which was written over several days, was longer than most e-mails we exchanged (10 KB compared with an average of about 5 to 6 KB). Notes ● 227

Although it includes many relevant themes on housewives’ lives, the marital relationship, etc., I chose to omit most of that text here as many themes are discussed later on, when the book delves deeply into the life narratives of the women of Royal Heights. 16 . Umeda is one of the centers of Osaka city and a busy shopping and business area. To get there, Mariko needs to take a short bus ride or a 20-minute walk to the subway station, and then a train journey of about 20 minutes. 17 . See Brinton (1992) for this orderliness of Japanese women’s life plan, as well as my analysis (in chapter 3) of the life course as a consequence of clear-cut social roles. 1 8 . T h e w o r d iipanashi is a combination of the verbs iu (talk) and hanasu (let go). Mariko decided to use it to impart a more relaxed feeling to the theme meet- ings. This use of hanasu refers to a relaxed way of performing a certain act. 19 . The size and the price of apartment houses are primarily determined by the number of rooms more than the LDK. The term “living room” is slightly deceptive because Japanese living rooms, though not necessarily decorated in traditional Japanese style with tatami, are presumed to be multipurpose. Therefore, they can also serve as study rooms, bedrooms or futon rooms, and dining rooms, depending on the needs of the resident(s). For example, Mariko and her husband decided to have only a relatively large, ultramodern dining table in the room, which most other residents of Royal Heights usually also use as a living room furnished with a sofa and a TV set. 20 . An environment that supports the formation of a nakama, a “circle of friends” or “inside group,” is considered very valuable in such communities formed by women (Hendry, 1992). 21 . The expression “just a housewife,” which may be relevant to the United States (see Matthews, 1987) and to Israel, where I was raised, is not necessarily rel- evant to the way the housewife is regarded in Japan, as this book will show. 22 . Mariko and her daughters came to visit me and my family in Ann Arbor, MI when I was a visiting professor at the University of Michigan. 23 . The article appeared in a special volume of Anthropology and Humanism (vol. 23, no. 2) on anthropologists and their families in the field. 24 . The Israeli system is in many respects “woman friendly,” as the country’s social policy enables and even encourages women to combine family and work. Its major drawback, however, is that it is not symmetrical for women and men (see Izraeli, 1998, pp.142–3). 25 . Kurihara Harumi is the most famous charisma housewife in Japan today. Mariko and I had a lengthy interview with her (see chapter 6 ). 26 . The Japanese meticulous sorting of garbage has always impressed me as a for- eigner when visiting or living in Japan. 2 7 . Writing Culture (Clifford and Marcus, 1986), a major text advocating alternative ethnography and one of the leading works in the postmodern turn in anthro- pology, has been subjected to massive criticism, not only for excluding women anthropologists but also for ignoring a whole alternative “women’s tradition” of ethnographers (see Abu-Lughod, 1990, 1991; Mascia-Lees et al., 1989). 228 ● Notes

28 . “Business of ‘employment’” is taken from Hendry (1992, p.170), where it refers to the unsuccessful case of friendship and collaboration between an anthro- pologist of Japan and a Japanese housewife, as mentioned above. 29 . Lassiter (2005, p.144) cites Hinson (1999) for this distinction between a coau- thored and a cowritten ethnography.

2 The Postwar “Professional Housewife” and the Japanese State 1 . Noam is my younger son and Tomer the elder; Boaz is my spouse. 2 . There is a custom to spend the Japanese New Year holiday, which lasts five or six days, with the natal family, more often the husband’s family than the wife’s. 3 . “Chan” (instead of “san”) is a prefix used mainly by women for close friends. As Mariko and Okamoto-san were not close at the time we interviewed her together in 2003, Mariko wants to make sure I know who she means when she uses Okamoto’s first name (I use fictive names, following my practice in the main text). 4 . Okamoto-san was in fact the only woman among over 50 we interviewed who had continued working after marriage (see chapter 3 ). 5 . The question of the universality of male dominance in general, and more par- ticularly the universal association between women and the domestic domain, was one of the main themes of the collection Women, Culture and Society edited by Rosaldo and Lamphere (1974); it especially occupied the authors of the first three papers in the volume, Roslado, Chodorow, and Ortner. These three papers received a lot of attention, being the somewhat unaccepted anthropo- logical response to feminists who sought a reassurance from anthropology that the Western patriarchy and the association between the domestic sphere and women was not a universal trait (see also Ortner, 1996). 6 . Studies of Japanese that focus of the role of the Japanese housewife by Western scholars include Hendry (1993); Imamura (1987); LeBlanc (1999); Vogel (1978); White (1987); and partially Borovoy (2005); Holloway (2010); and Rosenberger (2001). 7 . For the ancient origins of the word shufu , see Imai (1994). 8 . The anthropologist Umesao Tadao, in his contribution to the housewife debate, gives this description based on his personal memory as a son of a Kyoto mer- chant family. Umesao’s article was published in the women’s magazine Fujin kōron in 1957. Both Ueno (1987, p.136) and Ochiai (1996, p.31) use Umesao’s childhood recollection that his mother was never addressed as okusan, and that okusan meant a woman who lives in cheaply built rental housing for civil ser- vants or the like, as significant to describing the advent of the middle-class housewife. 9 . In coining these divided terms, the media revived and adapted the prewar terms “working farmer” and “full-time farmer” (Ochiai Emiko, private communica- tion with the author; see also Imai, 1994, p.61; Ueno, 1987, p.139). Notes ● 229

10 . Corrigan and Sayer describe the nineteenth century as such a formative period in which what they call “the Great Arch” was finally completed (1985, p.118). 11 . For a discussion of the “good wife, wise mother,” see, among others, the works of Nolte and Hastings (1991), Sievers (1983), and Uno (1993). 1 2 . S h i m i z u K e i k o , “ Shufu no jidai wa hajimata” (The age of the housewife has begun), Fujin kōron , April 1955, reprinted in Ueno (1982). 1 3 . S a k a n i s h i S h i h o , “ ‘ Shufu to iu daini shokugyō ron’ no moten” (The blind spots in “The secondary occupation called housewife”), Fujin kōron , April 1955, reprinted in Ueno (1982). 14 . For more on the Marxist elements of the housewife debate and similar debates elsewhere, see Mackie (2003, pp.133–4) and Ochiai (1996, pp.25–8). 15 . The housewife debate was basically “about women by women for women.” However, in each of the phases a small number of men joined the debate. They were often economists or the regular university women’s departments’ com- mentators who “liked to lecture women on every possible occasion” (Ueno, 2009, p.125). The cultural anthropologist Tadao Umesao was a rare case pre- senting an exceptionally egalitarian view of gender. However, as Ueno realized years later, Umesao’s position, which was striking against the background of his generation, was in fact not a feminist view but a cultural relativist concept and that of an unequivocal civilization historian. Moreover, it is now clear that Umesao himself was neither at all aware of the existence of the debate into which he was embroiled, nor did he realize that he was creating such a stir (Ueno, 2009, pp.128–32). 16 . Myōki (2009) defines three further debates that she believes can gain the same title of “housewife debate.” According to her analysis, the fourth debate is what has been usually referred to as the “Agnes debate” in which conservative voices came together in the media to condemn the decision of a pop star not to aban- don her career when she had a baby. 17 . As statistics show, there was indeed a decrease in the marriage rate in Japan. Nevertheless, the fact that in 2009 only 10 percent of single women ages 35 to 39 told a survey that they had resolved never to marry should also be taken into account, meaning that marriage is still regarded as the major way to become a “full (female) adult” in Japan. See, respectively http://www.gender .go.jp/english_contents/pamphlet/women-and-men10/1–1.pdf http://www .ezipangu.org/english/contents/news/naname/kekkon_etc/kekkon_etc.html, accessed October, 8, 2011.

3 On “Naturally” Becoming Housewives 1 . I omitted Mariko’s husband’s name following her request. 2 . Mariko and I often used abbreviations, such as “s-s” for sengyō shufu. In this case, by “Despa,” Mariko refers to the transcribed text of the laid-back theme lunch (iippanashi ranchi) about the US ABC series Desperate Housewives . The “light blue” refers to the system Mariko and I developed for commenting on 230 ● Notes

texts. As explained in chapter 1 , we each used a different font color whenever one of us responded to the other’s interpretations. This made it easier later on to identify the comments, as often we could not remember who had written what and when 3 . The first set of interviews was conducted in 2003. This round was followed by more interviews and follow-ups through 2008 and a further visit in 2011 after the earthquake and tsunami in March of that year (see Afterword). Royal Heights is inhabited by around 200 families in total, and whereas Mariko and I conducted full, in-depth interviews with about 50 women, I have met and received information about many more residents of the neighborhood who were not personally interviewed, through the Internet forum, tea parties, theme lunches, and Mariko’s network. 4 . What came to be called Japan’s “bubble economy” of the 1980s typified an era that combined easy credit with unbridled speculation and eventually drove Japanese equity and real estate markets to astronomical price levels. The 1980s bubble years were characterized by excessive consumerism and, especially for young women, an almost fanatical obsession with brand-name fashion items. 5 . T h e s u f f i x zoku can be translated as “tribe.” It is used to identify groups of people in Japanese society. On the Hanako-zoku , see Sugawara (1991, p.110). 6 . “ O f f i c e f l o w e r s ” (shokuba no hana) is a common term used for describing young OL. The term characterizes their short-lived blossoming, or the short time women are expected to work at office jobs between their graduation and mar- riage (see Cherry, 1987, pp.105–6). 7 . The great increase in women’s participation in higher education occurred in the generation born between 1946 and 1960. Whereas the following generation, born between 1961 and 1977, to which most women of Royal Heights belong, saw some decrease in men’s education, such was not the case with women. Moreover, women who attended higher education were no longer considered elite. However, the education gap owing to financial resources continued (Tachibanaki, 2010, pp.76–9). 8 . There has been some change in this tendency in later periods that may be relevant to the daughters of Royal Heights women. Nowadays, with regard to the generation born after 1986, women attending four-year universities for the first time outnumbered those attending junior college. The total per- centage of women going either to university or to junior college did not rise (Tachibanaki, 2010, p.79). 9 . All interviews were conducted in Japanese, and the women knew I am from Israel. Nevertheless, as a “Western” foreigner ( gaijin), it was taken for granted that I must have a good command of English. 10 . There is some evidence that this “natural” orderliness that had such a great impact on the lives of the women who participated in this study might have somewhat disintegrated with the burst of the bubble in the 1990s (see Brinton, 2011, pp.13–19). Notes ● 231

11 . Brinton (1992) argues that Japanese women’s lives are influenced heavily by those she refers to as “stakeholders”: key individuals such as parents and employers who play an active role in shaping crucial life-course transitions. She describes this pattern as “socially embedded,” as compared with the more “self-directed” lives of American women. 12 . From the way Sakai-san put this point about the division of labor, it was not clear whether this was what her husband told her or what she thought at the time. 13 . Companies that support programs that help women combine work and family gain the favorable title “woman friendly.” Newspapers such as the Nikkei (Nihon keizai), a leading economic paper, tend to mention these companies. Centers for Gender Equality (Danjō kyodo sankaku ), which were formerly called Women Centers (josei sentā ) and later changed their names to express a more advanced view, offer Internet sites that monitor such “woman-friendly” companies (see, for example, http://www.pref.osaka.jp/danjo/ikiiki/com_31.html for Osaka Prefecture [accessed July 20, 2011]). 14 . An advanced Child Care and Family Leave Law, which formally enables both parents to take a leave from their work until the child turns one year old, was enacted in 1992. Nevertheless, in reality, companies still seem to encourage OL to retire upon marriage or childbirth. Thus, much of the discussion con- cerning childcare leave has recently been focusing on informal pressures in the workplace that prevent employees from taking it (see Ogasawara, 1998, pp.65, 194–5 n.12; see also Hayashi, 1992). 1 5 . O f f i c e m a r r i a g e s ( shokuba kekkon) between “office flowers” and salarymen are popular and are often encouraged by companies. 16 . On the gendered aspects of the coming of age ceremony, see Goldstein-Gidoni (1999). 1 7 . B y r e f e r r i n g t o “ f r e e t e r s ” ( furītā), a relatively new term describing those young people who do not take regular employment, Takahashi-san actually compares the era from the late 1980s to the early 1990s, when most women of Royal Heights entered the workforce as OL, and the 2000s, when their children are growing up (see more on this generational change mainly in chapter 5 ). 18 . There is a clear division between pāto (part-time), which is used for married women’s side jobs, and arubaito , which comes from the German arbeit and refers primarily to part-time work undertaken by high school and college stu- dents in their free time. This differentiation remains even when the tasks and the wages are the same. 19 . Foreign companies are usually regarded as having a less strict and more woman- friendly atmosphere. 20 . Gordon Mathews (1996), in his attempt to depict the cultural shape of “the Japanese self,” suggests the shikata ga nai—“what can’t be helped”—as a middle level at which selves comprehend but cannot easily resist their shaping. 21 . The “1.57 shock” is the catchphrase given to the government’s anxious reaction to the declining birthrate. In 1989, the birthrate fell to its lowest level ever: 1.57 232 ● Notes

children per woman. The continuous decline since then has made the Japanese government even more worried. The Economic Planning Agency, which chose the fertility rate as the theme for its 1992 White Paper on People’s Lifestyles, identified delayed marriage and nonmarriage as the main causes of the trend (see chapter 7 ). 22 . I tend to agree with both White (1993, p.23) and Clammer (1997, p.14), who argue that negative moral connotations attached to acquiring material goods is much less emphasized in postwar Japan, as compared with the United States, for example. 23 . Bridal training used to be more practical in prewar Japan; for example, one of the most common areas of preparation was sewing (see Lebra, 1984, pp.58–60). The modern versions of bridal training tend to focus on cultivating femininity mainly through “traditional” Japanese pursuits such as the tea ceremony, ike- bana, and the art of kimono dressing (see Goldstein-Gidoni, 1999). 24 . For more on “daughters confined in boxes,” see in Cherry (1987, pp.41–2). 2 5 . Jō means “young woman,” and when added to the suffix sama (replacing the ordinary suffix san ), the word denotes girls born and raised in “good families.” 2 6 . Daikoku-bashira, Daiko is the large, central pillar that holds up a traditional Japanese house. It also figuratively refers to the breadwinner or head of the household. 27 . Yuki is Mariko’s elder daughter. Mariko met these slightly younger women when she went to the park with her younger daughter. 28 . On the new orientation of housewives, see Ministry of Health and Welfare (1998), Ogura (2003), and chapter 5 herein. 29 . Kindergartens and day care centers are also officially governed by different min- istries. Kindergartens are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, and day care centers are under the Ministry of Health and Welfare.

4 “Guarding the House”: Men as Breadwinners, Women as Housewives 1 . Typical Japanese companies are predominantly white-collar, elite organizations centered around lifetime employment, seniority-based wages and promotions, and corporate paternalism. 2 . A few years after the interview, Katoh-san got a low-paid manual job for a few days each week. In fact, during my visit in 2011, she had begun enjoying this job and expected to continue working there for a while. 3 . I am aware that adding more male voices would surely have enriched my discus- sion of gender roles. Salarymen husbands’ views were very present in the field; however, they were usually expressed through the words of their wives. Men were generally reluctant or “too busy” to be extensively interviewed. I would hesitantly add that when discussions with men did occur, they tended to see these occasions more as an opportunity to teach the foreign (female) scholar about Japan than talk about themselves. Notes ● 233

4 . A highly popular TV drama titled At Home Dad broadcasted in 2004 focused on a very similar idea about the significance of the professional housewife as a social role. The sitcom tells the story of Kazuyuki Yamamura, who is unex- pectedly forced to leave his well-paid job at a major advertising agency. At the same time, his wife has a chance to go back to her premarriage job, and thus, he reluctantly starts his new life as an “at-home-dad”; he is actually a sengyō shufu and is referred to as such. His neighbor, Yusuke Sugio, a sengyō shufu by choice whose wife is the sole breadwinner, becomes his mentor. One of the striking ideas conveyed through the drama is the strength of the sengyō shufu as a social role. Although the two men are ridiculed at times by female housewives, it is nevertheless expected for them to fully adhere to the professional house- wife role, including participating in cooking classes at the house of the “main” housewife of the neighborhood. They also must comply with clear socially and culturally marked role attributes and symbols of the perfect housewife, such as wearing a whole-body apron and preparing perfect lunch boxes (obentō ) to send with their children to school. 5 . Catchy headlines such as “Househusbands on the Rise” (editorial, Japan Times , January 18, 2009) and “Househusband Not Such a Bad Gig, One- Third of Men Say” (Kato, 2009) attest to the media interest. However, in reality, according to a recent large survey on fathers conducted in the Tokyo Metropolitan Area, only 0.3 percent of the 2,958 participating fathers defined themselves as “stay-at-home dads” (“The First Report on Japanese Fathers’ Views on Childrearing,” Child Research Net; available at http://www.chil- dresearch.net/RESOURCE/DATA/SPECIAL/FATHER/FIGURE1.HTM [accessed February 20, 2009]). 6 . Naomi is the only first name I use in this book, apart from Mariko’s and mine. The reasons for this lie both in the fact that Naomi was a very enthusiastic participant in the research and also because of her special tendency to prefer the use of first names rather than family names as commonly used in Japan. 7 . The old Japanese saying that “passing the threshold, a man is surrounded by seven enemies” ( shikī o matageba otokoni wa nana nin no teki ga iru), which is still in use, symbolizes the strong division that a home’s threshold (shikī ) repre- sents as well as the harshness of “society” outside the home. 8 . By this last point—“men can do anything they want to do out of the house,” Kondoh-san seems to have been mainly referring to the tendency of some salary- men to hold love affairs (uwaki ). Her own husband had a special reputation for that. Kondoh-san, like many other women, tended to be rather tolerant of her husband’s inclination. However, other housewives mentioned special expensive gifts she often received, which they regarded as forms of compensation. 9 . According to Estévez-Abe (2005, pp.73–4), a closer look at international sur- veys shows that Japan is actually not necessarily always an outlier when it comes to “traditional” views of gender roles. In fact, a large number of American respondents are as traditional as the Japanese—in stark contrast to Europeans. Moreover, the degree to which the Japanese respondents are more “traditional” than respondents in other countries varies from issue to issue. One striking 234 ● Notes

example is that in the same survey in which Japanese expressed some relatively “traditional” views, more Japanese respondents possessed a positive view of “working mothers” than respondents in any other country in this survey of 24 countries including both Western and Eastern Europe and most English- speaking countries (“Family and Changing Gender Roles III,” International Social Survey Programme, 2002 now available at http://www.esds.ac.uk /findingData/snDescription.asp?sn=5018 10 . Japan and Germany are described as two economies that have socially conserva- tive welfare regimes (Epsing-Andersen, 1997) with a strong legacy of a male- breadwinner model (Gottfried and O’Reilly, 2002). 11 . Gottfried (2000, p.253) describes “gender contracts” as indicating “the type of compromise made about gender division of labor, at work, and by implication, at home.” 12 . Social policies that support the male-breadwinner model in Japan include sub- stantial breaks for nonworking wives in the tax system and under the public pension as well as health insurance schemes. More specifically, the tax and pension system encourages wives not to earn more than ¥1,300,000 a year in order to avoid having to pay tax and also to be able to qualify for free pension premiums. This means that women are pushed into low-paid part-time jobs. Current government policy also entitles housewives of salaried employees to a Basic National Pension without having paid directly into the system. Although there was a governmental decision in 2002 that the tax concession for house- wives called the Spouse Special Tax Deduction ( haigūsha tokubetsu kōjo) should be abolished (see Curtin, 2002), there seems to have been no major change in the system since. 13 . Mathews (2004) specifically refers to this new wave in the Japanese press. 14 . Now salarymen may stay late at work not only because “their bosses have not left yet,” but also to do the work of those who have been fired due to recent “restructuring” and to avoid being fired themselves. 15 . Corporate drinking as bonding has been highlighted in the literature about Japan (see Allison, 1994) as well as in cultural representations. The opening scene of the popular film Shall We Dansu? shows a typical salaryman who attempts an early exit from a drinking evening with his colleagues. His perfect full-time housewife is later shown telling their daughter that she is worried about him since lately he is coming home from work too early (about the film, see Goldstein-Gidoni and Daliot-Bul, 2002). 16 . The acts of sending off the husband at the door when he leaves the house ( itterashai ) and welcoming him back home (okaerinasai ) are considered to be significant symbolic tasks of domesticity for the Japanese wife. The same is true for the mother welcoming her children home after school. 17 . The background for these new corporate schemes is at least partly related to one of the great recent concerns in Japan: the declining fertility rate. Since the 2005 announcement by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare that the number of deaths in Japan exceeded births, the issue of the dwindling birthrate has Notes ● 235

been in many headlines, and many researchers and business leaders have been asked to comment on it. Their comments often cite the need to “review fathers’ ways of working” and “make work and family compatible” (“The First Report on Japanese Fathers’ Views on Childrearing, Child Research Net,” http://www .childresearch.net/RESOURCE/DATA/SPECIAL/FATHER/index.html [accessed February 20, 2009]). 18 . Bathing together is considered in Japan in general as a highly social and bond- ing activity. The term “skinship” ( sukinshippu), a word made from combining the word “skin” and the last syllable of the word “friendship” is used to describe such skin-to-skin touch (see Clark, 1994, pp.72–3). Bathing together with one’s spouse, although less frequent than bathing with one’s child, has also been reported. However, although Clark (1994, p.74) cautiously assumed that such bathing by couples is usually sexually associated, “as a type of foreplay,” my feeling was that in at least some of the cases reported, it can also be regarded as a bonding “family” activity and not in the “romantic” sexual terms that we tend to give an intersex bath. 19 . According to a recent comparative study conducted by the University of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research, Japanese men do only 4 hours of cooking, cleaning, and other chores per week while Japanese women spend 29 hours per week on housework. The study, which was based on survey results from Canada, Russia, Finland, Hungary, Japan, Sweden, and the United States, indicated that the time spent by Japanese men on household chores represents only a quarter of the time that American men spend, and only one-sixth of the time spent by Swedish men (see de Boer, 2002). 20 . “The First Report on Japanese Fathers’ Views on Childrearing” was conducted through the Internet for three days in August 2005 and received responses from 2,958 fathers in their 20s to 40s who had at least one child aged up to six years old. The sample was taken from the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. About 35 percent of fathers said that they participate directly in childcare such as scolding or praising their children. As for household chores, about 40 percent said they take out the garbage almost every day, however, about 65 percent seldom cook, and over 40 percent hardly ever wash dishes (“The First Report on Japanese Fathers’ Views on Childrearing,” Child Research Net; available at http://www.childresearch.net/RESOURCE/DATA/SPECIAL/FATHER /FIGURE1.HTM [accessed February 20, 2009]). 21 . Hochschild’s concept of “gender strategy” is an adaptation of Ann Swidler’s (1986) notions of “strategies of action,” which are defined as the aspects of cul- ture (symbols, ritual, stories) used by the individual as “tools” for constructing a line of action (Hochschild, 2003, p.294, n.2). 2 2 . O n arubaito (vs. pāto ), see chapter 3 , note 18. 23 . A representative story well known in the neighborhood is how Miura-san got angry at her husband when he suggested that she should mark “no occupation” when there was no “ shufu” option on an official document. She was irritated that her husband did not acknowledge “ shufu ” as an occupation. 236 ● Notes

24 . For “allowance,” Japanese wives usually use the word okozukai , which is the same word used for kids’ pocket money, in somewhat mocking terms in that they give their husbands an allowance from the money earned by them. 25 . The women’s magazine Waifu conducted its first “housewives’ personal activi- ties survey” in 1980 in a response to what the magazine defined as a widely pre- vailing voice among its circle of readers, which consisted of young housewives: “I want to have my own activity, in an unrelated way to housework and child rearing.” In 1990, a similar survey was conducted, and surprisingly the results were generally similar. According to the two surveys, housework, or the expec- tation that a housewife (or a married woman) would fulfill her obligations with regard to housework, has remained the major obstructing factor for women’s work. In both surveys, the highest ranked personal activities were “hobbies and cultivation,” “reading,” “sports,” and “leisure,” well before “income-bear- ing activities.” The latter was true also for husbands’ views about their wives’ activities. In the 1990s there seemed to be a rising inclination of women toward “leisure” activities, but at the same time, the magazine suggested that the claim that having a wife work outside (the home) is beyond a man’s dignity had sub- stantially decreased (Shikata, 1990). Data from 2006 still point to the high percentages of men who would like their wives to quit work after childbirth (over 60 percent). However, more husbands believed (or agreed) that women should go back to work when children are “old enough.” (“The First Report on Japanese Fathers’ Views on Childrearing,” Child Research Net; available at http://www.childresearch.net/RESOURCE/DATA/SPECIAL/FATHER /FIGURE3.HTM [accessed April 10, 2009]). 26 . See Broadbent (2003, pp.8–9) for a more detailed explanation about the M curve. Gottfried and O’Reilly (2002) present estimates showing that 70 percent of mothers with children under three years old drop out of the labor force, and 40 percent take up part-time employment from their mid-30s until they ulti- mately retire to take care of elderly parents or in-laws. 27 . Gottfried and O’Reilly (2002) show that the same pattern in Japan and Germany brought similar results.

5 A New Housewife Is Born? Discourses of Class and Change in Royal Heights 1 . In 2009, the mean age of first marriage for Japanese men was 30.4 years and for women 28.6 years (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Statistics Bureau; see http://www.stat.go.jp/English/data/handbook/c02cont .htm#cha2_4 [accessed January 26, 2011]). 2 . Company size is a crucial factor in determining prestige and value. “The bigger the better,” as Clark (1979) puts it in his excellent study of the emergence and ideas of the Japanese company. However, small-sized companies are known to try to form themselves on the ideal model of big ones. Notes ● 237

3 . A l t h o u g h nakōdo is often translated as “go-between,” the couple who fill this role in the wedding may have had no hand in the making of the match. They only have to appear at the wedding as an interested party. It is very common that the nakōdo —the term normally refers to the husband of the couple only— would be a company supervisor of one of the principles, likely the groom’s (see Edwards, 1989, p.15; Goldstein-Gidoni, 1997, pp.18–19). The nakōdo also acts as a guarantor (Hendry, 1981, p.141). 4 . Such a straightforward discussion of class and discrimination is not at all com- mon. When Mariko and I discussed the transcribed interview further while I was writing this chapter, Mariko commented on these words, “if something bad happens . . . ’: Wah! I didn’t remember this part [of the interview] and was quite surprised. I don’t think she is referring to some specific thing which happened at that time but we can see that she had been living feeling dis- criminated [against]. I don’t know, but she could be from one of those tradi- tionally discriminated [against] social groups (Korean or Burakumin: http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burakumin . . . for sure you have heard something about, and sorry for referring to Wiki but it’s useful sometimes), because the way she is talking about ‘discrimination’ and ‘social level’ etc. is unusual for me” (June 24, 2009,1:50 PM). Following another e-mail from me in which I questioned the possibility that the family belong to the Burakamin, who are descendants of an outcast minority of feudal Japan, or that they are of Korean origin (June 24, 2009, 4:00 PM), Mariko raised another option, which is related more to class: “But I was thinking about another friend of mine who had been living in these same prefecture-owned flats. We were friends since junior high, but only recently she told me that she had always felt [some] inferior- ity to me or other friends who were from richer families. I never imagined anything like that when we were close . . . So, it could be that people from lower levels [of society] are more conscious and more sensitive about class differences or about discrimination” (June 24, 2009, 5:30 PM). 5 . André Béteille suggests a more defined distinction between classes and sta- tus groups. While relations between classes are shaped by conflict, relations between status groups are characterized by emulation. Referring to Max Weber, Béteille explains, “A class is defined by its position in the system of production, whereas what characterizes a status group is its pattern of consumption” (1996, p.848, cited in Assmann, 2003). 6 . For more on hidden and exposed inequalities in Japan, see Tachibanaki (2004). On the risk society, see Beck (1992). 7 . The Economic Planning Agency, which chose the fertility rate as the theme for its 1992 White Paper on People’s Lifestyles, identified delayed marriage and nonmarriage as the main causes of the trend (see more on this in chapter 7 ). 8 . Ochiai (1997) writes at length about the social discourse of such anxieties. A sensational 1979 best seller by a pediatrician named Kyūtoku Shigemori titled Bogenbyō (Maternity-induced diseases) puts the sole blame for the “new” childhood diseases on mothers. This may serve as a good example for the way 238 ● Notes

personal grievances have been used or manipulated in morally conservative, so-called professional writing. 9 . Tanaka and Suzuki, the two editors of the women’s magazine Waifu, in their 1999 book Shufu no fukken wa ariuruka (Is it really possible to realize the rehabilitation of the housewife?), criticize Hayashi for basing his arguments or “misconceptions” on a moralistic standpoint and not on actual knowledge or understanding of the real, everyday experiences of the housewives he allegedly knows so well. 10 . Hayashi is well aware that the male-breadwinner model is still strong. He even emphasizes that he chose the word “fukken ” (“restoration” or “rehabilitation”) because it means restoring value to something that has been negatively valued or degraded and does not mean reclaiming something that has been totally lost. 11 . Moeran (1984, p.262) suggests that as evident in the cultural messages deliv- ered through advertisements, inner spiritual discipline ( seishin) and inner beauty ( utsukushisa ) are closely linked. 12 . Ogura distinguishes these junior college women from graduates of high-level universities who aspire to continue working after marriage and follow the path of elite career women. Another type is high school graduates, whom, interest- ingly enough, Ogura found more intent on becoming independent by opening small businesses of their own. 13 . This alluring image was further perpetuated by The Tale of a Stewardess (Stewardess monogatari), a very popular TV series, starring the pop idol Hori Chiemi. The series was broadcast by TBS (Tokyo Broadcasting System, Inc.) from 1983 to 1984. Popular collective memory has it that the series had a major impact in attracting young women to this glamorous occupation. When the series came up for discussion at one of the tea parties, everyone seemed to agree that it was the main catalyst for women of their generation to aspire to this profession. 14 . “Obligatory chocolates” are usually given by females to their male classmates and coworkers from grade school onward. This gift is usually reciprocated on White Day, celebrated one month after Valentine’s Day. 15 . The difference between what seems a very lively and open discussion in the mainly anonymous chat rooms described by Katsuno and Yano (2007) and the relatively dull conversation in our Ocha shiyō Internet forum is noteworthy. My interpretation of this difference is that when women know each other relatively well and are part of the same neighborhood, face-to-face or “off-line” interac- tion feels safer than virtual space. 16 . The NEETs (those not currently engaged in education, employment, or train- ing) are considered one of those groups of young people who disturb the social order; they have recently attracted attention in Japan. In the United Kingdom, where this term originated, it stands for recent school dropouts or graduates aged 16 to 18; the Japanese NEETs encompass the “nonseekers” and the “dis- couraged” among the 15- to 34-year-old jobless single people. Japanese NEETs are also distinguished from “job seekers,” who are considered unemployed. Notes ● 239

According to this definition, young people falling into the NEET category in Japan numbered 847,000 persons in 2002 (Genda, 2005). 17 . Husbands’ opinions were often quoted, especially in relation to themes on “society.” 18 . There is serious criticism of some politicians and top researchers, who are not only accused of bashing the youth but also of using them as scapegoats in a changing society. Researchers such as Yamada Masahiro, who coined the (in) famous term “parasite singles,” and Genda Yuji, who introduced the NEETs to Japan, are blamed for involvement in forming groups of people who can be criticized as antisocial and hence, damaging to the society (see Honda, Asao, and Kazumoto, 2006, cited in Lunsing, 2008; see also Lunsing, 2007). 19 . Books and guides have been published for parents on this subject, including one by leading researchers Genda Yuji and Kosugi Reiko titled When Children Become NEET (2005). 20 . There is generally strict adherence to the idea of “suitable age” ( tekireiki ) in Japan. However, the term usually refers to marriageable age. Women not married by the age of 25 used to be ridiculed by such terms as “Christmas cakes” ( kurisumasu kēki), which are of no use after 25 December. However, as delayed marriage has become more common, new terms such as “ makeinu ” have replaced the old ones. Makeinu , coined by Sakai Junko (2003) in her best seller The Howl of the Loser Dogs (Makeinu no tōboe), literally means “losers” or “loser dogs.” However, it also carries a more provocative and intriguing notion of the irreversibility of passing marriageable age and a hint at the advantageous position of this new social group of “losers” (see chapter 7 ). 2 1 . Sakura was launched in 2007 and promotes fashion for “beautiful mothers” and their fashionable kids. For a more detailed description, see chapter 6 . 22 . Tole painting is originally a European folk art of decorative painting on tin and wooden utensils, objects, and furniture. Typical objects include household items such as coffee pots, tables, chairs, chests, and toy and jewelry boxes. Since the 1990s, it has become a popular pursuit for Japanese housewives. 23 . Feminine hobbies and studies (okeiko ) are usually taught in a system based on gradually passing levels and finally acquiring a license, which allows the woman to teach or to practice the craft. 24 . For fascinating studies about the impact of women’s magazines on women’s ideas and lives, see, among others, Ochiai (1997), Ishizaki (2004), and Sato (2003).

6 The New Happy Housewife of Postbubble Japan 1 . Obon is an annual Buddhist holiday. It is believed that during obon—which is around mid-August in most regions in Japan—ancestors’ spirits return to this world in order to visit their relatives. It is customary to spend this holiday with the natal family, but it is also used for traveling. Naomi-san, who was an active participant in the research, had moved back to Tokyo due to her husband’s job. 240 ● Notes

2 . This e-mail is a reply to my message sent from Ann Arbor, Michigan, on the same day to which I attached an article from the New York Times about the visit of Kurihara Harumi, Japan’s greatest “charisma housewife,” to New York City for the promotion of the English translation of one of her cookbooks (Moskin, 2006). 3 . M a r i k o r e f e r s t o The Feminine Mystique and more specifically to the similar- ity between the way Friedan describes American housewives of the 1950s and 1960s and the new trend in Japan of “happy” and “beautiful” housewives (see chapter 6 ). 4 . S e e http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1840915447/ref=pe_5050_13008320 _snp_dp (accessed October 20, 2009). 5 . A very good example of the centrality of this dual theme is Kurihara’s official website, which has “Family” and “‘ SHUFU’ (housewife)” at the top of the page titled “About Harumi” ( http://www.yutori.co.jp/en/about_harumi/index.html [accessed October 20, 2009]). 6 . The English version of Kurihara Harumi’s website is available at http://www .yutori.co.jp/en/index.html (accessed November 29, 2009). 7 . “Karisuma shufu ” was the buzzword of April 2005. “This Month’s Buzzword” is a section in web Japan, which has more than 300 million hits a year and which supplies information about Japan in a variety of spheres including culture, economy and business, politics, and society. See http://web-japan.org/trends /buzz/bz0504.html (accessed November 1, 2009). 8 . On women’s magazines, see, among others, Assmann (2003); Ochiai (1997); Sakamoto (1999); Sato (2003); and Skov and Moeran (1995). 9 . According to Takai (2001), who studied the evolution of the term “charisma” ( karisuma) in contemporary Japan, the word, which generally means “a person with an above-average ability to do something,” initially referred to charisma beauticians and boutique clerks who set popular new tones. Takai also argues that the images of such singular individuals are created and widely promoted through media representation. 1 0 . T h e t e r m “ otaku” usually refers to people with obsessive interests, particularly in anime, comics (manga ), and video games. 11 . This is clearly expressed by the title of one of Yamamoto’s books: “Let’s Go Home with Charisma Housewife Yamamoto Yuka and Do Some On-line Stock Trading” (2005). 12 . Fujino’s priorities were criticized by the Japanese press when a short time after her election, she chose to forgo a parliamentary plenary session for a previously planned cooking show in Fukuoka (Chambers, 2007, p.164). 13 . Katakana, which is the syllabary used for foreign words in Japanese, usually carries a trendy and “sweet and fresh” flavor (Stanlaw, 1992, p.68). 14 . See http://www.hli.jp/index.html (accessed November 15, 2009); the site also gives a full list of Kondo Noriko’s books (in Japanese). 15 . See http://www.yutori.co.jp/en/products/index.html, the products page of the English version of the site (accessed November 18, 2009). 16 . Continuing this sequence of generations, in March 2008 Kobunsha created Hers , a “lifestyle magazine” targeting women in their 40s and 50s. As explained by Notes ● 241

the Hers chief editor in an interview, the initiative was related to the absence of a fashion market for these women in Japan, unlike the situation in the West. With older women in mind, the magazine also highlights “inner” or spiritual aspects, not just outward fashion. Hers also made a point of not having a main star like magazines for younger women did, as its management believed that the target audience was women who had already built their own personalities and did not have the same yearning to become like a specific woman ( http://adv.yomiuri.co.jp /ojo/02number/200711/11toku5.html [accessed February 26, 2010]). 1 7 . T h e n u m b e r o f c o p i e s o f Very issued each month in 2009 was 246,400, which marks Very as one of the popular magazines. In the same year, Katei gaho , which had been very popular (see Moeran, 1995), issued only about 154,000 issues a month (see http://www.jmagazine.or.jp/magdata/index.php?module=list&a ction=list&cat1cd=2&cat3cd=20&period_cd=5[accessed October 18, 2011]). According to a survey conducted in 2002, the largest core of Very readers were full-time housewives with at least junior college ( tandai ) or vocational school ( senmon gakko ) education (Ishizaki, 2004). 18 . In May 1985, the Japanese government passed the Equal Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL), which took effect in April 1986. Its enactment sparked much controversy and debate. It prohibits discrimination against women in vocational training, fringe benefits, retirement, and dismissal. It also urges employers to “endeavor” to treat women equally with men with regard to recruitment, job assignment, and promotion (see Lam, 1992; Molony, 1995). 19 . See http://tokyocollection.buzzlog.jp/ (accessed January 23, 2009). 2 0 . Sakura: A Fashion Magazine for Mama & Kids was launched in 2007 and delib- erately aims at, and at the same time clearly produces, the most recent type of fashionable mothers, as will be further discussed later (see chapter 7 ). 21 . The idea that romance does not end with “romantic weddings” has in fact spread even to remarriage, which formerly was not considered a good option for any woman. In August 2003, Story carried a lengthy article about the romantic story of a woman who replaced her former marriage in a “socially rigid house- hold” with an utterly romantic marriage to a man who also happened to own a yacht and a very elegant house. It seems that this “romanticism” is mainly related to the financial “qualities” of the second husband and not necessarily to a dramatic change in the image of divorce. Some argue that Kuroda Chieko gradually faded from Story after her divorce. This event was not taken up as an issue in the magazine and was only briefly reported by her in July 2007. She was replaced by Kiyohara Aki, another athlete’s wife, in March 2008. 22 . Illouz (1997, p.39) argues that before the twentieth century, American popular culture often opposed marriage and romance. In the Japanese case, a pragmatic and nonromantic view of marriage continued well into the twentieth century (Iwao, 1993). 23 . The new romantic image is mainly in opposition to the frugal and hardworking image of the wartime and the struggling early postwar years in Japan. Many more erotic and romantic connotations were related to the new housewife of 242 ● Notes

the Meiji era. As both Sand (2003) and Robertson (1998) show, this romantic eroticism was also largely related to consumerism. 2 4 . Story ’s assuming the “rights” to the idea of “adult cuteness” is questionable as Very used this term, or in fact coined it, before Story was launched (see Ishizaki, 2004). 25 . An example of the concern of the state can be seen in the 1995 government White Paper on People’s Lifestyles, which urged society to move toward “diverse lifestyles that allow us to live fully” (Economic Planning Agency, 1995, cited in Nakano and Wagatsuma, 2004). Later public concern, however, became much more critical and tended to describe this tendency of doing what “you want” (yaritai koto ) as a social problem (Hashiguchi, 2006). 26 . Higuchi Keiko (1985, p.164), a Japanese feminist writer, described metaphori- cally, though quite incisively, the kind of typical Japanese woman who takes up courses to gain a touch of refinement when she likened her to a Japanese lunch box, which is prettily arrayed but has no distinctive feature of its own. 27 . In one of the numerous magazine articles that encourage women to look for a katakana job, the latter is described as creating new standards and as the kind of job which will come about if a woman declares she is doing it. The writer recommends her young female readers “invent” a job, which need not have any particular meaning or serve any serious purpose, but through which they will be able to meet many new people (see http://www.joseishi.net/voce/column /saito/9910/index.html [accessed August 6, 2009]). 28 . Rule 18 in the “Beauty Rules” published by the online magazine (i)Voce con- cerns katakana jobs ( http://www.joseishi.net/voce/column/saito/9910/index .html [accessed February 16, 2010]). 29 . As the company introduces itself on its formal Internet site, “Recruit endeavors to be perceived as someone who is always beside you, every step of the way, to give you courage, and help you discover new possibilities” (http://www.recruit .jp/corporate/english/company/index.html [accessed January 22, 2010]). 30 . The title Keiko to manabu is a play on words: “keiko ” means training but is also a typical girl’s name, and “ manabu ” (study), which is also a boy’s name. 31 . The stories seem to be real, as one of the women featured is a Royal Heights resident who shares her own experience of taking lessons. 32 . In 2009, ¥10,000 was equal to about $111, and ¥17,000 to about $190 ($1 equaled approximately ¥90). 33 . The neologism jibun-jiku seems to be gaining popularity (3,320,000 hits on Google Japan in February 2010) and seems to be related to new ideas of “indi- vidualism” that are gaining strength in contemporary Japan. On one of the numerous Internet pages on the theme, I located an invitation to attend lectures in which anyone could find her or his “axis.” Jibun jiku is defined on this site as “your real-real part” (“your real-real part = your own axis”; anata no hontō no hontō no bubun = jibun jiku ); see http://ameblo.jp/kubomichi/ (accessed February 5, 2010). 34 . See Gauntlett (2002, pp.214–16) on the impact of media role models. Notes ● 243

35 . Another painful representation of this American suburban dream and the image of the housewife of that era is portrayed in Revolutionary Road (Yates, 1961), which in 2008 was made into a film by the same name directed by Sam Mendes and starring Leonardo DiCaprio and Kate Winslet. 36 . The Parco advertising campaign, which was uncommonly directed by a female art director, Ishioka Eiko, is considered a revolutionary campaign that pre- sented a novel and avant-garde viewpoint with regard to disputed social issues and that voiced the values of the young generation, especially of young women (see Bartal, 2008).

7 Wrapping Up: Housewives as the “Winners?” 1 . The full running text is “Where Are You From? Why Have You Chosen Me? What is [the] Reason? But. I Think I Was Waiting To See You. My Baby” ( http://sakuramama.jp/about.html [accessed May 13, 2010]). 2 . For critical tones within Japan with regard to scholars such as Yamada and Genda, who are described as sensationalist critics who seem to be confused about what should be the scholar’s role, see Honda, Naitō, and Gōto (2006, cited in Lunsing, 2008; see also Lunsing, 2003, 2007). 3 . On top of the many representations of mothers and kids shopping and party- ing, the magazine often also adds some more practical aids. An “eco-bag” with the words “I Love [heart symbol] Shopping” supplemented the third issue and a little jute bag with the word “Holiday” and also carrying the same “heart/love” symbol was added to the eighth issue, in March 2010. 4 . See Nakata Hiroko and Masami Ito, “‘Childbearing Machines’ Inappropriate: Yanagisawa Sexist Remark Draws Abe Ire,” Japan Times January 30, 2007. 5 . The Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society, like many other related materials, can be found online at www.gender.go.jp. 6 . Another possible explanation for this marked discrepancy between advanced ideas of gender equality and the reality of a persistent gender inequality is the tendency of the Japanese state, observed as early as the days of the Meiji restora- tion (see Sievers, 1983), to pay more attention to the image its policies carry, both internally and internationally, than to their real content. 7 . The Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society is based on five pillars, or basic prin- ciples. At least two of them are devised for encouraging policies that would make childrearing easy for working women and their families. One is “compatibility of activities in family life and other activities,” and the other is “consideration of society systems or practices.” (The three other pillars are related to international cooperation, human rights, and political participation.) See “Women and Men in Japan 2010,” Gender Equality Bureau; available at http://www.gender.go.jp/eng- lish_contents/pamphlet/women-and-men10/index.html (accessed June 11, 2010). 8 . US federal report cited in Sharon Jayson, “Out-of-Wedlock Births on the Rise Worldwide”; available at http://www.usatoday.com/news/health/2009–05–13- unmarriedbirths_N.htm (accessed June 12, 2010). See also Usui (2005, p.62). 244 ● Notes

9 . Nemoto (2008) argues that with few public outlets for women’s grievances regarding gender inequality and their demand for social change, more women (and possibly also men) may resort to strategies such as delaying or completely avoiding marriage and childbearing. 10 . “Matchmaking Ads To Boost Birth Rate in Japan: Matchmaking Agencies To Be Shown on Television”; available at http://news.softpedia.com/news /Matchmaking-Ads-to-Boost-Birth-Rate-in-Japan-22699.shtml (accessed June 15, 2010). 1 1 . S e e http://tokyocherie.wordpress.com/2009/05/13/konkatsu-bra%e3%80% 80equipped-with-everything-you-need-to-hunt-for-husband/?equipped-with -everything-you-need-to-hunt-for-husband/ (accessed June 16, 2010). 1 2 . S e e http://tokyocherie.wordpress.com/2009/05/14/konkatsu-proposal-cake/ (accessed June 16, 2010). 13 . Note that the title of Mary Brinton’s (1992) article about the rigidity of Japanese women’s life course is “Christmas Cakes and Wedding Cakes: The Social Organization of Japanese Women’s Life Course.” 14 . Love matches are generally distinguished from arranged marriages ( miai kek- kon ). Whereas the latter result from arranged introductions, love matches are those that happen between two people who meet on their own. 15 . I must emphasize that I refer to romantic love in cultural terms, which gener- ally implies what people think their marriage or the process of finding a spouse should look like and does not refer to the “real” lives of individuals, which is of course more complex. 16 . The most telling example Sakai gives for the distinction between the two kinds of women is the fugo (puffer fish) metaphor. Suppose a 23-year-old OL is asked out by two men on the same day. The first one is her age, unsophisti- cated, not very rich (because of his age), and boring to talk to but hardwork- ing. He asks her out to a new bar introduced in the magazine Tokyo 1 shūkan , which is a plain city-guide magazine. The second offer comes from a man who is older, married, interesting, and working in journalism or advertising. This man asks her out to an expensive restaurant that serves the exotic and adven- turous fugu. Sakai’s distinction is very clear: the “winning woman” would definitely choose the former; whereas a woman doomed to be a “loser” would choose the latter. The winner makes clever and constructive choices think- ing that in the long run the boring young man would make a good husband, whereas the loser tends to be hedonistic and goes for the interesting conversa- tion and the daring cuisine and most likely, would end up in an unproductive affair with this married man. 17 . Related articles published in Aera in 2004 include “ Kachigumi shufu no kar- isuma Fujino Makiko ga kataru ‘onna no kanpekina shiawase wa nai ’” (“There is no perfect happiness for women,” says Fujino Makiko, a winning charisma housewife; February 9, 2004); “ Makeinu otoko datte tōboe, 37sai makeinu dōshi ga naze kekkon dekitanoka ” (The howl of male loser dogs: How could two 37-year-old losers get married?; March 1, 2004); “Makeinu no haha, sono jubaku Notes ● 245

musume kara mita haha koso makeinu da ” (Loser dogs mothers and their spell: Mothers as loser dogs from their daughters’ point of view; March 29, 2004). 1 8 . Sama is a more respected form of the usual honorific san , which marks “Mrs,” “Ms,” or “Mr.” As such, sama is used for the imperial family. 1 9 . Princess Masako, Prisoner of the Chrysanthemum Throne is the title of a 2006 book written by an Australian journalist, Ben Hills. In his book, which sparked outrage from the Japanese Imperial Household Agency and the Japanese Foreign Ministry and caused diplomatic waves of strong dissent, Hills unfolds the “Tragic True Story of Japan’s Crown Princess” while putting most of the blame for her tragedy on the pressure placed on her by that agency. 20 . The newscast was from Kyodo News; see http://www.47news.jp/CN/201005 /CN2010053101000511.html (accessed July 14, 2010). 21 . Sakai Junko (essayist) X Kayama Rika (professor of Rikkyo University, psy- chologist), “‘ Kawari yuku nihon jyosei no ikikata’ sono haikei ni nagareru mono ” (Currents behind the changing lifestyle of young Japanese women); available at http://www.asahi.com/ad/clients/rikkyo/taidan/taidan02_01.html (accessed July 11, 2010). 22 . “Hot mama” has become the most popular term used in Sakura magazine. According to the magazine, the number of hot mamas has been increasing dras- tically. A hot mama is described as a “woman who begins shining as soon as she meets her beloved husband and gives birth to her beloved child.” Hot mamas enjoy daily life, child rearing, fashion, work, and household chores in their own style ( jibun sutairu de). Sakura opened its official website “Hot Mama Town” to give space (mainly for shopping) to these “powerful women leading the era” (see http://sakuramama.jp/about; accessed October 18, 2011). 23 . The drama tells the story of a highly capable 39-year-old psychiatrist named Satako who is single, is very successful in her work, and generally enjoys life. Satako generally does not think of her age. However, reaching her fortieth birthday, following an alumni reunion, she is constantly reminded that “if you want children, you should marry now” and that “this is women’s happiness.” Two other main female characters are 35-year-old Nao, her junior who pro- claims that she won’t marry, but quickly does, and Takeuchi Mizue, another good friend since high school who is a full-time housewife.

Afterword 1 . Japan Times suggested setsuden (electricity conservation) as the keyword for 2011, or at least for its summer (“The New Setsuden Culture,” May 15, 2011; see also, Gordenker, 2011).

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Index

Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. Abe Shinzō, former Prime Minister, 194 Bi-Story (women’s magazine), 220 Utsukushii kuni e (Toward a Beautiful B o u r d i e u , P i e r r e , 2 3 , 2 5 Nation) , 127 b r e a d w i n n e r m o d e l , 4 3 , 4 6 , 7 3 , 8 3 – 1 1 2 , a b s e n t f a t h e r s , 9 4 – 7 , 1 0 5 1 2 5 – 6 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 , 1 9 8 , 2 3 3 n 4 , A b u - L u g h o d , L i l a , 2 5 , 2 8 2 3 4 n 1 0 , 2 3 4 n 1 2 , 2 3 8 n 1 0 adult member of society ( shakaijin ) , 6 3 , b r i d a l t r a i n i n g (hanayome shugyō ) , 6 1 , 6 5 , 8 2 , 8 6 , 1 1 7 7 1 , 2 3 2 n 2 3 Angle Plan, 197 B r i n t o n , M a r y , 6 0 – 1 , 2 2 7 n 1 7 , 2 3 1 n 1 1, anthropological (ethnographic) 2 4 4 n 1 3 p r o c e s s , x v i i , x i x - x x i , 2 9 , 3 0 b u b b l e e c o n o m y , x x i i i , x x i v , 5 7 – 8, r e f l e x i v i t y i n , 9 , 2 1 – 5 , 2 1 7 , 2 2 4 6 7 – 9 , 8 3 – 6 , 9 4 , 1 2 1 – 2 , 1 3 5 – 6, arafo (around age 40), 211–12 2 1 1 , 2 3 0 n 4 , 2 3 0 n 1 0 arranged marriage ( omiai ) , 1 1 8 , 1 9 9 , 2 4 4 n 1 4 Centers for Gender Equality ( Danjō arubaito (part-time work undertaken by kyodo sankaku ) , 2 3 1 n 1 3 s t u d e n t s ) , 6 6 , 1 0 0 – 1 , 1 3 4 , 2 3 1 n 1 8 Chambers, Veronica, 153 Asia’s New Mothers ( O c h i a i ) , 4 0 c h a r i s m a (karisuma ), evolution of At Home Dad (television series), 233n4 the term, 240n9 charisma housewife ( karisuma shufu), B a r d s l e y , J a n , 4 5 x v i i , 1 8 , 1 8 5 , 2 1 0 , 2 4 0 n 7 B a r t h e s , R o l a n d , 2 3 d e f i n i t i o n a n d t r a i t s o f , 6 9 , 1 4 9 – 5 0 , 1 8 4 Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society, good wife, wise mother compared 1 9 6 , 2 4 3 n 5 , 2 4 3 n 7 with, 142 beloved wives (aisare tsuma ) , 1 8 1 – 2 K u r i h a r a H a r u m i a s , 1 3 9 , 1 4 7 – 5 8 , B e r k o v i t c h , N i t s a , 1 2 – 1 3 1 6 2 , 1 8 5 , 2 2 1 , 2 2 7 n 2 5 , 2 4 0 n 2 B e t e i l l e , A n d r e , 2 3 7 n 5 Kuroda Chieko as, 160 birthrates, falling (shōshika ) , 4 1 , 4 9 – 5 0 , Mariko on, 146 1 9 2 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 9 – 2 0 0 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 8, m a r k e t i n g , 1 5 1 – 5 , 1 6 3 2 3 1 – 2 n 2 1 , 2 3 4 – 5 n 1 7 model housewife compared with, 69 Bishō (A Smile ; women’s magazine), 151–3 as Royal Heights role model, 139 264 ● Index

Child Care and Family Leave Law, 197 , Desperate Housewives (television series), 2 3 1 n 1 4 1 8 , 2 2 9 n 2 C l a m m e r , J o h n , 1 1 9 , 2 3 2 n 2 2 diversity growth: c l a s s . See middle class; social class l i f e s t y l e s a n d , 5 2 , 1 3 6 , 1 9 1 – 4, 2 0 5 – 7 , Classy (women’s magazine), 161 2 1 0 – 1 2 Clifford, James, Writing Culture womanhood, women’s lives and, ( w i t h M a r c u s ) , 2 2 7 n 2 7 4 9 – 5 0 , 1 2 8 collaborative ethnography, xxiii, domesticity mystique, xxi-xxii, 186 , 221 2 9 – 3 1 , 2 2 4 d r e a m s (yume ) , 1 1 8 , 1 3 7 – 4 0 , 1 5 7 , 1 7 8 – 9 comeback into society ( fukki ) , 1 6 0 , 1 6 4 , 1 7 8 – 9 , 1 8 4 e c o n o m i c b u b b l e , 4 9 , 5 7 – 8 , 6 7 – 9, c o m i c s (manga ) , 2 4 0 n 1 0 8 3 – 6 , 9 4 , 1 2 1 – 2 , 1 3 5 – 6 , 2 1 1 , c o m p a n y (kaisha ) , 1 1 , 6 1 – 9 , 9 4 2 3 0 n 4 , 2 3 0 n 1 0 and family service ( famiri sabisu ) , E c o n o m i c P l a n n i n g A g e n c y , 2 3 1 – 2 n 2 2 , 9 5 – 7 2 3 7 n 7 and social studies ( shakai benkyō ) , E h r e n r e i c h , B a r b a r a , 9 2 6 3 – 6 electricity conservation ( setsuden ) , 2 1 8 , w o m a n f r i e n d l y , 6 2 , 7 7 , 2 3 1 n 1 3 , 245n1 2 3 1 n 1 9 electronic-correspondence/e-mail as a company-centered society (kigyō reflexive ethnographic tool, shakai ) , 4 2 – 4 x i x - x x i , 9 – 1 3 , 2 2 c o m p a n y i s m (kaisha shugi ) , 4 3 , 8 3 , 9 4 emoticons of faces, Japanese-style confessional articles (kokuhaku kiji ) , ( kaomoji ) , 1 3 2 151–2 endurance, tolerance ( gaman ) , 6 7 , 7 6 , Constable, Nicole, 11–12 9 9 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 0 – 1 , 1 5 4 c o n s u m e r i s m , 5 7 , 6 7 – 8 , 1 6 8, 1 7 6, Equal Employment Opportunity 2 3 0 n 4 , 2 4 1 – 2 n 2 3 L a w ( E E O L ) , 7 7 , 1 6 3 , 2 0 8 , 2 1 1 , corporate gender contract. See gender 2 4 1 n 1 8 contract “ e r a o f H a r u m i , ” 1 8 5 – 6 Corrigan, Philip, xxii, 42 , 225n4 era of women (onna no jidai ) , 8 6 The Great Arch: State Formation as a E s t é v e z - A b e , M a r g a r i t a , 9 1 , 2 3 3 – 4 n 9 Cultural Revolution (with Sayer), e t h n o g r a p h y : x x i i , 2 2 9 n 1 0 c o l l a b o r a t i v e , x x i i i , 8 , 2 9 – 3 1 , 2 2 4 Council for Gender Equality (CGE), 196 electronic-correspondence and, Crown Princess Masako, 187 , 207–8 9 – 1 3 , 2 2 cute adults, xxiv, 170 , 173–7 , 184 f e m i n i s t , x x i , x x i i i , 5 , 8 , 2 5 , 2 8 – 3 0 g e n d e r a n d , 2 5 – 9 day care center ( hoikuen ) , 7 7 – 8 0 , 8 2 , n e w e t h n o g r a p h y , 2 3 1 0 4 , 1 3 0 , 2 3 2 n 2 9 r e c i p r o c a l , 3 0 , 2 2 2 , 2 2 4 d e - h o u s e w i f i z a t i o n , 4 0 . r e f l e x i v i t y a n d , 9 , 2 1 – 5 , 2 9, 2 1 7 , 2 2 4 See also housewifization ( shufu-ka ) examination hell (shiken jigoku ) , 1 0 8 , 2 2 2 delay delivery, trend to ( bansanka ) , 1 9 2 delay marriage, trend to ( bankonka ) , 5 0 , f a m i l y (katei ) , 9 0 6 7 , 1 2 3 , 1 6 1 , 1 9 2 – 3 , 2 3 1 – 2 n 2 1 , family service ( famiri sabisu ) , 9 5 – 7 . 2 3 7 n 7 , 2 3 9 n 2 0 See also company Index ● 265

fashionable spirit (oshare gokoro ), xvii, g e n d e r i n e q u a l i t y , 1 9 6 – 9 , 2 4 3 n 6 , 156–8 244n9 Feminine Mystique, The ( F r i e d a n ) , x x i , g e n d e r s t r a t e g i e s , 9 7 – 8 , 1 0 1 – 4 , 2 3 5 n 2 1 5 , 3 7 , 5 1 , 1 4 6 , 1 8 5 , 2 4 0 n 3 g e n d e r - f r e e s o c i e t y , 1 9 6 f e m i n i s m , x x i , 3 7 , 5 6 , 1 2 5 – 6 , 1 6 1, girls from “good families” (ojōsama ) , 7 2 1 8 3 , 1 9 4 – 6 , 2 0 7 – 8 , 2 1 1 , 2 2 6 n 1 3 , good wife, wise mother ( ryōsai kenbo ) , 2 2 8 n 5 , 2 2 9 n 1 5 4 2 – 3 , 4 8 – 9 , 6 0 , 6 9 – 7 2 , 7 6, 1 2 5 , f e m i n i s t c o n s c i o u s n e s s , x x i 1 4 2 , 2 2 9 n 1 1 f e m i n i s t m e t h o d o l o g i e s , 1 2 , 2 9 G o r d o n , A n d r e w , 4 1 – 4 feminist studies and feminists government housing ( danchi ) , 2 0 , 1 1 9 ( J a p a n e s e ) , x v i i , x x i , 4 7 , 5 0 , 1 6 1, Great Arch: State Formation as a 1 8 3 , 1 9 4 , 1 9 6 , 2 0 8 , 2 1 1 Cultural Revolution (Corrigan and See also e t h n o g r a p h y , f e m i n i s t Sayer), xxii, 229n10 f e r t i l i t y r a t e s h o c k , 1 9 1 – 5 , 2 0 4, 2 0 9 – 1 1 Great East Japan Earthquake and f i e l d w o r k : T s u n a m i , 2 1 9 a n d f r i e n d s h i p , 2 2 – 3 , 3 0 , 2 2 8 n 2 8 Great Hanshin Earthquake, 219 a n d i d e n t i t y , 2 5 , 2 8 guarding the house (ie o mamoru ), xxiv, f o r e i g n e r (gaijin ) , 6 , 8 3 , 1 5 7 , 2 2 7 n 2 6 , 5 8 , 9 0 , 1 2 6 230n9 f r e e t e r s (furītā ) , 6 5 , 1 3 4 – 5 , 1 9 3 – 4 , Hanako ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 5 7 – 8 , 1 5 9 2 3 1 n 1 7 “Hanako tribe” ( Hanako-zoku ) : Freidan, Betty, The Feminine Mystique , definition of, xxiii, 57–8 , 135 , 159 x x i - x x i i , 5 , 3 7 , 5 1 , 1 4 6 , 1 8 5, l i f e c o u r s e o f , 6 0 – 3 240n3 m a r r i a g e a n d , 6 6 – 8 , 9 4 , 1 2 3 Fujin kōron ( Women’s Review ; women’s “natural order of things” and, m a g a z i n e ) , 4 5 , 1 5 1 – 2 , 1 5 4 , 2 2 8 n 8 5 8 – 6 0 , 6 6 F u j i n o M a k i k o , 1 5 3 , 2 4 0 n 1 2 , s o c i a l r o l e s a n d , 6 6 – 8 2 4 4 – 5 n 1 7 w o r k a n d , 6 0 – 6 Fusei no fukken ( Restoration of h a r m o n y (wa ) , 1 5 8 Fatherhood ; Hayashi), 125 H a s h i m o t o R u y t a r o , 1 9 6 Fuzakeruna sengyō shufu ( Stop Messing H a y a s h i M i c h i y o s h i , 4 8 – 9 , 1 2 5 – 7, 1 5 8 , Around, Professional Housewives ; 2 0 6 , 2 3 8 n 9 – 1 0 I s h i h a r a ) , 4 7 Fusei no fukken ( Restoration of Fatherhood ) , 1 2 5 gaman (endurance, perseverance, Shufu no fukken ( Restoration of the t o l e r a n c e ) , 6 7 , 7 6 , 9 9 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 4 , Housewife ) , 1 2 5 1 3 9 – 4 0 H e n d r y , J o y , 2 2 – 3 , 2 2 8 n 2 8 Ganbarō Nippon (Don’t give up, Japan) Hers ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 7 6 – 7 , campaign, 220–1 2 4 0 – 1 n 1 6 g a r b a g e ( gomi ) , 6 , 2 7 , 1 3 1 – 2 , 2 2 7 n 2 6 , H i g u c h i K e i k o , 2 4 2 n 2 6 2 3 5 n 2 0 Hills, Ben, Princess Masako, Prisoner G e e r t z , C l i f f o r d , 2 3 of the Chrysanthemum Throne , Genda Yuji, 192 , 239n18–19 , 243n2 2 4 5 n 1 9 g e n d e r c o n t r a c t , x x i v , 3 8 , 8 7 – 1 0 7 , 1 3 2, Hirdman, Yvonne, 102 1 9 9 , 2 3 4 n 1 1 Hiroko Hara, 148 266 ● Index

housewife ( shufu ) : use of the term shufu , 3 9 beautiful housewife ( utsukushii “Very -type” housewife, 161–4 , 184 shufu ) , 1 2 6 working housewife ( kengyō shufu ) , c u t e h o u s e w i v e s , 1 6 0 , 1 6 4 – 7 3 4 1 , 7 6 – 8 0 , 8 8 , 1 9 0 d e f i n i t i o n s o f , 3 7 – 8 See also charisma housewife delinquent housewife ( furyō ( karisuma shufu ) ; p r o f e s s i o n a l shufu ) , 1 3 2 housewife ( sengyō shufu ) ; w i v e s ’ d r e a m s o f , 1 3 7 – 4 0 kingdom ( tsuma tachi no ōkoku ) emergence of the “happy” housewife, housewifization ( shufu-ka ) , 3 9 – 4 1 1 5 8 – 6 1 first-class housewives (ittō shufu ) , 1 8 3 ichininmae (wholly mature person), F r i e d a n a n d , 3 7 6 3 , 1 1 7 h a r d s h i p s (kurō ) , 6 7 , 7 6 , 1 1 9 – 2 0 , l l o u z , E v a , 1 6 8 , 2 4 1 n 2 2 1 2 8 , 1 5 4 , 1 5 8 , 1 7 7 inner beauty (utsukushisa ) , 4 8 , 1 2 6 – 8 , housewife debate ( shufu ronsō ) , 4 4 – 5 2 , 1 5 8 , 2 3 8 n 1 1 2 0 5 – 7 , 2 2 8 n 8 , 2 2 9 n 1 4 – 1 6 inner spiritual discipline ( seishin ) , housewife welfare ( shufu hogo 2 3 8 n 1 1 seidō ) , 4 3 inside group, circle of friends (nakama ) , h o u s e w i v e s a s w i n n e r s , 2 0 3 – 7 , 2 1 1 , 2 3 , 7 6 , 2 2 7 n 2 0 2 4 4 n 1 6 i n t e r t e x t , e x p l a n a t i o n o f x x , 2 2 4 housewives who paint their nails, I s h i g a k i A y a k o , 4 4 – 6 1 2 3 – 5 , 1 6 1 – 4 I s h i h a r a R i s a , 4 7 – 8 , 2 0 6 a s i d e n t i t y , 3 – 4 , 3 8 , 6 8 – 8 0 , 1 2 5 Fuzakeruna sengyō shufu ( Stop M a r x i s t t h o u g h t a n d , 3 8 , 4 5 , 2 2 9 n 1 4 Messing Around, Professional model housewives (shufu no kagami ) , Housewives ) , 4 7 3 , 3 7 , 6 9 – 7 6 , 8 4 , 9 9 – 1 0 0, 1 0 4 – 5, Kutabare sengyō shufu ( Go to Hell, 1 1 3 , 1 2 3 , 1 5 3 Professional Housewives ) , 4 7 – 8 n e w h o u s e w i v e s , 1 0 1 – 4 , 1 2 7 – 8, Sayonara sengyō shufu ( Good-bye, 1 3 1 – 4 2 Professional Housewives ) , 4 7 orientation to a new type of I s h i z a k i Y ū k o , 1 5 9 – 6 0 , 1 6 8 , 2 3 9 n 2 4 housewife ( shin sengyō shufu shikō), I t ō M a s a k o , 5 0 x x i v , 7 6 , 9 2 , 1 2 7 – 3 0 , 1 3 7 – 4 2, I v r y , T s i p y , 6 0 , 2 2 6 n 1 2 1 5 3 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 1 , 1 7 9 , 2 0 5, 2 0 9 I w a i H a c h i r ō , 4 0 p r o f e s s i o n a l i z a t i o n , 4 2 – 4 iwakan (malaise or difficulty), 3 , 187 proper housewives as a social role, I w a o S u m i k o , 5 0 , 9 4 6 8 – 9 , 1 2 3 – 5 The Japanese Woman: Traditional second-class housewives ( nitō Image and Changing Reality , 104 shufu ) , 1 8 3 as social role, 68–80 Japanese Women: Lineage and Legacies studies of housewifery, 37–9 (ed., Th e r n s t r o m ) , 2 0 7 trendy mothers (oshare mama ), xvii, JJ ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 6 0 – 1 , 1 7 6 2 6 , 1 3 8 – 9 j o b s . See work ugly housewife ( minikui shufu ) , junior college personality ( tandaisei ) , 126–7 1 2 8 , 2 0 5 Index ● 267

j u n i o r c o l l e g e s (tandai ) , 4 4 , 6 0 , 6 3 , 6 9 , (One More Gift: In the House 1 2 7 – 8 , 1 4 9 , 2 1 1 , 2 3 0 n 8 , 2 3 8 n 1 2 , Too There Are Plenty of Fun 2 4 1 n 1 7 Things [To Do] ) , 1 5 6 K u r o d a C h i e k o ( m a g a z i n e i d o l ) , 1 6 0 – 2 , K a n N a o t o , 2 1 9 – 2 0 1 7 4 – 5 , 2 4 1 n 2 1 katakana jobs ( katakana shokugyō ) , 1 8 0 , Kutabare sengyō shufu ( Go to Hell, 1 8 4 , 2 4 2 n 2 7 – 8 Professional Housewives ; Katei gahō ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 6 5 , I s h i h a r a ) , 4 7 2 4 1 n 1 7 K a t s u n o H i r o f u m i , 1 3 2 – 3 , 2 3 8 n 1 5 laid-back theme lunches (iippanashi K a y a m a R i k a , 2 0 8 – 1 0 , 2 4 5 n 2 1 ranchi ) , 1 8 , 2 6 – 7 , 9 0 , 1 3 7 , Masako-sama and the New-Type 2 2 9 – 3 0 n 2 , 2 3 0 n 3 Depression , 208 L a s s i t e r , L u k e E r i c , 8 , 2 9 – 3 0 , 2 2 8 n 2 9 Masako-sama Is Crying with You , 208 L a w l e s s , E l a i n e , 3 0 , 2 2 2 Keiko to manabu (Training and study) L e B l a n c , R o b i n , 6 8 m a g a z i n e , 1 8 0 , 1 8 2 , 2 4 2 n 3 0 Lebra, Takie Sugiyama, 137 Kekkon no jōken (Preconditions for loser, “loser dogs” ( makeinu ) , 2 0 3 – 5 , Marriage ; Ogura), 127–8 , 137 , 2 0 8 , 2 1 1 , 2 3 9 n 2 0 , 2 4 4 n 1 6 1 7 9 , 1 8 3 – 4 , 2 0 5 – 6 lost decade, 133–7 K e l s k y , K a r e n , 1 7 7 love affairs (uwaki ) , 2 2 2 , 2 3 3 n 8 k e y - c h i l d r e n (kagikko ) , 1 1 0 love matches (ren’ai kekkon ) , 2 0 2 , K i m o t o K i m i k o , 4 3 2 4 4 n 1 4 k i n d e r g a r t e n (yōchien ) , 7 , 1 3 – 1 4 , 1 6 , lunch boxes (obentō ) , 1 4 6 , 1 8 6 , 2 3 3 n 4 , 1 8 , 2 0 – 1 , 2 6 , 6 4 , 7 9 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 , 2 4 2 n 2 6 1 1 4 , 1 2 9 – 3 0 , 1 3 7 , 1 7 0 , 1 8 8, 2 3 2 n 2 9 M - c u r v e , 4 0 – 1 , 7 6 , 1 1 0 , 2 2 6 n 1 4 Kiyohara Aki (magazine idol), 170 , Makeinu no tōboe ( The Howl of the Loser 173 , 2 4 1 n 2 1 Dogs ; S a k a i ) , 4 9 , 2 0 3 – 5 , 2 3 9 n 2 0 Kobunsha (publishing company), mansion, suburban condominium 1 6 0 – 1 , 2 4 0 – 1 n 1 6 complex ( manshon ) , 1 8 – 2 0 , 7 3 , Komiyama Makoto, Sengyō shufu e 8 5 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 7 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 1 , 1 4 5 no ōenka (A Cheering Song for vs. danchi g o v e r n m e n t h o u s i n g , 2 0 Professional Housewives ) , 4 8 Marcus, George, Writing Culture (with K o n d o , D o r i n n e , 2 8 , 1 6 7 C l i f f o r d ) , 2 2 7 n 2 7 K o n d o N o r i k o , 1 5 4 – 5 , 2 4 0 n 1 4 M a r i k o : Kurihara Harumi (the greatest a s c o - a u t h o r , 3 1 c h a r i s m a h o u s e w i f e ) , 2 7 , 1 3 8 , e-mail correspondence, xxiii, 7–13 , 1 4 6 – 5 8 , 148 , 154 , 1 6 2 , 1 8 5 – 6 , 2 9 , 7 0 – 1 , 2 2 3 – 4 2 2 0 – 1 , 2 2 7 n 2 5 , 2 4 0 n 2 , 2 4 0 n 5 as field site, xxiii, 7–9 , 75 Kurashi ni chiisana tanoshimi o friendship with author, xviii-xxi, 3 , (Creating Little Pleasures in Your 6 – 1 3 , 2 2 – 3 0 , 31 , 223–4 Day-to-Day Life ) , 1 5 6 g e n e r a t i o n g a p a n d , 7 5 , 1 2 4 Mōhitotsu no okurimono: Ie no Great East Japan Earthquake and naka nimo tanoshii koto ippai T s u n a m i , 2 1 7 – 1 8 268 ● Index

Mariko—Continued M e i j i p e r i o d ( 1 8 6 8 – 1 9 1 2 ) , 3 9 , 4 2 , “hanging one’s hips” (koshikake ) 2 4 1 – 2 n 2 3 , 2 4 3 n 6 a n d , 6 6 m e n : individual emails by, xx, 3–4 , 7–11 , a s b r e a d w i n n e r s , 4 3 , 4 6 , 7 3 , 8 3 – 1 1 2, 1 3 – 1 7 , 3 4 – 5 , 5 5 – 6 , 8 1 – 2 , 1 1 3 – 1 4 , 1 2 5 – 6 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 , 1 9 8 , 2 3 3 n 4 , 1 4 5 – 6 , 1 8 7 – 8 , 2 1 3 – 1 6 2 3 4 n 1 0 , 2 3 4 n 1 2 , 2 3 8 n 1 0 as a mother, xviii-xix, 8–9 , 14–15 , househusbands, stay-at-home dads, 2 1 , 2 4 – 6 , 7 5 , 2 1 3 , 2 2 2 8 8 , 2 3 3 n 4 – 5 m o t h e r o f , x v i i - x v i i i , 5 – 6 , 8 , 1 4 , 3 5 h o u s e w i f e d e b a t e a n d , 4 8 – 9 , 2 2 9 n 1 5 as a natural anthropologist, 30 See also salaryman ( sararīman ) as office lady (OL), xviii, 8 , 14 m i d d l e c l a s s : questioning of the role of A m e r i c a n , 3 7 , 5 1 p r o f e s s i o n a l h o u s e w i f e , 1 3 – 1 7 , 2 6, bright new life (akarui seikatsu ) , 3 5 , 2 2 3 – 4 39–40 a s r e s e a r c h a s s i s t a n t , 1 7 , 2 5 , 2 1 3 f a t h e r l e s s f a m i l i e s a n d , 9 4 a s t r a n s l a t o r , 8 , 1 6 , 3 0 , 6 4 – 5 , 7 1 , J a p a n ’ s n e w , 1 9 , 3 9 – 4 2 , 6 7 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 4 , 2 1 3 , 2 2 3 8 3 – 4 , 1 1 8 v i s i t i n M i c h i g a n , 2 2 2 – 3 m i d d l e - c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s , 6 9 , 7 3 marriage: parenting anxiety and, 125 arranged marriage (omiai ) , 1 1 8 , 1 9 9 , p l a n n e d c o m m u n i t i e s f o r , x v i i i 2 4 4 n 1 4 p r o f e s s i o n a l h o u s e w i f e r o l e a n d , b r i d a l t r a i n i n g (hanayome shugyō ) , 8 8 , 1 3 6 6 1 , 7 1 , 2 3 2 n 2 3 R o y a l H e i g h t s a s t y p i c a l , 6 , 1 9 , 9 4 , contractual aspects of, 200–3 121–2 marriage hunting ( konkatsu ) , Royal Heights women as daughters 1 9 9 – 2 0 3 , 2 0 8, 2 1 1 o f , 6 0 , 6 7 , 7 0 marriage hunting boom, 199–203 s e c u r i t y a n d , 1 2 1 – 2 , 1 3 6 m a r r i a g e h u n t i n g b r a , 1 9 9 , 2 0 1, 201 , 2 1 1 s e l f - c u l t i v a t i o n a n d , 1 8 0 m a r r i a g e h u n t i n g p r o p o s a l c a k e , 1 9 9 , s e l f - i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a s , 6 9 2 0 1 , 202 , 211 s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n , 7 2 – 3 , 1 2 1 p r a c t i c a l i t y a n d , 2 0 2 – 3 Umesao Tadao and, 228n8 r o m a n c e a n d , 1 6 5 , 1 6 8 – 7 0 u r b a n , 3 9 trend to delay marriage ( bankonka), w a n n a b e , 7 2 5 0 , 6 7 , 1 2 3 , 1 6 1 , 1 9 2 – 3 , 2 3 1 – 2 n 2 1 , M i e s , M a r i a , 3 8 2 3 7 n 7 , 2 3 9 n 2 0 M i l l e r , L a u r a , 8 4 winners and losers and, 203–7 , M o e r a n , B r i a n , 1 6 7 – 8 , 2 3 8 n 1 1, 2 4 0 n 8 2 1 1 – 1 2 M o r i K e n , 1 5 2 Masako, Crown Princess, 187 , 207–8 mothers and motherhood: m a t e r n a l f e e l i n g s (bosei ) , 1 0 4 a u t h o r a n d , 9 , 2 1 – 2 , 2 4 – 6 m a t e r n i t y l e a v e , 6 2 , 9 7 good wife, wise mother ( ryōsai M a t h e w s , G o r d o n , 9 2 – 3 , 2 0 2, 2 3 1 n 2 0 , kenbo ) , 4 2 – 3 , 4 8 – 9 , 6 0 , 6 9 – 7 2 , 2 3 4 n 1 3 7 6 , 1 2 5 , 1 4 2 , 2 2 9 n 1 1 meaningless things (nani mo nai koto ) , Hanako t r i b u t e a n d , 6 0 – 8 1 7 8 , 1 8 0 i d e n t i t y a n d , 1 0 3 , 1 7 7 Index ● 269

k e y - c h i l d r e n (kagikko ) and, 110 O c h i a i E m i k o , 3 9 – 4 2 , 4 4 , 5 1 , 5 7 – 8, M a r i k o a n d , x v i i i - x i x , 8 – 9 , 1 4 – 1 5 , 1 5 9 – 6 0 , 2 2 8 n 8 , 2 2 9 n 1 4 , 2 3 7 – 8 n 8, 2 1 , 2 4 – 6 , 7 5 , 2 1 3 , 2 2 2 2 3 9 n 2 4 Mariko’s mother, xvii-xviii, 5–6 , 8 , Asia’s New Mothers , 4 0 1 4 , 3 5 o f f i c e l a d y ( O L ) , 6 , 1 5 1 , 2 3 1 n 1 7 m o t h e r - m a t e s (mama dōshi ) , 1 7 0 definition of, 225n2 park debut (koen debyū ) , 2 0 – 1 i n d i v i d u a l w o m e n a s , 8 , 1 4 , 6 0 – 2 , Sakura (women’s magazine) and, 6 4 – 5 , 6 7 – 9 , 8 6 , 1 0 0 – 1 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 9 1 9 0 , 1 9 4 , 1 9 8 , 2 3 9 n 2 1 , 2 4 1 n 2 0 as “office flowers” ( shokuba no hana ) , s t a k e h o l d e r s a n d , 6 1 – 2 230n6 three-years-old myth ( sansaiji spending habits of, 182 shinwa ) , x i x , 1 4 , 7 6 transition to marriage from, 59 , trendy mothers (oshare mama ), xvii, 6 1 – 5 , 6 7 – 8 , 1 1 1 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 5 , 1 6 6 – 8, 2 6 , 1 3 8 – 9 1 8 1 , 2 3 1 n 1 4 u n m a r r i e d m o t h e r s , 1 9 7 office marriages ( shokuba kekkon ) , w o r k i n g m o t h e r s , 7 6 – 8 0 , 9 7 – 8 , 2 3 1 n 1 5 1 1 4 – 1 5 , 2 3 3 – 4 n 9 O g u r a C h i k a k o , 1 6 2 – 3 , 1 7 5 , 2 3 8 n 1 2 M y ō k i S h i n o b u , 4 9 , 2 0 6 , 2 2 9 n 1 6 Kekkon no jōken (Preconditions for Marriage ) , 1 2 7 – 8 , 1 3 7 , 1 7 9 , naishoku ( c r y p t i c w o r k ) , 1 3 7 , 1 8 4 1 8 3 – 4 , 2 0 5 – 6 N a k a n o , L y n n e , 1 2 1 Ohno Sakiko, 185–6 National Institute of Population and okozukai ( a l l o w a n c e ) , 4 6 , 9 9 , 1 0 4 , Social Security Research, 209 2 3 6 n 2 4 natural order of things (atarimae ) , 5 6 , okusan , use of the term, 39 , 228n8 5 8 – 6 0 , 6 6 , 7 6 – 7 , 1 0 0 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 6 , O ’ R e i l l y , J a c q u e l i n e , 9 1 , 1 1 1 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 2 , 2 0 0 , 2 1 0 – 1 2 2 3 6 n 2 6 – 7 NEET (not currently engaged in education, employment or parasite singles ( parasaito shinguru ) , 5 0 , t r a i n i n g ) , 1 3 3 – 7 , 1 9 2 , 2 3 8 – 9 n 1 6 , 1 3 5 , 1 9 2 , 1 9 4 , 1 9 9 , 2 3 9 n 1 8 2 3 9 n 1 8 Parco advertising campaign, 243n36 Nemoto, Kumiko, 244n9 Parent Teacher Association (PTA), New Life Movement, 43–4 h o u s e w i v e s ’ p a r t i c i p a t i o n , 6 8 , 7 3 , n e w m i d d l e c l a s s , 1 9 , 3 9 – 4 1 , 6 7 , 6 9 , 1 0 7 – 1 2 , 1 1 8 , 1 2 4 , 1 7 8 8 3 – 4 , 1 1 8 park debut (koen debyū ) , 2 0 – 1 n e w w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e s , 1 5 8 – 6 1 , 1 6 8 , p a r t - t i m e r s (pāto ) , 7 0 , 8 2 , 1 0 7 , 2 2 6 n 1 4 , 1 9 0 . See also women’s magazines 2 3 1 n 1 8 n u i s a n c e (meiwaku ) , 6 , 7 0 , 1 1 0 P e n g , I t o , 1 9 6 personal style ( watashi rashiku ) , 1 5 6 , 1 7 6 O a k l e y , A n n , 2 5 , 3 7 – 8 Precious Life ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 8 0 – 1 obon (Buddhist holiday), 145 , 240n1 Princess Masako, Prisoner of o c c u p a t i o n ( shokugyō ) , 4 5 , 7 4 , 1 2 9 , 1 8 3 . the Chrysanthemum Throne See also work ( H i l l s ) , 2 4 5 n 1 9 “Ocha shiyō” (Let’s do tea) Internet professional housewife (sengyō shufu ) , f o r u m , 1 8 , 9 0 , 1 2 9 – 3 0 , 2 3 8 n 1 5 xvii–xviii 270 ● Index professional housewife—Continued as field site, 17–18 b l a n k (buranku ) a n d , 1 0 7 – 8 , 1 1 1 , 1 3 8 older generations’ criticism of c r i t i c i s m s o f , 4 7 – 8 , 2 0 6 younger housewives in, 109 death of, 49–52 as typical middle-class g e n d e r a n d , 9 9 – 1 0 0 , 1 0 7 , 1 4 6, n e i g h b o r h o o d , 6 , 1 9 , 9 4 , 1 2 1 – 2 233n4 as “wives’ kingdom,” 6 , 118–19 , 121 housewifization ( shufu-ka ) a n d , y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n i n , 7 5 – 6 39–41 Royal Heights women (pseudonyms) i d e n t i t y a n d , 1 1 9 – 2 0 H a r a - s a n , 7 5 , 1 0 5 – 6 , 1 2 5 , 1 5 0 loneliness and, 123–4 H a r a d a - s a n , 1 0 3 – 4 , 1 2 9 – 3 0 , 2 2 1 men as, 233n4–5 H a s e g a w a - s a n , 7 8 – 9 , 1 2 9 – 3 0 N e w L i f e M o v e m e n t a n d , 4 3 – 4 K a n e k o - s a n , 7 5 a s o c c u p a t i o n , 7 4 , 8 8 , 1 9 4 , 2 3 5 n 3 K a t o h - s a n , 5 8 , 6 4 , 8 6 – 7 , 1 0 6 – 8 , origin and use of the term, 41 1 1 1 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 2 , 1 4 8 , 2 3 2 n 2 power of, 157–8 K u d o h - s a n , 1 2 8 – 4 2 , 1 6 1 – 3 , 1 8 4 , questioning domestic power of, 221–2 104–7 M o r i - s a n , 1 0 1 – 2 , 1 2 5 questioning the role of, 13–16 , M u r a k a m i - s a n , 5 8 – 9 , 1 4 0 – 1 2 6 , 3 5 N a k a n o - s a n ( h u s b a n d ) , 8 7 – 9 , r e s p e c t f o r , 4 8 , 8 8 9 2 – 3 , 1 2 6 r o l e i n i t i a t i o n r i t e s , 6 6 – 8 , 1 2 3 N a o m i - s a n , 8 2 , 9 0 , 9 3 , 1 1 1 , 1 2 1 – 2, a s a s o c i a l c a t e g o r y / r o l e , 1 7 , 2 6, 6 2 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 3 – 4 , 1 4 0 – 1 , 1 5 0 – 1, 2 1 9, 6 7 – 8 , 8 8 , 2 2 4 2 2 1 , 2 3 3 n 6 , 2 3 9 n 1 s t a t u s c o m p e t i t i o n a n d , 1 1 9 – 2 0 S a k a i - s a n , 6 1 – 2 , 6 7 – 8 , 7 1 , 8 4 , 9 3, s t u d i e s o f , 3 8 – 9 9 6 – 7 , 1 0 0 , 1 3 9 – 4 0 , 2 3 1 n 1 2 yearning or dream to be, 71–4 , S h i b a t a - s a n , 7 2 – 4 , 1 0 0 , 1 1 7 – 2 1 , 8 7 – 8 , 1 5 7 1 2 3 – 4 , 1 2 7 as symbol of post-war middle-class T a k a h a s h i - s a n , 6 4 – 5 , 1 0 8 – 9 , 2 3 1 n 1 7 family life, 69 Y a m a d a - s a n , 7 2 – 4 , 1 0 0 – 1 , 1 0 5 , See also housewife ( shufu ) 1 2 0 , 1 2 4 p r o g r e s s (shinka ) , 1 7 3 – 5 Y a m a g u c h i - s a n , 6 0 , 7 2 , 9 9 – 1 0 0 Y a m a s h i t a - s a n , 8 5 , 9 5 , 9 8 , 1 2 2 R a d i n , P a u l , 2 9 See also M a r i k o r e a d e r m o d e l s (dokusha moderu ) , 1 6 2 – 3 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 5 , 1 8 1 Saitō Shigeo, Tsumatachi no shishūki Revolutionary Road ( f i l m ) , 2 4 3 n 3 5 (Th e Autumnal Crisis of Married Rikako Yamamoto, 165 Women ) , 5 1 Robertson, Jennifer, xxii, 195 , S a k a i J u n k o , 4 9 , 2 0 3 – 6 , 2 0 9 – 1 0, 2 4 1 – 2 n 2 3 2 3 9 n 2 0 , 2 4 4 n 1 6 , 2 4 5 n 2 1 r o m a n c e , r o m a n t i c i s m , 1 6 5 , 1 6 8 – 7 0, Makeinu no tōboe ( The Howl of the 1 9 4 , 2 0 2 – 4 , 2 3 5 n 1 8 , 2 4 1 n 2 1 – 3 , Loser Dogs ) , 4 9 , 2 0 3 – 5 , 2 3 9 n 2 0 2 4 4 n 1 5 Sakura ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 3 9 , R o s e n b e r g e r , N a n c y , 1 6 4 , 2 2 8 n 6 1 6 4 , 1 8 9 – 9 5 , 191 , 1 9 8 , 2 3 9 n 2 1 , Royal Heights (pseudonym), 19 2 4 1 n 2 0 , 2 4 5 n 2 2 description and history of, 18–21 salaryman ( sararīman ) , 4 0 , 7 1 Index ● 271

a s a b s e n t h u s b a n d s , 9 3 – 5 single nobility ( shingeru kizoku ) , 1 9 2 d e f i n i t i o n o f , 8 3 , 2 2 5 n 1 s k i n s h i p (sukinshippu ) , 2 3 5 n 1 8 a s e v e r y m a n , 4 0 – 1 s o c i a l c l a s s : a s a f o l k m o d e l , 8 4 – 6 c o n s c i o u s n e s s , 6 9 , 7 3 , 8 5 , 1 1 8 – 1 9 , a s m o d e l h u s b a n d , 8 4 – 6 , 9 6 237n4 i n Shall We Dansu? ( f i l m ) , 2 3 4 n 1 5 d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d , 1 1 9 , 2 3 7 n 4 “Salaryman” in Japan (Japan Travel e n t r a n c e e x a m i n a t i o n s a n d , 2 2 2 B u r e a u ) , 8 3 era of Harumi and, 186 s a m u r a i (bushi ) , 3 9 , 9 0 – 1 m o b i l i t y a n d , 1 6 8 S a t o , B a r b a r a , 1 5 1 – 2 , 2 3 9 n 2 4 Royal Heights’ homogeneity of, 19 , 57 S a t o T o s h i k i , 1 2 1 s a l a r y m e n a n d , 8 3 , 2 2 5 n 1 S a y e r , D e r e k , x x i i , 4 2 , 2 2 5 n 4 status groups compared with, 237n5 The Great Arch: State Formation studies and training ( okeiko ) a n d , as a Cultural Revolution (with 183–4 C o r r i g a n ) , x x i i , 2 2 9 n 1 0 “ t h i n ” d i s t i n c t i o n s o f , 6 8 , 7 2 , 8 4 , 1 1 9 S e c h i y a m a K a k u , 9 1 w i v e s ’ k i n g d o m s a n d , 1 1 8 – 1 9 Second Shift, The ( H o c h s c h i l d ) , 7 7 , 9 8 See also middle class self, myself (jibun ) : s o c i a l r o l e ( s ) : l o v e o f o n e s e l f , 1 7 3 – 7 Crown Princess and, 207–8 self-cultivation ( shūyō ) , 1 7 5 , 1 8 0 discrepancy in, 92 , 100 s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t (tasseikan ) , 8 9 , 9 2 , 1 2 5 h o u s e w i f e a s , 6 , 2 6 , 5 2 , 6 8 , 8 8 , self-polishing (jibun migaki ) , 1 8 0 – 1 1 0 3 , 2 2 4 s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n (jiko jitsugen ) , 1 8 0 lack of confidence in, 125 something I want to do ( yaritai koto ) , s i n g l e , 6 0 , 1 0 0 , 1 9 8 1 3 8 , 1 7 6 , 2 4 2 n 2 5 t r a n s i t i o n i n g i n t o n e w , 6 0 – 8 t r u e s e l f (hontō no jibun ) , 1 7 7 a s t r a p s , 9 0 – 3 your own axis (jibun jiku ) , 1 8 3 , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , 5 0 , 5 8 , 6 3 – 9 , 8 4 , 2 4 2 n 3 3 8 8 – 9 , 9 8 – 1 0 0 , 1 8 3 , 2 2 5 n 1 your own style ( jibun sutairu de ) , s i n g l e - r o l e p r i n c i p l e , 6 0 , 1 0 0 , 1 9 8 2 4 5 n 2 2 See also social role(s) s e l f i s h (wagamama ) , 5 0 , 6 7 , 1 2 3 , 1 7 6 , 2 2 1 society, being in or entering into Sengyō shufu e no ōenka (A Cheering ( shakai ni hairu ) , 6 5 Song for Professional Housewives ; S p i e l v o g e l , L a u r a , 1 2 4 K o m i y a m a ) , 4 8 S t a c e y , J u d i t h , 2 8 shikata ga nai (“what can’t be helped”), standardization of the Japanese family 1 0 , 6 7 , 9 0 , 1 1 3 , 2 3 1 n 2 0 p a t t e r n , 4 1 – 3 Shirakawa Tōko, The Age of Marriage Stewardess monogatari (The Tale of a Hunting (with Yamada), 199 , 201 Stewardess ; t e l e v i s i o n s e r i e s ) , 2 3 8 n 1 3 shufu , use of the term, 39 Story ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 6 1 , 1 6 4 , compared with okusan , 3 9 , 2 2 8 n 8 1 6 8 – 7 9 , 169 , 171–2 , 174 , 1 8 3 , See also housewife ( shufu ) 1 9 3 , 2 0 4 , 2 4 1 n 2 1 , 2 4 2 n 2 4 Shufu no fukken ( Restoration of the Story g e n e r a t i o n , 1 6 1 , 1 7 0 – 1 , 1 7 5 – 6 , 1 7 9 Housewife ; Hayashi), 125 studies and training ( okeiko ) , 1 0 7 – 1 0 , Shufu no tomo ( Housewife’s Companion ; 1 3 9 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 5 , 1 7 8 – 9 , 1 8 1 – 4, 2 2 2, women’s magazine), 151 , 160 239n23 272 ● Index

suffer, hardship ( kūrō ) , 6 7 , 7 6 , 1 1 9 , 1 5 4 W a g a t s u m a , M o e k o , 1 2 1 suitable age (tekireiki ) , 2 0 0 , 2 3 9 n 2 0 Waifu ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 2 3 6 n 2 5 Suteki reshipi ( Lovely Recipe ; women’s W e b e r , M a x , 2 3 7 n 5 m a g a z i n e ) , 1 5 4 well-side conferences ( idobata kaigi ) , 6 , S u t t o n , C o n n i e , 2 4 2 1 , 7 6 S w i d l e r , A n n , 9 8 , 1 0 0 , 2 3 5 n 2 1 W h i t e , M e r r y , 2 3 2 n 2 2 White Paper on People’s Lifestyles by T a i s h ō p e r i o d ( 1 9 1 2 – 2 6 ) , 3 9 the Japanese Ministry of Health T a k e d a , H i r o k o , 4 6 , 4 9 a n d W e l f a r e , 1 2 7 , 1 6 1 , 2 0 9 T a k e d a K y o k o , 4 6 w i f e . See housewife ( shufu ) T a n a k a , K e i k o , 1 6 4 , 2 3 8 n 9 Winship, Janice, 183–4 Thernstrom, Amy McCreedy, wives’ kingdom (tsuma tachi no ōkoku ) , 1 9 5 , 2 0 7 x v i i i , 6 , 1 1 8 – 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 2 2 5 n 1 three-years-old myth ( sansaiji shinwa), Women, Culture and Society (eds, x i x , 1 4 , 7 6 Rosaldo and Lamphere), 228n5 t o l e p a i n t i n g , 1 3 9 – 4 0 , 2 3 9 n 2 2 Women Centers ( Josei sentā ) , 2 3 1 n 1 3 Total Fertility rate (TFR), 192 women’s magazines, 133 Toyota ad campaign, 163 , 198 Bishō (A Smile ) , 1 5 1 – 3 training and studies ( okeiko ) , 1 0 7 – 1 0 , Bi-Story , 220 1 3 9 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 5 , 1 7 8 – 9 , 1 8 1 – 4, 2 2 2, Classy , 161 239n23 Fujin kōron ( Women’s Review ) , 4 5 , trendy mothers (oshare mama ) , x v i i , 2 6 , 1 5 1 – 2 , 1 5 4 , 2 2 8 n 8 138–9 Hanako , 5 7 – 8 , 1 5 9 Tsumatachi no shishūki ( The Autumnal Hers , 1 7 6 – 7 , 2 4 0 – 1 n 1 6 Crisis of Married Women; Saitō), 51 JJ , 160–1 , 176 Katei gahō , 1 6 5 , 2 4 1 n 1 7 U e n o C h i z u k o , 1 4 , 1 6 , 3 9 – 4 0 , 4 4 , Precious Life , 180–1 5 0 – 1 , 1 9 8 , 2 2 6 n 1 3 , 2 2 8 n 8 , Sakura , 1 3 9 , 1 6 4 , 1 8 9 – 9 5 , 1 9 8 , 2 2 9 n 1 5 2 3 9 n 2 1 , 2 4 1 n 2 0 , 2 4 5 n 2 2 U m e s a o T a d a o , 2 2 8 n 8 , 2 2 9 n 1 5 Shufu no tomo ( Housewife’s unmarried nobility (dokushin Companion ) , 1 5 1 , 1 6 0 kizoku ) , 1 9 2 Story , 1 6 1 , 1 6 4 , 1 6 8 – 7 9 , 1 8 3 , 1 9 3 , U n o , K a t h l e e n , 4 9 , 2 2 9 n 1 1 2 0 4 , 2 4 1 n 2 1 , 2 4 2 n 2 4 Utsukushii kuni e (Toward a Beautiful Suteki reshipi ( Lovely Recipe ) , 1 5 4 Nation ; Abe Shinzō), 127 Very , 1 6 0 – 8 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 5 – 8 , 1 9 3 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 1 , 2 4 1 n 1 7 , 2 4 2 n 2 4 Very ( w o m e n ’ s m a g a z i n e ) , 1 6 0 – 8 , Waifu , 2 3 6 n 2 5 166–7 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 5 – 8 , 1 9 3 , 2 0 4 , 2 1 1, w o r k : 2 4 1 n 1 7 , 2 4 2 n 2 4 commitment to some aspect of one’s “Vision of Gender Equality,” 196 ( ikigai ) , 9 2 – 3 , 1 4 1 v o c a t i o n a l s c h o o l (senmon gakko ) , 1 0 0 , corporate job assignment in a foreign 1 1 7 , 2 4 1 n 1 7 country ( kaigai chūzai ) , 1 0 4 Vogel, Ezra, 39–40 , 118 cryptic work (naishoku ) , 1 3 7 , 1 8 4 V o g e l , S u z a n n e , 3 8 death from overwork (karōshi ) , 9 5 Index ● 273 invention of the part-time job, special occupation, specialization 4 0 – 1 ( sengyō ) , 8 8 job hunting ( shūshoku katsudo ) , 1 3 5 , unaccompanied job transfer ( tanshin 201–2 funin ) , 1 0 2 – 3 , 1 7 7 job transfer ( tenkin ) , 7 8 , 8 4 , 9 6 , w o r k i n g m o t h e r s , 7 6 – 8 0 , 9 7 – 8 , 1 0 9 , 2 1 9 1 1 4 – 1 5 , 2 3 3 – 4 n 9 katakana jobs ( katakana shokugyō ) , See also office lady (OL) ; salaryman 1 8 0 , 1 8 4 , 2 4 2 n 2 7 – 8 Writing Culture (Clifford and Marcus), M-curve pattern of the labor cycle, 2 2 7 n 2 7 4 0 – 1 , 7 6 , 1 1 0 , 2 2 6 n 1 4 o c c u p a t i o n ( shokugyō ) , 4 5 , 7 4 , Y a m a d a M a s a h i r o , 2 6 , 4 9 , 8 2 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 9 , 1 8 3 1 9 2 , 2 3 9 n 1 8 , 2 4 3 n 2 office marriages ( shokuba kekkon ) , The Age of Marriage Hunting 2 3 1 n 1 5 (with Shirakawa), 199 , 201 part-time work undertaken by The Age of Parasite Singles , 1 9 2 , 1 9 9 students ( arubaito ) , 6 6 , 1 0 0 – 1 , Yamaguchi Harumi, 185 1 3 4 , 2 3 1 n 1 8 Y a m a m o t o Y u k a , 1 5 3 , 2 4 0 n 1 1 p a r t - t i m e r s (pāto ) , 7 0 , 8 2 , 1 0 7 , Y a n a g i s a w a H a k u o , 1 9 4 2 2 6 n 1 4 , 2 3 1 n 1 8 Yanay, Niza, 12–13 short period of corporate work after Y a n o , 1 3 2 , 2 3 8 n 1 5 graduation, “hanging one’s hips,” y e a r n i n g (akogare ) , 6 2 , 7 4 ( koshikake ) , 6 3 , 6 6 Y u z a w a Y a s u h i k o , 2 0 3