DOCSLIB.ORG

Elizabeth Jeffreys, John Haldon and Robin Cormack (Eds.)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Elizabeth Jeffreys, John Haldon and Robin Cormack (Eds.) THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF BYZANTINE STUDIES Edited by ELIZABETH JEFFREYS with JOHN HALDON and ROBIN CORMACK OXPORD UNIVERSITY PRESS CHAPTER III.18.2 HISTORIOGRAPHY MICHAEL ANGOLD MICHAEL WHITBY THE classical tradition of historiography stretching back to Herodotos and Thucy- dides in the fifth century BCE offered Byzantine authors a rich and varied inheri- tance; on occasions expectations to conform imposed restraints but the continuing development of Byzantine historiography over more than a millennium demon- strates the vitality of the genre and the stimulus provided by its roots. In the classical world historiography was a branch of rhetoric, and its texts displayed events of the past to an audience in an attractive manner. Even if the ultimate audience would be readers, there was a continuing tradition of public recitation and historical texts were decorated with display pieces composed in higher style: speeches for partici- pants in the narrative, digressions on topics of interest such as foreign customs or strange tales, and editorial comments on people and events. A sequence of classicizing writers in the early Byzantine centuries operated in this tradition, from Dexippos (c.270) to Theophylakt (c.630). At least in Greek there was a sense of continuity, with Agathias explicidy tacking his narrative on to Prokopios and Theophylakt doing the same for Menander. Only four of these histories are substantially complete, by Zosimos (from the mid-third century through to 410; ed. Paschoud 1971-89; trans. Ridley 1982), and Prokopios (ed. Haury 1905-13; trans. Dewing 1914-54), Agathias (ed. Keydell 1967; trans. Frendo 1975), and Theophylakt (ed. de Boor and Wirth 1972; trans. Whitby and Whitby 1986) (most of sixth century); in addition there survive the last 18 books (354-78) of Ammianus, a Greek from Syria who wrote in Latin (Matthews 1989; Barnes 1998). For others we rely on fragments, primarily preserved in the tenth-century Excerpta of Constantine Porphyrogennetos: for Priskos, Malchos, and Menander we have significant nar- ratives of diplomatic dealings, as well as shorter passages containing interesting opinions (.sententiae), but it is impossible to be confident about the overall shape and nature of their works (Blockley 1983). Education was the primary qualification for composing such histories, since writers had to understand the tradition in which they worked and present their narrative appropriately. Classical vocabulary and style were adopted, with varying success: Prokopios created a flowing narrative in the manner of Arrian; Agathias devoted himself to literary study of his predecessors but often produced convo- luted rhetoric (Cameron 1970); Theophylakt's classicism was less thorough and he incorporated influences from the Septuagint and other Christian texts (Whitby 1988). Literary purity required that modern terms be avoided, or explained for the benefit of the notional classical reader: thus names of contemporary tribes might be lost behind approved archetypes (Scythians for Huns, Getae for Goths), and titles or institutions rendered by a periphrasis; Latin terms (e.g. for ranks, military equipment) were especially distasteftd for Greek writers. A major casualty of this antiquarian facade was religion. Some writers, Ammianus, Eunapios, and Zosimos, were assertively pagan and their references to the new imperial faith were usu- ally hostile; Prokopios and his successors were Christian, but affected detachment (Cameron and Cameron 1964; Kaldellis 2004; Whitby 2007). Wars with their associated diplomacy had always dominated historiography; major public events, especially in the capital city or involving the emperor, were also suitable material, but religious events were not sanctioned by classical precedent. Writers tended to have experience in public life: Olympiodoros, Priskos, and John of Epiphania participated in embassies, Prokopios was adviser to a general, Ammi- anus an imperial staff officer. Agathias was exceptional in disclaiming practical knowledge, but he believed his literary talents offset this weakness. Most wrote about contemporary or recent events, so that information could largely be gathered through personal investigation. Digressions or resumes of earlier events might be based on written accounts, but it was not customary to cite sources except to note disagreements. Quotation of documents was unusual, though not unknown: Menander preserved the long text of the 561 treaty with Persia, while Theophylakt and Ammianus included letters from Persian kings which are probably genuine. An accurate and impartial record was the professed ideal, but personal views impinged; speeches and editorial comments offered opportunities to pass judgement (e.g. Ammianus' obituary notices: Matthews 1989), and a narrative might be slanted more insidiously to reinforce the desired opinion (e.g. Zosimos on the unfortunate consequences of Constantine's conversion). Classicizing histories were quite substantial productions (Prokopios and Theo- phylakt: 8 books; Ammianus: 31) and their literary pretensions meant that they were also a challenge to read. One response was the Epitome> of which three Latin examples survive from the fourth century: Aurelius Victor (imperial biographies), 840 michael angold and michael whitby Eutropius and Festus (both a history of Rome from the foundation). The authors held imperial office, and perhaps regarded their works as digests of essential knowl- edge of Roman affairs for the wide range of recruits to public life (Bird 1984,1993). Chronicles probably originated in the same official milieu. In the classical world there once existed collections of brief historical information, attached to lists of annual magistrates or priests. Christian writers had to marry the accepted corpus of Graeco-Roman events to biblical history, a challenge first met by Julius Africanus whose Chronographies extended from the Creation to 221 ce; his work was extended by Eusebios, whose Chronici Canones survive through Jerome's Latin translation as well as in Armenian (Mosshammer 1979). The more recent sections of these works used Olympiads or consular lists as their backbone. In the late fourth century a number of chronicles were produced, often local spin-offs from, or continuations of, Eusebios or Jerome (Burgess 1999): north Italy and Gaul seem to have had their own traditions (Muhlberger 1990), but the best known are by the Spanish bishop Hydatius and the Latin chronicle which Marcellinus Comes compiled at Constantinople in the early sixth century. Hydatius started from Jerome's con- clusion in 379, with Olympiads and regnal years to structure his entries through to 469 (Burgess 1993). Marcellinus also continued Jerome, using a framework of consulships and indiction years; his first terminus was 518, but he extended the work to 534 while a different author added a further continuation to 548 (Croke 2001). Few entries are longer than 5 or 6 lines, though both Hydatius and Marcellinus managed to convey their own opinions on topics of importance, in particular the fates of their local regions, Spain and Illyricum. Two substantial Greek world chronicles survive from Late Antiquity, both extending from Adam to the present. The first was produced by John Malalas in Antioch, to judge from the coverage of local events, though this interest is not so pronounced in the first extension which covers the years 527-32; a further continu- ation to 565 is definitely Constantinopolitan in focus. Biblical events are narrated at length, classical myths are slotted into the historical sequence, while classical history is covered quite briefly. The narrative only becomes expansive in the fifth century, especially from the reign of Zeno for which Malalas could draw on eyewitnesses (ed. Thurn 2000; trans. Jeffreys 1986). Global chronology was significant for Malalas, since one of his concerns was to disprove speculation that the world had reached its sixth millennium c.500, but unusually for a chronicle he did not construct an annual frame for his narrative: some entries are precisely dated, but imperial reigns provide the main organization for the Roman section. Malalas' text existed in at least three different versions, and these had a considerable impact on subsequent chronography (Jeffreys 1986,1990). In the early seventh century John of Antioch combined Malalas with substantial information on Roman, especially Republican, history; only fragments survive. About 630 the Chronicon Paschale was produced in Constantinople. This combined Malalas with the Bible and Eusebios, but narra- tive was subordinated to chronological computation since the exact calculation of certain liturgical celebrations was of overriding importance: each year was noted, even when there was no event to report, being marked by an Olympiad, regnal year, indiction, and consulship (ed. Dindorf 1832; trans. Whitby and Whitby 1989). The triumph of Christianity generated a new focus for historiography. A separate genre of ecclesiastical history was created by Eusebios of Caesarea, who recorded the Church's progress from the Apostles to Diocletian's Persecution and the establish- ment of imperial Christianity by Constantine. Eusebios relied on a variety of previ- ous texts, accounts of martyrdoms, acts of councils, episcopal correspondence, and other patristic material (Barnes 1981). In contrast to classicizing authors, Eusebios did not conceal the origin of his information but included substantial quotations from these sources, thereby establishing a distinctive
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Synopsis of Byzantine History, –
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-40474-8 - John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Byzantine History, 811–1057 John Wortley Frontmatter More information JOHN SKYLITZES: A synopsis of Byzantine history, – John Skylitzes’ extraordinary Middle Byzantine chronicle covers the reigns of the Byzantine emperors from the death of Nicephorus I in to the deposition of Michael VI in , and provides the only surviving continuous narrative of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. A high offi cial living in the late eleventh century, Skylitzes used a number of existing Greek histories (some of them no longer extant) to create a digest of the previous three centuries. It is with- out question the major historical source for the period, cited con- stantly in modern scholarship, and has never before been available in English. Th is edition features introductions by Jean-Claude Cheynet and Bernard Flusin, along with extensive notes by Cheynet. It will be an essential and exciting addition to the libraries of all historians of the Byzantine age. is Professor of History Emeritus at the University of Manitoba. He has published widely on the Byzantine era, and completed several translations to date, including Les Récits édifi - ants de Paul, évêque de Monembasie, et d’autres auteurs (), Th e ‘Spiritual Meadow’ of John Moschos, including the additional tales edited by Nissen and Mioni (), Th e spiritually benefi cial tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia and of other authors () and John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Histories (AD –) , a provisional transla- tion published
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Conquests in the East in the 10 Century
    th Byzantine conquests in the East in the 10 century Campaigns of Nikephoros II Phocas and John Tzimiskes as were seen in the Byzantine sources Master thesis Filip Schneider s1006649 15. 6. 2018 Eternal Rome Supervisor: Prof. dr. Maaike van Berkel Master's programme in History Radboud Univerity Front page: Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas entering Constantinople in 963, an illustration from the Madrid Skylitzes. The illuminated manuscript of the work of John Skylitzes was created in the 12th century Sicily. Today it is located in the National Library of Spain in Madrid. Table of contents Introduction 5 Chapter 1 - Byzantine-Arab relations until 963 7 Byzantine-Arab relations in the pre-Islamic era 7 The advance of Islam 8 The Abbasid Caliphate 9 Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty 10 The development of Byzantine Empire under Macedonian dynasty 11 The land aristocracy 12 The Muslim world in the 9th and 10th century 14 The Hamdamids 15 The Fatimid Caliphate 16 Chapter 2 - Historiography 17 Leo the Deacon 18 Historiography in the Macedonian period 18 Leo the Deacon - biography 19 The History 21 John Skylitzes 24 11th century Byzantium 24 Historiography after Basil II 25 John Skylitzes - biography 26 Synopsis of Histories 27 Chapter 3 - Nikephoros II Phocas 29 Domestikos Nikephoros Phocas and the conquest of Crete 29 Conquest of Aleppo 31 Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas and conquest of Cilicia 33 Conquest of Cyprus 34 Bulgarian question 36 Campaign in Syria 37 Conquest of Antioch 39 Conclusion 40 Chapter 4 - John Tzimiskes 42 Bulgarian problem 42 Campaign in the East 43 A Crusade in the Holy Land? 45 The reasons behind Tzimiskes' eastern campaign 47 Conclusion 49 Conclusion 49 Bibliography 51 Introduction In the 10th century, the Byzantine Empire was ruled by emperors coming from the Macedonian dynasty.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-86543-2 - Economy and Society in the Age of Justinian Peter Sarris Excerpt More information Introduction In the year 565, in the imperial capital of Constantinople, the Emperor Justinian died, bringing to a close a reign that had lasted some forty-eight years. In death, as in life, Justinian left a deep impression on those around him. The Latin court poet Corippus declared that ‘the awesome death of the man showed by clear signs that he had conquered the world. He alone, amidst universal lamentations, seemed to rejoice in his pious coun- tenance.’1 The memory of Justinian was to loom large in the minds of subsequent generations of emperors, just as the physical monuments built in Constantinople during his reign were long to dominate the medieval city.2 The emperor had reformed the civil law of the empire, overhauled its administrative structures, and restored imperial rule to Africa, Italy, and part of Spain; he had engaged in long drawn-out warfare with the prestige enemy of Sasanian Persia and attempted to restore peace to the increasingly fissile imperial Church. In short, through his military exertions, Justinian had done much to restore the Roman Empire to a position of military and ideological dominance in the lands bordering the central and western Mediterranean, whilst at home he had sought to bolster the legal, admin- istrative, and religious authority of the imperial office.3 This attempted restoration of imperial fortunes had been accompanied by a concerted effort to propagandise on behalf of the emperor and his policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine History HIEU 104: B Professor Edward J. Watts
    Professor Edward Watts HIEU 104: Byzantine History SYLLABUS HIEU 104: BYZANTINE HISTORY Professor Edward J. Watts ([email protected]) Office: Humanities and Social Sciences 4005 Office Hours: Tuesday 9-11 Office Phone: 534-2733 COURSE DESCRIPTION: This course examines the history of the Byzantine Empire from the early fifth until the mid-fifteenth century. Discussions will center on Byzantium, but it does so in a way that acknowledges both Byzantium’s political frontiers and its much broader cultural and religious influence. Although the Byzantine Empire’s territory contracts dramatically across its 1000-year history, its influence in other ways becomes ever greater. The course then balances the political narrative of the empire with a broader discussion of Byzantium’s legacy as a world civilization. EXPECTATIONS: Students will be expected to attend each class and complete readings in both ancient and modern historical sources. Larger assignments for the class include one short paper (~5 pages), a midterm exam, and a final paper of 8 pages. There will be no final examination. Evaluation will be based upon attendance and class participation (10%), the short paper (20%), the midterm exam (30%), and the final paper (40%). These percentages are not hard and fast, however. Demonstrable improvement throughout the semester will be rewarded. Class disruptions, such as audible talking or cellphones ringing, will lead to deductions from the participation grade. DUE DATES: Please note the following dates: October 15 (short paper due) October 31 (Midterm Exam) December 5 (Final Paper Due in class) (These dates have been listed in bold and italicized on the syllabus for easy reference.) Papers must be turned in through turnitin.com and in hardcopy by the end of class on the day they are due (the turnitin.com password for this class is “decline”).
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Bourbouhakis Curriculum Vitae
    Curriculum Vitae Emmanuel C. Bourbouhakis Assistant Professor Department of Classics Princeton University 141 East Pyne Princeton, NJ 08544 Tel: 609-258-3951 Email: [email protected] Current Position 2011- Assistant Professor, Department of Classics, Princeton University Previous Employment 2008-2010 DFG Teaching–Research Fellow, Department of History, Albert-Ludwigs Universität Freiburg 2007-2008 Lecturer, Department of the Classics, Harvard University Education 09/1999-10/2006 PhD in Classical and Byzantine Philology, Harvard University 09/1997-06/1999 MA in Classical Philology, University of Western Ontario 09/1989-06/1993 BA in History, McGill University; Liberal Arts College, Concordia University Ancient Languages Latin, Greek (classical & medieval) Modern Languages Greek (modern), English, French, German, Italian Awards, Honours, Fellowships 2010 Gerda Henkel Stiftung Fellowship 2008 Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft Forschungsstipendium (German National Research Foundation Fellowship) at the Albert-Ludwigs Universität Freiburg 2005 Harvard University Humanities Dissertation Fellowship 2004 Dumbarton Oaks Junior Fellowship 2003 DAAD Doctoral Fellowship at the Byzantinisch-Neugriechisches Institut, Freie Universität Berlin 2 2002 Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Doctoral Grant Academic Service Princeton University 2011-2012 Search Committee, Byzantine Art and Archaeology 2012-2013 Forbes College Academic Advisor 2012-2013 Department of Classics Seniors Adviser 2012-2013 Department of Classics Undergraduate
    [Show full text]
  • Berichus and the Evidence for Aspar's Political Power and Aims in the Last Years of Theodosius II's Reign
    Studia Ceranea 8, 2018, p. 237–251 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.08.13 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Łukasz Pigoński (Łódź) Berichus and the Evidence for Aspar’s Political Power and Aims in the Last Years of Theodosius II’s Reign he objective of this article is to explore the evidence for the political position T of Aspar in the last years of the reign of Theodosius II. There is almost no information concerning the general’s activity in the sources; only one situation mentioned by Priscus provides some evidence, albeit indirect. The event in ques- tion is the diplomatic scandal concerning a certain Berichus, a Hunnic nobleman and diplomat, who fell into disagreement with the envoy Maximinus over the lat- ter’s alleged statements concerning Aspar’s incompetence and lack of influence at the court. The situation is certainly unclear and calls for further analysis. It is important to note that scholars are not in agreement when it comes to the evaluation of Aspar’s political power and goals in the last years of the reign of The- odosius II. Most researchers concentrate on the political struggle that emerged immediately after the emperor’s death and involved Aspar, Theodosius’s sister Pulcheria, as well as the eunuch Chrysaphius – Theodosius’s all-powerful advisor. It used to be assumed routinely in the literature that Aspar retained his political power despite his military defeats at the hands of the Huns, and used it to secure the throne for his close subordinate, Marcian1. This viewpoint was independently challenged by Ronald Bleeker and Kenneth Holum, both of whom claimed that Aspar’s influence diminished severely in those years, so that he was only able to regain it through his alliance with Pulcheria2.
    [Show full text]
  • Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries Between Byzantium and the West
    Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzantium and the West Holger A. Klein Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 58. (2004), pp. 283-314. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0070-7546%282004%2958%3C283%3AEOAWDR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-U Dumbarton Oaks Papers is currently published by Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/doaks.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Panaretos in Context
    DOI 10.1515/bz-2019-0007 BZ 2019; 112(3): 899–934 Scott Kennedy Michael Panaretos in context A historiographical study of the chronicle On the emperors of Trebizond Abstract: It has often been said it would be impossible to write the history of the empire of Trebizond (1204–1461) without the terse and often frustratingly la- conic chronicle of the Grand Komnenoi by the protonotarios of Alexios III (1349–1390), Michael Panaretos. While recent scholarship has infinitely en- hanced our knowledge of the world in which Panaretos lived, it has been approx- imately seventy years since a scholar dedicated a historiographical study to the text. This study examines the world that Panaretos wanted posterity to see, ex- amining how his post as imperial secretary and his use of sources shaped his representation of reality, whether that reality was Trebizond’s experience of for- eigners, the reign of Alexios III, or a narrative that showed the superiority of Tre- bizond on the international stage. Finally by scrutinizing Panaretos in this way, this paper also illuminates how modern historians of Trebizond have been led astray by the chronicler, unaware of Panaretos selected material for inclusion for the narratives of his chronicle. Adresse: Dr. Scott Kennedy, Bilkent University, Main Camous, G Building, 24/g, 06800 Bilkent–Ankara, Turkey; [email protected] Established just before the fall of Constantinople in 1204, the empire of Trebi- zond (1204–1461) emerged as a successor state to the Byzantine empire, ulti- mately outlasting its other Byzantine rivals until it fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1461.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerhard Müller. Die Römische Kurie Und Die Reformation 1523–1534
    Modern Europe AVERIL CAMERON. Agathias. New York: Oxford MODERN EUROPE University Press. 1970. Pp. ix, 168. $5.50. GERHARD MULLER. Die romische Kurie und die Agathias, a poet, anthologist, and practicing Reformation I523-I534: Kirche und Politik lawyer, wrote a continuation of Procopius, wiihrend des Pontifikates Clemens' VII. (Quel­ len und Forschungen zur Reformationsge­ relating the wars of Justinian from 552 to schichte, Number 38.) [Gutersloh:] Gutersloher 559. He is one of the few secular historians Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. 1969. Pp. 307. DM 45. of the early Byzantine period whose work survives in full; and although we might well In attempting to comprehend the actions of prefer the accidents of preservation to have Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/76/3/767/94214 by guest on 30 September 2021 Pope Clement VII, even Charles v's memoirs spared Eunapius, Priscus, or Menander in­ express the exasperation: "God knows why stead, Agathias is of uncontestable value not the Pope acted thus." Divine understanding only as a source of data but also as a repre­ aside, Gerhard Muller's historical under­ sentative of the literary tradition in which he standing of Clement's politics does omit very wrote. revealing evidence as to the pope's rationale. It is particularly from the latter standpoint Contarini, "the Venetian More," put an ar­ that Mrs. Cameron has studied him, for, as gument before Clement as regards the latter's she insists, Agathias prized the literary qual­ choice of seeking the particular good of the ity of his work at least as highly as its veracity.
    [Show full text]
  • Anna Komnene's Narrative of the War Against The
    GRAECO-LATINA BRUNENSIA 19, 2014, 2 MAREK MEŠKO (MASARYK UNIVERSITY, BRNO) ANNA KOMNENE’S NARRATIVE OF THE WAR AGAINST THE SCYTHIANS* The Alexiad by Anna Komnene is well-known. At times it raises controversial issues (e.g. concerning “full” authorship of the Byzantine princess), but all in all it represents a very valuable source of information. In this paper the author strives to examine just how precise and valuable the pieces of information she gives us in connection with the war of her father emperor Alexios Komnenos (1081–1118) against the Scythians (the Pechenegs) are. He also mentions chronological issues which at times are able to “darken” the course of events and render their putting back into the right context difficult. There are many inconsistencies of this type in Anna Komnene’s narrative and for these reasons it is important to reestablish clear chronological order of events. Finally the author presents a concise description of the war against the Pechenegs based on the findings in the previous parts of his paper. Key words: Byzantium, Pechenegs, medieval, nomads, Alexiad, warfare The Alexiad by Anna Komnene1 is well-known to most of the Byzan- tine history scholars. At times it raised controversial issues (e.g. concerning “full” or “partial” authorship of the Byzantine princess),2 but all in all it represents a valuable written source. Regardless of these issues most of the scholars involved agree that it will always remain a unique piece, a special case, of Byzantine literature,3 despite the obvious fact that Anna Komnene’s * This work was supported by the Program of „Employment of Newly Graduated Doc- tors of Science for Scientific Excellence“ (grant number CZ.1.07/2.3.00/30.0009) co-financed from European Social Fund and the state budget of the Czech Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
    Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths.
    [Show full text]