Ethnographic Assessment of Kaibab Paiute Cultural Resources in Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument, Utah

Home , Chinle Wash, Grand Staircase, Grannys Nipple, Nicotiana attenuata, Salt Song, Southern Paiute people

Ethnographic Assessment of Kaibab Paiute Cultural Resources In Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument, Utah

Richard W. Stoffle Alex K. Carroll Amy Eisenberg John Amato

Final Report October 2004 Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA TUCSON

Ethnographic Assessment of Kaibab Paiute Cultural Resources: The Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument, Utah

Final Report

Prepared for

Kaibab Paiute Tribe Kaibab Reservation Pipe Spring, Arizona

And

The United States Department of the Interior Bureau of Land Management Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument Kanab Resource Area Office 318 North 100 East Kanab, UT 84741

Prepared By

Richard W. Stoffle Alex K. Carroll Amy Eisenberg John Amato

Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology October 1, 2004

ii Table of Contents

List of Figures viii Acknowledgements x Forward xii Study Goals xiii Tiering xiii The Indian Study Area xiii Spelling of Indian Names xiv GIS Map xiv Access Data Base xiv Accomplishments xiv

Chapter One Study Overview Richard Stoffle 1 Project Overview 1 Project Study Area 3 Legislative Context 4 Cultural Affiliation and Involved American Indian Tribes 10 The Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology 11 Native American Cultural Resource Revitalization 11 Center for Applied Spatial Analysis (CASA) 12 UofA Study Team 12 Chronology of Activity 13

Chapter Two History: Creation to Restoration Richard Stoffle and Alex K. Carroll 16

What is An Indian History? 16 Local History 18 Paiute Views of Their Culture 19 Creation Stories 22

Traditional Southern Paiute Political Units 23 Disease and Sociopolitical Disruption 24 1840-1875 Depopulation 25 1875-1900 Depopulation 27

iii The High Chiefs 28 Chiefs of Alliance 28 Twentieth Century High Chiefs 29 Continuities in Southern Paiute Political Leadership 30 Sub-tribes 31 Districts 33 Ecosystem Analysis of Yanawant Districts 35 Summary 41

Pipelines of Disruption 43 1625-1830 44 1829-1848 48 1848-1858 52

Impacts of the Treaty of Guadalupe Higaldo 52 Impacts of the Forty-Niners’ Route 56 1860s-1900s Anglo Colonization of the Eastern Yanawant Territories 61 1880s-Restoration 69

Chapter Three Unpacking Kelly Alex K. Carroll and Richard Stoffle 75

Introduction 75 River, Springs, and Water in Southern Paiute Culture 76 Components of A Riverine Cultural Landscape 78 Other Forces' Response to Water 80 Developing a Policy-Relevant Model 80

Springs of the Grand Staircase-Escalante Springs 81 Pa pa-ya-nti [Places Having Springs] 85

AREA A: Kanavic (Sheep Trough Spring), Togoavac (Rattlesnake Water), & Sovipac (Cottonwood Water) (1-3) 86

AREA B: Springs along the Vermilion Cliffs, East of Mocassin Spring (I: 4-13) 86

AREA C: Springs along the Vermilion Cliffs, Moccasin to Rigg Spring (II: 15-21) 88

iv AREA D: Springs in the vicinity of Kanab, East to Navajo Well (III: 25-34) 89

AREA E: Alton Area on the Upper Kanab Creek, Foot of the High Plateaus (IV) 91

AREA F: Watering Places along the Vermilion Cliffs, Wildcat Canyon, and Kaibab Gulch (V: 35-46) 92

AREA G: Ankati: Spring at the base of Paunsaugunt Plateau (VI: 47-52) 93

AREA H: Upper Houserock Valley (Empty Basket- Ousuk?) (VII: 54) 94

AREA I: Lower Houserock Valley, and Cane Ranch to the South, at the eastern base of Kaibab Plateau (VIII: 55-59) 95

AREA J: Springs on Marble Platform, at the base of Vermilion Cliffs, at Cane Ranch, and at the eastern base of the Kaibab Plateau (IX: 60-62, 64, 67,68) 96

AREA K: Springs at the western base of Kaibab Plateau (X: 75-77) 97

Chapter Four Selected Places within the Grand Staircase/Escalante National Monument Amy Eisenberg 99

Knowledge and Its Distribution 99

Site-By-Site Analysis 102 Skutumpah – Rabbitbrush Water 102 Site Description 103 Botanical Interpretation 105 Southern Paiute Interpretation 107 Features 108 Perceived Impacts 109 Recommendations 109

v Upper Ankati – No Mans Mesa Area 110 Site Description 110 Botanical Interpretation 111 Southern Paiute Interpretation 114 Features 115 Perceived Impacts and Recommendations 117

Ipa Navajo Well 118 Site Description 118 Botanical Interpretation 118 Southern Paiute Interpretation 120 Features 121 Perceived Impacts and Recommendation 123

Tupac (Black Water) - Seaman Spring 124 Site Description 124 Botanical Interpretation 125 Southern Paiute Interpretation 126 Features 128 Perceived Impacts 131 Recommendations 132

Chapter Five Cultural Landscape Responses Richard Stoffle 133

American Indian Cultural Landscapes Technical Term 2: Cultural Landscape 133

Levels of Cultural Landscape 138 Eventscape 138 Holy Lands 138 Storyscapes 139 Regional Landscapes 139 Ecoscapes 140 Landmarks 141

American Indian Cultural Ecoscapes in Riverine Systems: A Model a Theory 141

vi The General Model 142 Riverine Ecoscapes 143 Natural Elements 143 Human Elements 144 Puha as Theory 146 Summary 148 Chapter Six Concerns and Recommendations for for Ethnographic Research Resource Preservation Amy Eisenberg and Richard Stoffle 149

General Concerns 149 Renewed Site Visits 149 Expanded Site Visitation 149 Co-Management 150 Tribal Access 150 Expanding Government-to-Government Consultations 150

Bibliography 151

vii List of Figures

Figure 1.1. Kaibab Cultural Represenatives x Figure 1.2. Grand Staircase-Escalante Field Office 1 Figure 1.3. Overview of Study Area 3 Figure 1.4. Southern Paiute Consultant, Edna Osife 10 Figure 2.1. Southern Paiute Consultants in GS/ENM 19 Figure 2.2. Kelly’s Map of Southern Paiute Districts 20 Figure 2.3. Puaxant Tuvip: The Southern Paiute Holy Land 21 Figure 2.4. Nineteenth Century Paiute Districts (after Kelly 1934) 34 Figure 3.1. Natural Spring, GSENM. 81 Figure 3.2. Ethnographer, Richard Stoffle and Tribal Consultant, Ila Bullets 85 Figure 4.1. Skutumpah, Rabbitbrush Water Viewscape. 102 Figure 4.2. Skutumpah Creek in Johnson Canyon 103 Figure 4.3. Tribal Elders in Consultation 107 Figure 4.4. Upper Ankati, No Man’s Mesa 110 Figure 4.5. Tribal Consultant, Illa Bullets and Ethnographer Alex K. Carroll 112 Figure 4.6. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, Gevene Savala 113 Figure 4.7. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, Willis Mayo 115 Figure 4.8. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, Geneve Savala and Ethnographer Amy Eisenberg 116 Figure 4.9 Kavaicuwc (Mollie’s Nipple) 117 Figure 4.10, Consultation in the Field 118 Figure 4.11 Escarpment with Petrified Wood 119 Figure 4.12. Southern Paiute Consultant, Willis Mayo 121 Figure 4.13. Southern Paiute Consultant, Illa Bullets 122 Figure 4.14. Evidence of Previous Occupation 122 Figure 4.15. Vermillion Cliffs 123 Figure 4.16. Vermillion Cliffs 123 Figure 4.17. Overview of Tupac (Seaman Spring) 124 Figure 4.18, Southern Paiute Consultant Willis Mayo and Alex K. Carroll 125 Figure 4.19. Sumac 128 Figure 4.20. Southern Paiute Consultant, Edna Osife 128 Figure 4.21, Ethnographers interviewing Southern Paiute Consultants 129 Figure 4.22. Local Resident 130 Figure 4.23. Pottery Fragments 131 Figure 4.23. Ethnographer R.Stoffle and Southern Paiute Consultant, Illa Bullets 131 Figure 5.1 Natural Elements of a Riverine Ecoscape. 144 Figure 5.2. Human Elements of a Riverine Ecoscape 145

viii List of Tables

Table 2.1. Old World Disease Episodes Among the Pueblo 25 Table 2.2. Disease Mortality Model, 1847-1856 26 Table 2.3. Southern Paiute Subtribes and Districts 43 Table 3.1. Places Having Springs 82-84 Table 4.1.Contemporary Southern Paiute Tribes 100 Table 4.2 Associated Plants 105 Table 4.3 Associated Plants 106 Table 4.4 Associated Plants 113-114 Table 4.5 Associated Plants 120 Table 4.6 Associated Plants 127

Acknowledgements

We are deeply grateful to the many individuals, groups, and institutions that have generously shared their resources, time, and knowledge towards the completion of this final report of the Ethnographic Assessment of Kaibab Paiute Cultural Resources of The Grand Staircase-Esca- lante National Monument, Utah.The successful development of any project requires extensive planning, cooperation, and the hard work of multiple individuals, institutions, and agencies The current report represents successful collaboration between the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) who is charged with full management of the new Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument, cultural representatives from the Kaibab Paiute Tribe of Utah, and social science researchers from the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology at the University of Arizona.

Figure 1.1. Kaibab Cultural Represenatives

We extend our sincere apprecitation to all of the people who have participated in this study. Spe- cial thanks go to the Superintendent of the Grand StairCase-Escalante National Monument, Kate Cannon, as well as Marietta Eaton of Cultural Resources and Earth Sciences. We also wish to express our appreciation to all of the people from the Kaibab Paiute Tribe who participated in this study. Often Indian people have taken time away from their jobs, families and other com- mitments to share their traditional knowledge, stories, beliefs, and worldviews. We wish to thank Kaibab Paiute tribal chairperson, Carmen Bradley; the head of the Cultural Resource Depart- ment, Brenda Drye; and Cultural Resource Specialist, Ila Bulletts, who served as the official tribal point of contact. Special thanks also go to tribal cultural resource representatives Willis Mayo, Gevene Savala, and Edna Osife for taking time away from their busy schedules to share knowledge of traditional life and cultural resources. The participation of each of these people made this study possible.

x Finally, we wish to commend members of the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA) at The University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona for their ongoing support. We would like to thank Dr. James Greenberg, the acting director of BARA, for his ful support of this project. In addition, we extend our thanks to staff members Maria Rodriquez and Armando Vargas for their unflagging assistance. Finally, we wish to acknowledge Director Gary Christopherson and his colleagues and research assistants, Pat Barabe and Peter Johnson, at the Center for Ap- plied Spatial Analysis (CASA) in the College of Social and Behavioral Science at The University of Arizona for their assistance in producing maps for this study.

Foreword

This report is based on ethnographic interviews with Southern Paiute representatives from the Kaibab Paiute Tribe. Within the context of this study, their voices are treated as representive of all Southern Paiute people. The ideas of Kaibab Paiute cultural representatives who have participated in this study have been contextualized and supplemented by archaeological findings, the ethnographic field notes of Isabel Kelly which provide detailed information about particular sties, archival research, extensive GIS mapping of the Grand-Staircase-Escalante National Monument (GSNM), and an initial ethnobotanical inventory of particular sites and areas.

The Southern Paiute people view their traditional lands as a Holy Land where the Creator originally placed them. The Grand Staircase-Escalante represents a portion of this Holy Land, to which ancestral and modern Southern Paiutes have developed strong cultural attachments. Southern Paiute people believe that Creation established a birthright bond between the Southern Paiute people (and all their generations to come) and the natural resources of this environment. These natural resources are perceived to be alive – capable of speaking to Paiute people, willing to give life to them, and manifest with human-like personalities. The relationship between these people and the natural resource of their Holy Land is governed by two basic premises: first, all things are alive and specially connected in ways that hold the world together. Secondly, since Creation these Paiute have used and protected the natural resources of their Holy Land through the guidance of cultural principles that emphasize mutual respect and responsibility. For these many thousands of years since creation the land and resources have been shaped and preserved by these culturally appropriate behaviors.

Before Europeans arrived with their diseases and domestic animals, the idea of their existence spread out ahead of them, causing both physical and psychological change. This is not surprising because the same physical and psychological events occurred to Europeans and their lands.

The arrival of Euroamericans resulted in devastating outcomes for the Southern Paiutes and eventually forced their removal from the lands currently held by the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument. Competition over physical and ideological terrains led to a massive loss of life amongst the Southern Paiutes, the loss of critical ancestral lands and resources necessary for survival, and the modification of social structures. A new history was placed on theirs – moving them from the people who should be there because Creation had placed them there to the people who should be moved away to make room for a new people chosen by God to live on the same land. Collectively these impacts, both physical and cultural, form an historic foundation that must be understood when considering the present consultation with Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument.

Today, the Southern Paiute people who live in northern Arizona (the Kaibab Paiute and San Juan Paiute Tribes) and the five tribes reorganized as the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah who live in southern Utah (Koosharem, Kanosh, Cedar City, Indian Peaks, and Shivwits tribes) remain connected to the places where they prior to and following Euro-American encroachement. This study begins to define those places and connections with the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument. At this point in the consultation, and thus the focus of this study, are the members of

xii

the Kaibab Paiute tribe who are pleased to be involved in this first of a series of Southern Paiute studies.

Study Goals The goal of this study is to convey in a systematic and readable fashion Southern Paiute perceptions of cultural resources in the Grand Staircase-Escalante NM. This study details the physical, prehistoric, historic, and cultural ties between the Southern Paiutes and these ancestral lands. In addition, we present the current relations of Southern Paiutes to this cultural landscape and the ways in which resource appropriation from the past continues to impact expressions of power in the present.

This report must serve two rather distinct purposes. First, the findings from this study will be used to supplement the official Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for the Grand Staircase- Escalante NM. Special summary sections have been prepared in this report in order to help fit most directly with the EIS. Secondly, the report represents a first step in identifying Southern Paiute cultural resources located in the monument. This report contains a number of background sections which should be useful in explain the findings to tribal governments, the monument land managers, and others.

Tiering The Federal government requires that research being prepared for an EIS and land management not unnecessarily duplicate previous studies. This is a process called tiering, which involves building one study upon another to reach a conclusion regarding what resources are present in the potentially affected environment and what impacts to those resources may result from the proposed project.

This report meets the Federal tiering requirement by (1) using background essays produced elsewhere and (2) contextualizing some findings with reference to previous studies in the region. The source is clearly referenced whenever tiering is used to clarify particular points in this report.

The Indian Study Area Indian people often perceive their traditional cultural resources as an essential part of larger cultural resources. Archaeologists, for example, often view local sites as being imbedded in a set of interrelated sites in what are technically called archaeology districts. Similarly, studies of falcons may extend to wherever they hunt during nesting times, rather than being restricted to where the nests are located. Indian people, too, view specific traditional places and cultural resources as a part of larger, more abstract units of culture, which are often referred to as cultural landscapes. For this reason, Indian people interviewed during this project talked about bigger areas whose connections with the Grand Staircase- Escalante study area shed light on the meaning of both near and far places. The American Indian study area for the Grand Staircase Escalante Ethno- graphic study is perceived as being as large as the sum of places that are culturally connected.

xiii

Spelling of Indian Names This report uses Indian names wherever possible. There has not been an attempt to resolve the spelling of all Indian names. Different spellings of the same word appear because they were different in previously published texts and because the ethnographers conducting the interviews used different renderings of the words they heard. The development of a common spelling for all Indian names is currently beyond the scope of this study.

GIS Map The GIS map was produced and made ready for use in the field. Local place names were added to the map so that each person using the map can readily understand which places are being represented. The preliminary use of the GIS map should be seen as an initial field test, and new application of this technique will be refined in future studies.

Access Data Base The Microsoft ACCESS databases for the site and cultural landscape forms were modified to fit the study. These databases will serve as a foundation for preserving and updating findings derived from future studies.

Accomplishments There are accomplishments that have moved the Kaibab Paiute study towards its desired goals. These include a rather extensive search for new documents and a beginning essay designed to set the stage for more fine-grained local history to be produced about the study area itself. The GIS database is expected to make the spring site visits extremely useful for representing Kaibab Pai- ute views on how the land and particular places within the Grand Staircase-Escalante NM are interconnected. Microsoft ACCESS databases provide a computer-based resource to receive the thoughts of Indian people and to present these thoughts in rich detail while telling their story with numeric clarity.

xiv

CHAPTER ONE Study Overview

The purpose of this chapter is to provide the Southern Paiute districts of the Southern reader with some understanding of this re- Paiute nation who traditionally and aborigi- search project, including sources of funding, nally occupied and used the biotic and points of project management, and the par- abiotic resources of this area. The term “eth- ticipating American Indian tribes and nographic resources” is used in this report to researchers. Study methods are explained in refer to all things that are culturally special detail, including site selection criteria, inter- to the Kaibab Paiute people. More specifi- view forms used in the field, and the cally, the term refers to the contemporary processes of data coding and analysis. cultural meaning of physical places, artifacts, plants, animals, water, minerals, and Project Overview air. Such biotic and abiotic resources are This report is a Southern Paiute ethno- transformed by use and perception as central graphic study of the Grand Staircase- aspects of Kaibab Paiute culture. The mo- Escalante NM. This is the first report of ac- ment of transformation may have been when tivities conducted by the University of these people were created in this land, dur- Arizona (UofA) regarding Kaibab Paiute ing the thousands of years they have ethnographic resources currently within the occupied and used resources, or during re- boundaries of the Grand Staircase-Escalante cent times as a product of ceremonial National Monument (GSENM). The Kaibab activities. Paiute people were one of a number of

Figure 1.2. Grand Staircase-Escalante Field Office

The study is being funded by the GSENM through a direct contract with the Kaibab Paiute tribe. A further subcontract between the Kaibab Paiute tribe and the UofA specified a number of tasks to be accomplished. These include the following:

1. To compile documents relevant to the historic use1 of the study area by members of the Southern Paiute nation – specifically people from the Kaibab District. This will include

• A regional history that uses available published and archive materials and

• Is open-ended so that future studies can more fully develop emergent lines of study.

2. To facilitate systematic ethnographic interviews within a portion of the GSENM. These interviews will be

• Conducted with persons selected by the Kaibab Paiute tribe.

• Occur only within areas identified as primary occupancy and use areas by the people of the Kaibab Paiute District.

3. To prepare a report that will

• Summarize the findings of this research.

• Identify ethnographic resources that should be considered for special Indian uses and agency management attention.

• Design living databases that meet the mutual (tribal and agency) needs for shared and confidential information about these ethnographic resources.

1 There were not sufficient funds for an historic use study so the UofA team has agreed to provide one with their own funds. For this reason this essay will involve a combination of materials written for other purposes as well as original research on the local area.

Figure 1.3. Overview of Study Area

Study Area

The Grand Staircase-Escalante National Paiute nation, to use a contemporary term, Monument is a very large area that has been was composed of semi-autonomous local carved out of some of the most topographi- groups, which are referred in this study as cally and ecologically diverse lands in North districts. Many of these districts have been America. As such, one can expect that it will converted into autonomous political units require many studies to more fully under- that the US government officially organized stand what there is in these lands that is and recognized as tribes. One of these tribes, culturally significant to American Indian the Kaibab Paiute tribe, is involved in this people. study.

What we do know at this time is that the The U.S. Government frequently defines Southern Paiute people believe they were cultural affiliation3 at the ethnic group level. created in these lands, that they have lived However, actual consultation is done on a here continuously since creation, that they government-to-government basis with the were the aboriginal inhabitants of the land tribes. It is the expressed wish of the Kaibab when its title was assumed by the United Paiute tribal government that this study be States, and that they continue to have cul- primarily restricted to the portions of the tural ties to these lands despite removal from some areas. It is also understood that South- ern Paiute people as an ethnic group owned was established in the area (see Sutton 1985). See and occupied these lands traditionally, abo- Appendix A for use of these three terms. 2 3 The concept of cultural affiliation as used in Fed- riginally, and historically . The Southern eral government tribal consultation has been discussed at length in a Department of Defense report edited by Vine Deloria, Jr. and Richard Stoffle 2 Traditional means from creation until Europeans (1998). The report Native American Sacred Sites and arrived in the New World, aboriginal means when the the DOD is available in the DOD Indian web page - lands were taken officially by the United States gov- http://osiris.cso.uiuc.edu/denix/Public/Native/native.h ernment, and historic means anytime a written record tml

national monument that overlap with the The UofA has provided a study area map, traditional and aboriginal lands of the Kai- which defines portions of the GSENM that bab Paiute tribe. This procedure permits and the Kaibab Paiute tribe wishes to study. This encourages the GSENM to establish appro- area is defined as where the aboriginal dis- priate and separate consultations with other trict boundary of the Kaibab Paiute people Southern Paiute tribes who are most directly overlaps with the GSENM. The tribe retains connected with portions of national monu- the right to broaden the area of study at the ment. While this procedure is culturally specific request of elders and tribal represen- appropriate, politically respectful, and re- tatives who identify cultural resources that flects the level of funding available to do exist elsewhere, but the GSENM area is the this study, the Kaibab Paiute Tribe main- preferred focus of this study. tains that eventually long term consultation should be established between the GSENM and a consortium of Southern Paiute tribes.

Legislative Context

Government-to-government relationships be invited to participate in this process (40 between Native Americans and Federal CFR 1501.7). agencies frequently concern the study, protection, and preservation of cultural The agency preparing the draft EIS is also resources. This section describes the Federal directed to request the comments of Indian laws governing the management of those tribes on what effects there may be on their resources. reservation (40 CFR 1503.1). However, the NEPA legislation also clearly indicates that Environmental Policy Act in cases where project impacts are entirely The National Environmental Policy Act social or economic, no EIS is required re- (NEPA, PL 91-190, 42 U.S.C. 4371, 40 gardless of the severity of those impacts. CFR 1500 et seq.) requires completion of an EIS for any Federal action determined to NEPA can be an effective means by which have potentially significant environmental to incorporate Native American interests impacts. Relevant to the purposes of this into National Park Service (NPS) planning, study, NEPA encourages the preservation of but concerns have been raised, including the historic resources and requires consideration possibility that non-artifactual cultural re- of social impacts. sources which are only considered under NEPA could be vulnerable to Freedom of A report from the Council of Environmental Information Act (FOIA) requests, thereby Quality specifically directs the solicitation eliminating protection of confidential site of input from affected Indian tribes at the locations. In addition, NEPA requires earliest possible time in the NEPA process documentation of impact but provides no (40 CFR 1501.2). In the process, the lead real protection for any specific resource agency is also directed to invite the partici- (Stuart 1979). These early concerns have pation of any affected Indian tribes in the been answered by other legislation and also scoping process. In addition, state, and local addressed by specific policies of the imple- agencies or other interested persons should menting agencies. In the following passages we briefly review these laws and policies.

Early Historic Preservation Legislation ervation in the public interest. The amend- Concern for historic and cultural resources ments also require consent of "public has been expressed in legislation throughout entities having a legal interest in the prop- the twentieth century. In 1906, the Antiqui- erty involved." ties Act (PL 209, 16 U.S.C. 431-33) authorized the President of the United States National Historic Preservation Act to declare landmarks, structures, and objects On October 15, 1966, the National Historic of historic or scientific interest to be recog- Preservation Act (NHPA, PL 89-665, 80 nized as national monuments. In addition, Stat. 915, 16 U.S.C. 470 et seq.) increased lands are to be preserved to aid in their pro- the scope of historic preservation as a public tection. policy while also broadening the duties of the NRS (Connally 1986). The Act ex- The Act also established the necessity of panded the properties to be preserved to obtaining permits for the excavation of ar- include those significant in American his- chaeological sites on public lands. On tory, architecture, archaeology, and culture August 21, 1935, the Historic Sites Act (PL (Section 101-2). 74-292, 49 Stat. 666) provided for the preservation of historic American sites, This Act provides assistance to states. It also buildings, objects, and antiquities of national established the Advisory Council on His- significance and confirmed the role of the toric Preservation, whose duty it is to advise NPS as the Federal government's central the President and Congress on matters relat- agency for historic preservation. On October ing to historic preservation. They were also 26, 1949, Congress created the National charged with encouraging public interest Trust for Historic Preservation to receive and participation in historic preservation, donations of sites, buildings, and objects and assisting state and local governments in significant in American history and culture drafting legislation relating to historic pres- and to preserve and administer these for the ervation. public benefit. On June 27, 1960, Congress provided legislation for the preservation of The Director of the NPS, or his/her desig- historical and archeological data threatened nee, serves as Executive Director of the by the construction of a dam (PL 86-523, 74 Council. PL 94-422 of September 28, 1976, Stat. 220). amended Section 102 of the NHPA and established the National Historic Preservation This Act requires any agency of the U.S. Fund. The 1980 amendments to the Act di- involved in construction of a dam to give rected the Secretary of the Interior to study written notice to the Secretary of the Inte- the means of "preserving and conserving the rior, who shall then order a survey to be intangible elements of our cultural heritage conducted to ascertain whether the affected such as arts, skills, folklife, and folkways..." area contains historical and archaeological and to recommend ways to "preserve, con- data, which should be preserved in the pub- serve, and encourage the continuation of the lic interest. If indicated by the survey, the diverse traditional prehistoric, historic, eth- Secretary shall then see that the data be col- nic, and folk cultural traditions that underlie lected and preserved. The 1974 amendments and are a living expression of our American to this Act (PL 93-291) added significant heritage" (PL 96-515, 94 Stat. 2989, 16 scientific and prehistoric data to the others, U.S.C. 470a). which would require notification and pres-

The amendments provide explicit require- in the National Register (Parker and King ments for protecting confidentiality 1990:3). On October 1, 1985, a Joint Reso- regarding the location of sensitive historic lution recognized the 50 years of resources. They direct the head of any Fed- accomplishments resulting from the Historic eral agency to "withhold from disclosure to Sites Act (PL 99-110). the public, information relating to the location or character of historic resources On October 30, 1992, the National Historic whenever...the disclosure of such informa- Preservation Act was again amended to pro- tion may create a substantial risk of harm, vide greater authority and assistance to theft, or destruction to such resources or to Native Americans. The 1992 amendments the area or place where such resources are specifically mention the need for Federal located" (Section 304). National Register agencies to contact and consult with Indian Bulletin 29, Guidelines for Restricting In- tribes. Properties of traditional religious and formation on the Location of National cultural importance to an Indian tribe may Register Properties, provides full detail for be determined to be eligible for inclusion on agency directors. the National Register, and a Federal agency must consult with any tribe that attaches re- The NHPA amendments also demonstrate ligious or cultural significance to such the shift in U.S. policy toward the recogni- properties. In addition, Indian tribes are to tion of Native Americans. For the first time receive assistance in preserving their par- in historic preservation legislation, explicit ticular historic properties. mention of the Federal government's partnership with Indian tribes in the protection Coordination among tribes, State Historic and preservation of prehistoric and historic Preservation Offices (SHPOs), and Federal resources is elaborated (Section 2). agencies is to be encouraged in historic preservation planning, as well as in the iden- A report named Cultural Conservation, was tification, evaluation, protection, and prepared to respond to the directives of the interpretation of historic properties. Addi- Act and submitted to the President and Con- tional language is also included in the gress by the Secretary of the Interior on June amendments regarding confidentiality, and 1, 1983 (Parker and King 1990). This report tribes are eligible to receive direct grants for directed the NPS to prepare guidelines to the purpose of carrying out this Act. The assist in the documentation of intangible cul- amendments provide state that tribes shall to tural resources. The National Register assume part or all of the functions of an Bulletin 38, Guidelines for Evaluating and SHPO with respect to tribal lands. Documenting Traditional Cultural Proper- ties fulfilled that purpose with specific In response to the 1992 NHPA amendments, inclusion of Indian Tribes (Parker and King the Advisory Council on Historic Preserva- 1990:2). This bulletin is significant for the tion (ACHP) adopted a new policy statement preservation of Native American cultural on June 11, 1993 entitled "Consultation with resources because the policies and proce- Native Americans Concerning Properties of dures of the National Register can be Traditional Religious and Cultural Impor- interpreted by Federal agencies and others to tance.” This policy provides explicit exclude historic properties of religious sig- principles for the application of the amend- nificance to Native Americans, thereby ments which include an amendment stating excluding them from eligibility for inclusion that Native American groups who ascribe

cultural values to a property or area be ARPA provides the first significant criminal "identified by culturally appropriate meth- penalties for the vandalism, alteration, or ods" and that participants in the Section 106 destruction of historic and prehistoric sites process should learn how to approach Native or for any transaction conducted with an ar- Americans in "culturally informed ways" cheological resource that was excavated or (ACHP 1993:3-4). Consultation with Native removed from public or Indian lands or in Americans must be conducted with sensitiv- violation of state or local law (Section 6). ity to cultural values, socioeconomic factors, The Act directs Federal land managers to and the administrative structure of the native notify any Indian tribe considering a site as group. Specific steps should be taken to ad- having religious or cultural significance dress language differences and issues, such prior to issuing a permit for excavation or as the seasonal availability of Native Ameri- removal of archeological resources from the can participants. site. Section 9 restricts the release of information concerning the nature and location of According to this policy, Native American any archaeological resource requiring a groups not identified during the initial permit for excavation or removal. phases of the Section 106 process may le- gitimately request to be included at later In 1984, uniform regulations were promul- stages in the process. The Advisory Coun- gated as required by this Act, by the cil's policy statement also reaffirms the U.S. Secretaries of the Interior, Defense, and Ag- government's commitment to maintaining riculture, and by the Chairman of the confidentiality regarding cultural resources Tennessee Valley Authority (43 CFR Part 7; and states that participants in the Section Carnett 1991:3). Federal land managers may 106 process "should seek only the informa- develop additional regulations as they be- tion necessary for planning" (ACHP come needed by their agencies. The January 1993:3). 25, 1988 amendments of the Act (PL 100- 555 and PL 100-588) strengthened ARPA Archaeological Resources Protection Act with requirements that Federal agencies de- The Archaeological Resources Protection velop plans for surveying lands not Act (ARPA, PL 96-95, 93 Stat. 712, 16 scheduled for projects. U.S.C. 470) was signed into law on October 31, 1979. It extended the protection of ar- American Indian Religious Freedom Act chaeological resources on Federal and Additional legislation, which affects tribes Indian land. Archaeological resources are and cultural resources, includes the Ameri- defined as the material remains of past hu- can Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA) man life or activities that are of passed on August 11, 1978 (PL 95-341, 42 archaeological interest, have retrievable sci- U.S.C. 1996). AIRFA reaffirms the rights of entific information, and are over 100 years American Indian Peoples, under the First old. Under ARPA, excavated resources re- Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, to main the property of the U.S. government have access to lands and natural resources and are subject to inventory and repatriation essential in the conduct of their traditional in accordance with the Native American religion. In Section 2, Congress asks the Graves Protection and Repatriation Act President of the U.S. to direct various Fed- (NAGPRA, see below). eral departments and agencies to consult with native traditional religious leaders to determine appropriate changes in policies

and procedures necessary to protect and pre- of, indigenous peoples to decide the disposi- serve American Indian religious practices. tion of these resources. This process should occur as a result of repository inventories The Act requires the NPS, like other Federal and in the event that resources are encoun- agencies, to evaluate policies and procedures tered by activities on Federal and tribal with the aim of protecting the religious free- lands (Price 1991:32-33). doms of Native Americans including "access to sites, use and possession of sacred ob- According to a memorandum from the Ex- jects, and the freedom to worship through ecutive Director of the Advisory Council for ceremonials and traditional rites." During Historic Preservation (Bush 1991), the 12 years since Congress passed AIRFA, NAGPRA will affect the Section 106 review all Federal agencies have developed the process in at least three ways. means of interacting with American Indian tribes who have cultural resources poten- (1) With regard to the conduct of tially impacted by agency actions. The archaeological investigations, formal Bureau of Reclamation has established an consultation must occur with appro- Office of Native American Affairs that helps priate American Indian groups to facilitate interactions between tribes and regarding the treatment and disposi- facilities. The NPS has published specific tion of human remains and other policies concerning American Indians. cultural resources recovered during These will be discussed at greater length be- archeological studies on Federal and low. tribal lands, and tribes must give their consent to the excavation of In 1994, U.S. Congress passed a number of human remains and removal of re- amendments to AIRFA (U.S.C. 103D - Re- mains and other cultural resources port 103-675). These amendments include from tribal land beyond that nor- provisions for protecting, in addition to sa- mally required of the Section 106 cred sites and objects, substances (plants, process; animals) that are needed for the practice of Native American religious rites and ceremo- (2) In discovery situations, agencies are nies. encouraged to develop plans to deal with the unexpected discoveries of Native American Graves Protection and archeological materials, and in the Repatriation Act event of inadvertent discovery, all The Native American Graves Protection and project activities must cease, the ap- Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, PL 101-601, propriate Federal agency or Indian 104 Stat. 3048) became law on November tribe must be notified, and activities 16, 1990. NAGPRA makes provisions for must not resume for 30 days. Dispo- the return of human remains, funerary ob- sition will be resolved in accordance jects, and associated sacred items held in with the provisions set forth in Federally funded repositories to American NAGPRA; Indian, Native Alaskan, and Native Hawai- ian peoples who can demonstrate lineal (3) With regard to curation, NAGPRA descent, cultural affiliation, or cultural pat- allows for the affiliated American rimony. In addition, the Act requires for Indian group to decide on the treat- formal consultation with, and participation ment and disposition of recovered

cultural items. This goes beyond the Natural and cultural features are now viewed ACHP policy that simply requires as park resources associated with traditional professional curation. subsistence, sacred ceremonial or religious, residential, or other cultural meaning for Executive Order 13007, Indian Sacred members of contemporary park-associated Land Executive Order ethnic groups, including Native Americans Executive Order 13007, Indian Sacred Land (Crespi 1987). Bulletin 38 was one NPS re- Executive Order (Clinton 1996) is also rele- sponse to the need to evaluate and document vant to the preservation of American Indian traditional cultural properties (Parker and cultural sites. EO 13007 directs federal land King 1990). The Bulletin is intended to sup- managers, to the extent practicable, permit- plement rather than supplant more specific ted by law, and not clearly inconsistent with guidelines such as those used by Indian essential agency functions, (1) To accom- Tribes (Parker and King 1990:3-4). modate access to and ceremonial use of Indian sacred sites by Indian religious prac- The Bulletin provides guidance in conduct- titioners, (2) To avoid adversely affecting ing cultural resources surveys, noting the the physical integrity of such sacred sites, importance of background research about and (3) To maintain the confidentiality of what is already recorded and consulting with such sacred sites as appropriate. EO 13007 persons who have been students in the cul- explicitly addresses sacred sites protection tures and traditions of the area under review. policies and requires consultation. This The agency conducting a cultural resources study also meets the requirements of Execu- survey has the responsibility for coordinat- tive Orders 13083 and 13084, which ing and consulting with Indian tribes. regulate consultation with Indian tribal gov- Recommendations include making contact ernments (Clinton 1998). with knowledgeable groups in the area and specifically seeking out knowledgeable par- Concern for intangible cultural resources, ties in the affected community outside the particularly for Native Americans who iden- official political structure, with the full tify locales of traditional importance that do knowledge and cooperation of the contem- not exhibit physical evidence of human be- porary community leaders (Parker and King havior, began to be expressed by the late 1990:6). 1970s (Stuart 1979). The September 1984 keynote address by NPS The NHPA, as amended, provides for the protection of traditional cultural properties Director Russell E. Dickinson to the First as historic properties under Section 106 and World Conference on Cultural Parks called is a new endeavor in cultural resources man- for park officials to "seek innovative forms agement (Parker 1993). A special issue of of rapprochement among native communi- the NPS periodical, CRM (1993), was de- ties, government land managing agencies, voted to the topic. The July 1994 release of and groups who share that concern. Working NPS-28 defines cultural landscapes as com- together requires recognition and respect, plex resources including landforms, soils, developing permanent working partnerships, and vegetation that are a reflection of human recognition of the value of cultural differ- adaptation and resource use. It specifies that, ences, and recognition that culture means "all cultural landscapes are to be managed as more than objects or structures (Scovill cultural resources, regardless of the type or 1987). level of significance" (NPS 1994:93).

Cultural Affiliation and Involved American Indian Tribes

The first decision in any American Indian ning of creation to groups who have had a ethnographic assessment is to establish brief, but culturally significant experience which American Indian ethnic groups are on the land. potentially culturally affiliated with the location(s) being studied. The term affiliation When periods of time are chosen as the implies that the relationship between Native frames for viewing cultural affiliation, three Americans and the land is cultural. broad divisions emerge: (1) Traditional period, (2) Aboriginal period, and (3) Historic There is no formula to define how long a period. It is important to remember that Na- people must live on land in order to establish tive Americans may use other definitions of cultural affiliation. In general, the length of time, including a pre-human time which is time American Indian people have spent on without measure and essentially timeless. the land varies from groups who perceive These periods of cultural affiliation are dis- they have lived in an area since the begin- cussed in more detail in the next chapter.

Figure 1.4. Southern Paiute Consultant, Edna Osife

The second decision in any American Indian putting together both their EIS and man- ethnographic study is to identify the tribes agement plan, they have hypothesized the culturally affiliated with the area under fed- cultural attachment of the following cultural eral management. At this point in time, the groups: the Hopi, the Zuni, the Navajo, the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monu- Paiute Tribes of Utah, the San Juan Paiute, ment has not officially conducted a cultural and the Ute. affiliation study, however, in the process of

This study serves to document the cultural that ethnic group the specific cultural affilia- affiliation of the Southern Paiutes and within tions of the Kaibab Paiute people.

The Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology

The Bureau of Applied Research in Anthro- sure the preservation of Native American pology (BARA) is a unique research cultures and languages. institution within the College of Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of A long history of misguided policy-making Arizona.As a research unit, BARA seeks to and disregard for native cultures in this apply social science knowledge toward an country has created a wide variety of cul- enhanced understanding of real-world prob- tural resource problems for Indian peoples. lems. Recent legislation, such as the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978, the Its diverse range of research activities in Native American Graves Protection and Re- both domestic and international contexts ad- patriation Act of 1990, and Executive Order dresses critical human issues dealing with 13007 - Sacred Site Access, has attempted to change and development, power and pov- redress the situation and establish new pol- erty, gender and ethnicity, growth and icy paths that emphasize tribal learning, social justice and equity, and envi- empowerment and cultural respect. ronmental change and sustainability. At the heart of BARA’s approach lies a commit- BARA has contributed to these new direc- ment to community participation, empirical tions by developing standard study fieldwork, and innovative research methods. procedures that assure the full participation of Native American tribes in the process of BARA bases its reputation on its ability to identifying and controling their comprehen- create effective dialogues with local stake- sive cultural resource inventories. In this holders, to accurately document strategies of program, BARA research facilitates the in- household and community, and to promote teraction of tribes with government and the economic wellbeing and cultural integ- private agencies. Through the use of ethnog- rity of its partner communities. Building on raphy, BARA professionals have assisted an extensive foundation of field experience, communities in reconstructing their cultural BARA has developed and tested a research histories. In addition they have made Geo- methodology that combines qualitative and graphical Information Systems (GIS) quantitative techniques within a participa- technologies available to tribes wanting to tory framework. identify and maintain their cultural landscapes, and have worked to address Native American Cultural Resource language shift through the development of Revtalization dictionaries and the promotion of language This research is being conducted through the literacy on reservations. Native American Cultural Resource Revi- talization (NACRR) program in BARA. This program has also contributed to the de- Consistent with BARA’s founding mission velopment of cultural resource theory within to monitor the welfare and wellbeing of Na- applied anthropology and has generated tive American groups in Arizona, this genuine, mutually respectful and productive program focuses on the national need to as- partnerships research programs. NACRR

has received long-term funding from Ameri- and students within SBS. Provide can Indian tribes, the NPS, the Department access to GIS software and of Energy, the Department of Defense, and hardware (as space permits). the Bureau of Reclamation. In this study, CASA customized a system- Center for Applied Spatial Analysis atic mapping technique for recording (CASA) cultural landscape data in a GIS layered The Center for Applied Spatial Analysis format. The results of CASA’s efforts ap- (CASA) at the UofA is a GIS research facil- pear in this report. ity within the College of Social and Behavioral Sciences (SBS). CASA's mission UofA Study Team is to facilitate the use of geographic infor- The UofA provided academically trained mation systems, spatial data, and related persons to conduct all aspects of this project. techniques (such as cartography, remote These individuals brought various research sensing, and spatial analysis) within the col- skills, each of which was specially suited to lege. CASA supports and develops research this project. The following section briefly projects and encourages the wider use of describes the study team. GIS and related techniques in the social sciences through collaboration on grants, Richard Stoffle, Ph.D. demonstrations, training, teaching and in- Dr. Stoffle served as the Principal ternships. CASA operates in the following Investigator of the current project. In areas: this capacity he oversaw all aspects of research from the initial writing of • Research: Form research partner- the project proposal to the submis- ships with faculty, staff and sion of the final report. Professor students within SBS. Perform Stoffle is a long-standing member of GIS analysis for faculty and staff the NACRR program in BARA. He on a contract basis. is a full professor at the Uof A and has extensive research and teaching • Education: Participate in the de- experience. His intereset and invest- velopment and implementation ment in issues affecting American of core GIS curriculum at the Indian tribes and ecological anthro- University of Arizona. Provide pology have led to extensive formal and informal GIS training publications. within SBS. Train research assistants and interns. Amy Eisenberg, Ph.D. At the time the draft report of this • Service: Develop and maintain project was written, Ms. Eisenberg is libraries of social science spatial a Ph.D. candidate in the Arid Lands data and metadata. Develop cus- Resources Sciences Program, UofA. tom applications to serve She has now successfully completed common data processing re- her Ph.D. Her dissertation involves quirements in SBS, e.g., data participatory ethnoecological re- subsetting, data normalization, search with the Aymara Indians of and data delivery. Provide expert the northern Chilean Andes. Amy is GIS assistance to faculty, staff a botanist and botanical illustrator.

She conducted interviews, coded Kaibab Paiute tribe who are under direct data, and wrote text regarding the contract with the Grand Staircase-Escalante geography, fauna, and flora of each NM. study site. Spring 1999 Alex K. Carroll, Ph.D. Candidate University of Arizona became involved with Ms. Carroll is a Ph.D. candidate in this study at the request of the Kaibab Paiute the graduate program in the Depart- tribe in the late fall of 1998. At the time ment of Anthropology, UofA. Her when this study was being designed, the interests include the politics of repre- Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monu- sentation and social memories ment had just been established and both they associated with Native American im- and the Kaibab Paiute tribe were interested ages and events and the processes by in developing a relationship centered on the which American Indian voices can cultural opinions of tribal elders. appear in their own histories. Additionally, the Kaibab Tribe desired to Her MA thesis explored social uphold the tribal government responsibility memories of a Southern Paiute of protecting the current cultural interests of known as Queho. Alex conducted in- the tribe and for future generations of Indian terviews, coded data and wrote text people. The Grand Staircase-Escalante Na- on sites presented in Kelly (1971), as tional Monument study was further guided well as an ethnohistorical overview by various federal cultural resource and of the radical alterations that oc- natural resource laws including: the Ameri- curred with the introduction of can Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978, Spanish, Mexican, New Mexican, the Native American Graves Protection and and Anglo influences into and Repatriation Action of 1990, Executive Or- through the GSE/NM. der # 13007 regarding sacred site access, and Executive Orders #13083 and #13084 John Amato, LPN that specify how to consult with culturally Mr. Amato is a Licensed Practical affiliated tribes on a government-to- Nurse and professional photogra- government basis. pher. He has recently worked with the Aymara Indians of the Andes In the spring semester a student seminar was photo-documenting impacts to their convened to begin to review the documents cultural resources. Mr. Amato took associated with this study. Two students and all the photographs associated with Dr. Stoffle met once a week to discuss re- this study, coded data and edited search strategies and review findings. The text. semester-long seminar was productive. The class developed an initial list of related early Chronology of Activities explorers, Mormon settlements, and local This section provides a brief recapitulation newspapers. of activities related to this study. These activities are primarily focussed on The Historic maps were found and added to the University of Arizona and do not fully rep- files. Microfilm containing early newspaper resent those various activities accomplished issues were received on inter-library loan by the cultural resource personnel of the and examined by the students. The seminar

produced a document foundation for a time pertinent information. Dr. Stoffle began to when data on specific topics would be acquire the diaries of U.S.G.S surveyors needed in order to produce a regional and who initially provided field data for map- local history of Indian use and occupancy of ping the study area. Such diaries have the area. proven useful in other projects providing original eyewitness accounts. New informa- Fall 1999 tion is emerging from this effort. During the fall of 1999 UofA staff devoted time to designing a GIS map and GIS data- Summer 2000 base that are to be used to collect, organize, In the summer of 2000 the places and a and present information provided by the eld- schedule of the GSENM ethnographic ers and tribal representatives during site fieldwork was negotiated with the Kaibab visits. Sufficient historic data was procured Paiute tribe who directed the UofA team to so that portions of the study area could be specific places and resources that should be entered into the GIS database. the first to be studied. The Kaibab Paiute tribe made specific arrangements with The GIS database is to be used to produce a Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monu- large size GIS field map. Tribal elders and ment regarding this study. representatives will mark these maps in order to illustrate their ideas of what exists Developing these plans required a two-day locally and how these places/resources are scoping task during which time many of the connected with places/resources located places and resources potentially involved in elsewhere. These data will be coded into the the study were visited by a scoping team GIS database in order to produce a compos- from the Kaibab Paiute cultural resource of- ite GIS map. fice. Scoping assured the smooth working of the site visits and prevented endangering The GIS map and GIS database are signifi- elders or missing key resources and places. cant innovations in ethnographic methods. It was hoped that the Grand Staircase- They have been developed as a part of this Escalante National Monument would want and another ethnographic study. They have to provide an archaeologist (and perhaps a just been used to successfully represent the natural resource specialist) to participate in cultural concerns for Mohave, Southern Pai- the site visits, but this was not possible. ute, Western Shoshone, and Owens Paiutes on the Nellis Air Force Base in southern Interviews centered around the major cate- Nevada. Given the success experience in gories of cultural resources that have been that study, the UofA team is very optimistic identified by Kaibab Paiute elders and repre- regarding the use of GIS methods and prod- sentatives in previous studies, which date ucts in the Kaibab Paiute study. back to the late 1970s. Systematic interviews were facilitated by the use of Spring 2000 interview forms, which have been produced In the spring semester of 2000, a UofA cul- with the help of Kaibab Paiute elders on tural anthropology graduate student worked previous studies. These forms represent the a quarter time (but not on project funds) on range of questions that they perceive to be documents under the supervision of Dr. most useful. Two forms were used to record Stoffle. She read local newspapers and cop- the majority of information: (1) The site- ies of original U.S. Census forms for specific analyses form and (2) The cultural

landscape form. Each form has been used previously and has an ACCESS database Summer 2004 format ready for coding information. A final version of the current report was produced in the summer of 2004. This report We have included additional field data that reflects the original research findings of was gathered to the extent that time permit- 1999-2000. Minor changes have been made ted. This data briefly describes the geology when errors or omissions have been found. and ecology of each location being studied. Furthermore, this document has been refor- One of the members of the UofA team is a matted with the intent of making the trained botanist whose primary role was to information more easily accessible. conduct interviews, but additionally she was asked to provide lists of major plants at the site and help with the ecological descriptions. Issues that emerged during the field interviews stimulated the need for more visits to local archives.

CHAPTER TWO History: Creation to Restoration

In this chapter we provide the reader with information about themselves, their ances- some background information to provide a tors, and their interconnectedness to the clearer understanding information Southern cultural landscape of GSE/NM. Part of this Paiute people have relayed in this report. responsiveness entails a willingness to re- This essay is designed to explain, but not in evaluate what constitutes valid knowledge. any way test, Indian testimony. What Indian Below we outline a number of components people say about a place stands on its own, that consultations with some Kaibab South- backed by the authority of the tribal govern Paiute elders have led us to believe are ernments who have reviewed and approved essential in the development an Indian his- this report. tory.

This chapter has four sections. It begins with What is An Indian History? a semiotic analysis of what is meant by the The official histories of the Indian people of phrase “Indian history.” Next, this chapter this study area are rather easy to determine provides an examination of the traditional in broad outline and even in much of their sociopolitical units of the Southern Paiute detail. The central challenge of this chapter, Nation. These sections are followed by a however, is to produce histories reflecting reconstruction of archival and ethno- the knowledge, experiences, and important historical data of the Eastern Yanawant processes of change undergone by the Pai- Southern Paiutes, and finally, an analysis of utes. It is a recognized observation that each changing federal Indian policy, as well as generation looks to the past and selects cer- the current relations of certain Southern Pai- tain people, events, and process when utes to the GSE/NM. Each of these sections interpreting their histories. In doing so, provides background or descriptive informa- much of what happened in the past is ig- tion discussed in subsequent chapters. nored. When Indian people are given the opportunity to talk about their histories, they In the current study of the GSE/NM we re- tend to emphasize very different issues that lay knowledge shared by consultants of the those expressed by official versions of US Kaibab Southern Paiute tribe and supple- history. The following are six ways that In- ment this with information gathered through dian histories tend to differ from standard archival research. Our analysis of the versions of the past: GSE/NM is unique from previously conducted research of this region in several First, Indian histories begin when respects. We seek to relay archaeological, they were placed in these lands by historical, and ethnographic information in a the Creator and given the birthright way that is attentive and responsive to the responsibility to properly use and paradigms of knowledge utilized by South- protect the animals, plants, places, ern Paiute consultants when conveying and other elements.

Second, Indian histories span over Fifth, Indian people have selected thousands of years during which their own heroes, critical events, and time they selected places, events, and important processes of change. In- processes to commemorate. dian heroes, including Posey in southern Utah and Queho in south- Third, when Europeans arrived, their ern Nevada, were perceived as animals and diseases spread before outlaws by the Americans. Other In- them (what has been termed “virgin dian leaders, like the Paiute prophet soil epidemics” and “pre-arrival im- Wovoka whose vision stimulated the pacts”), permanently changing 1890 Ghost Dance5 movement, were certain places and peoples, and viewed fearfully by non-Indian soci- radically altering aspects of the ety. natural world. Indian history tends to select people Fourth, the people of the United who act heroically by resisting the States tend to begin their histories encroachment of outsiders. Simi- with their arrival in the area. This larly, historic events, like the 1869 occurs as early as 1776 with the treaty between the Navajos and the travels of Spanish fathers – Esca- Mormons, were socially and biologi- lante and Domingues. It continued cally devastating to the Kaibab with Anglo settlers, such as in July Paiutes, yet praised and commemo- 1847 with the arrival of the Mormon rated by the Mormons whose villages people (at the Great Salt Lake) who were no longer under threat from were citizens of the US, but fleeing Navajo raiders. Indian people view America into Mexican territory. the process of environmental trans- With the end of the US war with formation very differently. They Mexico and the signing of the Treaty view, from a different cultural land- of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, the scape perspective, the lands of this study became a part of channelization6 of streams during the US national territory. last decade of the nineteenth century, the shifting of vegetative cover From an Indian perspective the lives through overgrazing, removal of of the Kaibab Paiute people were timber, and chaining of cedar trees significantly impacted before then by to make grasslands, and the dam- more than 200 years of Spanish and ming of rivers. Mexican warfare, trade, and political maneuvering with the Indian Sixth, US historians and social scien- tribes of the Northern New Spain4. tists have discounted the presence of complex Indian social organization

5 See the recent article “Ghost Dancing the Grand Canyon: Southern Paiute Rock Art, Ceremony, and 4 Note the photograph of a Southern Paiute slave Cultural Landscapes.” Current Anthropology who had been sold or traded and thus ended up a 41:1:11-38, 2000. Also available on the web at: resident in the New Mexico community of Abiquiu, http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/CA/ New Mexico in the book The Valley of Shinning 6 See the Historic Channel Change of Kanab Creek, Stone: The Story of Abiquiu by L. Poling-Kempes Southern Utah and Northern Arizona by Webb, 1997. UofA Press. Smith, and McCord 1991.

and large population sizes. Accord- structure of the Southern Paiutes in the ing to Dan Bulletts, “White people twentieth century. killed lots of helpless Paiute people. Books leave all this out, leave out Finally, we conclude with a broad spectrum how they paid for Indian scalps in ethnohistorical account of the radical Salt Lake” (cited in Trimble 1993: changes evinced through the introduction of 328). Spanish, Mexican, New Mexican, and Eu- roamerican populations, material culture, In an earlier interview, Dan Bulletts7 disease, and ideologies through the major conveyed a commonly held sentiment trade routes linking such distant settlements that there were once tens of thou- as Mexico City, Santa Fe, Saint Louis, and sands of Paiutes in this area before Los Angeles. diseases killed them. Indian society naturally changed with the great Local History losses of population, so post- The UofA team has worked on the history of holocaust descriptions do not accu- the Kaibab Paiute district since the early rately describe traditional Paiute 1970s. Since then a number of essays have society and politics. been prepared, which address historic themes identified by elders as well as out- The goal of this chapter is to describe inter- lines of events and processes occurring in actions with the Indian people today and various portions of traditional territory. reveal those themes they wish to bring forward in their histories of the GSE/NM area. Research for these past essays generated In conjunction with this goal, we seek to large files of original data, which potentially provide information that takes into account will serve to enrich the local history that will Indian perspectives excluded from previous be produced in this study. Interestingly, the histories of this area. We begin the first sec- current study area is among the most remote tion with an ethnohistory of the Numic in the region, requiring original and innova- speaking people. tive document searches in order to move beyond more general histories. This analysis reveals the Southern Paiutes' deeply embedded attachments to the land of Fortunately there have been a number of the Great Basin and western Colorado Pla- eyewitness observations in this area. Begin- teau that date back thousands of years. The ning in 1776 with Fathers Escalante and political organization of the Southern Paiute Dominguez, there have been a number of Nation during pre-contact times is presented, detailed studies of how and where the Kai- followed by an examination of the radical bab Paiute people lived. In the mid-1870s physical and sociopolitical destruction that Powell and many of his fellow researchers, resulted from the introduction of European made deeper observations of fundamental diseases. Next, we provide a detailed ethno- aspects of Paiute culture. historical analysis of the sociopolitical At the turn of the twentieth century, Isabel Kelly and Omer Stewart collected ethnographic data from two very different but 7 Personal interview with Richard Stoffle in 1972, see resulting article “Resource Competition and useful perspectives. Kelly’s work was quali- Population Change: a Kaibab Paiute Ethnohistorical tative following her own research interests Case” Ethnohistory 23(2), 1976.

and the general guideline provided to young Taken together, Kelly and Stewart provide ethnographers at the time – study every- deep insights into Kaibab Paiute culture in thing. Importantly, Kelly’s field notes were the early twentieth century. Similarly, in- published along with a detailed map of tribal sights can be derived from the linguistic boundaries and economic clusters for the work of Edward Sapir and the ethnobotani- eastern bands of Southern Paiutes. Stewart’s cal work of C. Hart Merriam. work reflected the growing recognition that observations about human culture could A number of additional studies in the later only be made comparable if the same ques- half of the twentieth century produced. tions were asked everywhere of everybody. These studies were conducted with Kaibab Following a trait list of more than 4,000 Paiute people who came forward to share questions, Stewart interviewed all Southern their knowledge of traditional territories in Paiutes in the same way providing the abil- order to protect them from the many large- ity to observe variances and patterns in scale developments that were proposed fol- Paiute culture. lowing the construction of Glen Canyon Dam in 1969. .

Figure 2.1 Southern Paiute Consultants in GSE/NM

Paiute Views of Their Culture According to some archaeologists, cultural Southern Paiute people have resided in their anthropologists, and linguists who accept the traditional lands for many generations. “Numic Spread” theory (Bettinger and Southern Paiutes, Western Shoshone, Owens Baumhoff 1983), Paiute people came into Valley Paiutes, Utes, and Goshutes are col- the region by at least 1150 AD (Euler 1964; lectively called the Numic or Numa people Shutler 1961). Other archaeologists (Torgler — a term that refers to their language and 1995; Whitley 1994a, 1994b), cultural an- common cultural traditions. thropologists (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, Olmsted 1990), and linguists (Shaul 1986)

cite data that support the theory that the Euroamerican settlers’ diaries and official Numic peoples have continuously lived in government surveys recorded in the mid- the Great Basin and western Colorado Pla- 1800s (Little 1881; Powell and Ingalls teau for thousands of years. The Southern 1874), and oral history interviews conducted Paiute people perceive that the Creator in the 1930s (Kelly 1934, 1970, see Figure placed them in this region, and that they 2.2 below; also, Stewart 1942). have always been here. In addition to the Claims Commission The aboriginal boundaries of many Indian documents, recent ethnographic studies have groups were established during the U.S. further refined the aboriginal boundaries of Claim Commission hearings (Sutton 1985). the Southern Paiute (Bunte and Franklin The U.S. Claims Commission established 1987; ERT 1980, Halmo, Stoffle, and Evans the aboriginal boundaries of the Southern 1993; Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted Paiute ethnic group. They used various 1990; Stoffle, Austin, Halmo, Phillips sources, which included travelers' observa- 1997). tions in the late 1700s (Bolton 1950),

Figure 2.2. Kelly’s Map of Southern Paiute Districts (Adapted from Kelly and Fowler 1986:369).

Figure 2.3. Puaxant Tuvip: The Southern Paiute Holy Land

While Euroamerican scholars seeking to de- ogy, this land is their Holy Land (Spicer fine boundaries and origin times for the 1957:197, 213), and a portion of it is under Southern Paiutes examine forms of knowl- the supervision of the Pahrump Paiutes (see edge rooted in Euroamerican intellectual Figure 2.3). traditions, the Paiute people frequently look to religious knowledge to explain traditional The Southern Paiute people believe that they ethnic territories and the events by which the were created by the supernatural near people came to inhabit them. Charleston Peak — called Nu-va antu- [herein rendered as Nu-vagantu-] — located in the According to traditional Paiute beliefs, Pai- Spring Mountains (Kroeber 1970, Laird ute people were created in these traditional 1976, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983). According lands. Through this creation, the Creator to Laird (1976:122): gave Paiute people a special supernatural responsibility to protect and manage the land In prehuman times N-vaganti -i was and its resources. In Euroamerican terminol- the home of Wolf and his brother,

Mythic Coyote. It was the very heart back. She dove, and Coyote let go and of T-iwiinyar-vipi -,i the Storied Land. turned himself into a water spider. He reached the island first and was waiting for There was and is no place in Southern Paiute Louse when she arrived. Louse's mother traditional territory more sacred than the wove a large basket while Coyote enjoyed Spring Mountains and the areas around Louse (Kroeber 1908:240; Laird 1976:150- them. One author has noted that Charleston 151). Then Louse's mother sealed the basket Peak is the most powerful of all cosmic cen- and gave it to Coyote to tow back to land. ters in the southern and central Great Basin As a water spider, he did so. As the basket (Miller 1983:72). grew heavy, Coyote became full of curios- ity, and he opened it before reaching Nu- Concerns for this sacred area have been ex- vagantu-. Louse's eggs had hatched in the pressed repeatedly over the past twenty basket and became human beings. years in cultural resource studies involving Southern Paiute people (Stoffle and Dobyns The new human beings emerged from the 1982, 1983; Stoffle, Dobyns and Evans now opened basket and began to scatter in 1983; Stoffle, Evans, Harshbarger 1988). all directions over the land. By the time Coyote returned to Nu-vagantu-, only weak- Creation Stories lings, cripples, and excrement remained in Southern Paiute oral scriptures that have the basket. On Charleston Peak, Wolf been recorded generally resemble the Chris- (Kroeber 1908:240 says it was Coyote) used tian Genesis and other creation stories in his greater power to create the Chemehuevis terms of placing the people on the earth. and their Southern Paiute kindred. The While there are different versions of this darker color of Southern Paiute skin is at- story, the following account derives from tributed to the ingredients used by Wolf to southern California and was provided by a create them. Because it is the place where Chemehuevi Paiute (Laird 1976). the Southern Paiute people were created, Nu- vagantu- — Charleston Peak — is holy to According to this account, Southern Paiutes Southern Paiutes. believe that originally there was only water. Ocean Woman (Hutsipamamau ?u) then For each Southern Paiute tribal group, there created dry land (Laird 1976:148-149). Once is a slightly different version of this story there was land, Creator Coyote and Wolf (e.g., Lowie 1924, for Shivwits version; lived on Charleston Peak. Creator Coyote Sapir 1930, for Kaibab version) "which later saw tracks of a woman, but when he highlights the sacredness of their own local caught up with her, she was a louse tribal territory" (Bunte and Franklin (Poo?wavi). Coyote propositioned her, and 1987:227). The Shivwits story has the emer- she agreed to the proposal on the condition gence point at Buckskin Mountain in Kaibab that he built them a house. He ran ahead, territory (Lowie 1924:104). In general built a house, and when Louse caught up, terms, however, Southern Paiute origin sto- she magically put Coyote to sleep and con- ries share much in common. In the San Juan tinued on. Southern Paiute version of the Creation story, the cultural heroes (both Wolf and This happened four times before they Coyote) are called Shu-nangwav, a name that reached the Pacific Coast. Louse set out to translates into English as "God" or the swim to her home island with Coyote on her "Great Spirit" (Bunte and Franklin 1987:33).

In this version, Coyote untied the sack [bas- nizing what the Federal government and the ket in other versions] near Page, Arizona, Southern Paiute people recognize — that all and it was there that the Southern Paiute Southern Paiute people have a sacred tie and people were made. This version also pre- contemporary right to be aware of and re- sents one creation place for all Paiutes in spond to actions that potentially impact local territory of the San Juan Paiutes (Bunte traditional natural and cultural resources and Franklin 1987:227). By moving the within the Southern Paiute Holy Land. place of their ethnic group's origin, local Paiute groups strengthen their identification Traditional Southern Paiute Political with the ethnic group itself and solidify their Units cosmological ties to that specific portion of The Southern Paiute nation, before historic Southern Paiute ethnic territory. disruption, was comprised of several levels of political organization, including possibly Despite local variations in the identification two or more major subdivisions or sub- of the ethnic group's place of origin, all por- tribes, a dozen or more districts, and numer- tions of traditional ethnic territory remain ous local groups — sometimes referred to as sacred to all Southern Paiute people. Puax- bands — within each district. Some of the antu- Tu-vip (variant Puaru-vwip) is the evidence of hierarchical organization comes Southern Paiute term that translates into "sa- from Laird's (1976) documentation of Che- cred land" (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982). The mehuevi institutions elicited from her Paiute term pua is cognate to the Shoshone Chemehuevi husband, George Laird. term puha, or "power" (Franklin and Bunte 1993:3; Miller 1983). Leaders occupied a special status with special symbols very visible in pre-contact The term puaxantu- is a derivative of the Southern Paiute society. While male leaders term pua; it may be transliterated as "power- have been referred to as High Chiefs, they ful" or "(sacred) power." The indigenous functioned as ritualists rather than political Paiute term would refer to sacred or power- officers (Laird 1976:24); at least, they did so ful lands, that is lands traditionally occupied in the late 1800s. Those who were called by the ethnic group that are made powerful High Chiefs could wear turquoise. The elite by being where the Creator placed the Paiute spoke a special language known as "t-i people. vitsi?ampagap-i" (Real Speech) in addition to the Southern Paiute language spoken by all The Federal government recognizes that all Southern Paiutes. High Chiefs chanted it Southern Paiute people are directly associ- with a strong accent. Living members of the ated with all portions of their aboriginal elite preserved that special language into the territory. This stipulation became the legal final decade of the nineteenth century. conclusion of the Federal government when, Quail-beans (kakaramurih), or black-eyed at the end of the Indian Claims Commission peas, became a special dietary item for the hearings, all Southern Paiute people re- chiefly elite (Laird 1976:24). ceived an equal financial compensation for the loss of aboriginal territory. Leaders employed a specialized corps of runners to transmit communications. These Many local, state, and federal agencies have runners were probably young men who were set the standard for government-to- specially selected for this task (Laird government consultation by further recog-

1976:47), and George Laird was one of the Pima, Hopi, Hualapai, and across the Colo- last runners (cf. Nabokov 1981). rado River to the Southern Paiutes.

Some Federal officials called Tutseguvits Like the Inca traders of South America, the head chief for a decade: from 1859 (For- Southern Paiute traders were probably ex- ney 1859:73) until 1869 (Fenton 1859:203). posed to diseases while trading with Another official in the early 1870s (Powell neighboring Indian ethnic groups, after and Ingalls 1874) perceived that a single which they exposed people within their tribal chief named Tagon exercised some home settlements. authority over all Southern Paiutes. That perception may well have been accurate, and Today we can only estimate the social, cul- a principal chief may have played a more tural and biological impacts that resulted important pre-contact role. through early centuries of exposure to Eu- roamerican diseases. However, book titles Leaders led at least regional polities made like Their Number Become Thinned up of lineage bands (Laird 1976:24). In (Dobyns 1983) and American Indian Holo- 1873, one identified High Chief who was caust and Survival (Thornton 1987) target active into post-conquest times provided sa- the problems faced by Indian people during cred leadership for lesser chiefs heading at these times. least eight local lineage organizations based at Potosi, Paroom Spring, Kingston Moun- A historical record of more recent disease tain, Ivanpah, Providence Mountain, Ash exposures as well as their social and cultural Meadows, Amargosa, and the northern impacts exists in the accounts of literate Chemehuevi (Fowler and Fowler travelers and immigrants. In these records, 1971b:104-105; Laird 1976:24). witnesses note changes amongst the Indian people as well as the presence of diseases Leaders employed a specialized corps of within their own communities. The impacts runners to transmit communications. The of diseases brought by European immigrants elite appeared to have disappeared when the in the early to mid-1800 are well docu- last surviving High Chief died late in the mented in a recent analysis conducted by nineteenth century. In the 1870s, Powell and Stoffle, Jones, and Dobyns (1995). Ingalls perceived the functioning High Chiefs as heads of what they called confed- This analysis demonstrates that European eracies of local groups (Fowler and Fowler immigrants that passed through and moved 1971b:109). into Southern Paiute riverine oases transmitted diseases that resulted in the reduction of Disease and Sociopolitical Disruption Indian populations. These declines were so Diseases transmitted by Europeans probably rapid and widespread that most national and first impacted the Southern Paiutes during many subtribal functions were largely elimi- the smallpox pandemic of 1520-1524, which nated by the late 1850s (Stoffle, Jones, and spread from Mexico City throughout much Dobyns 1995). of North America (Dobyns 1981, Campbell 1990). Throughout the 1500s, 1600s, and Ten diseases (measles, cholera, malaria, tu- 1700s, major disease pandemic episodes berculosis, scarlet fever, whooping cough, spread from Mexico into the lands of the typhoid fever, intestinal parasites, mumps, and smallpox) assaulted Southern Paiute

peoples from 1847 until 1856. These ten The best-known disease episodes that may diseases accounted for the deaths of thou- have spread to the Southern Paiutes between sands of Southern Paiutes. During the years 1520 and 1837 are presented in Table 2.1. 1857-1876, the rate of direct European Most of these episodes have been docu- transmission of Old World diseases began to mented as a result of the regular Spanish slow appreciably, however this reduced im- contact with various Pueblo peoples after pact largely resulted from the fact that not as 1625. One well-documented event occurred many Paiutes were living after 1857 (Stof- between 1777 and 1780. The rains in north- fle, Jones, and Dobyns 1995:194). ern Arizona had failed for 3 years, and the Hopi were low on crops, water, and pastures Even with fewer numbers, the Southern Pai- for their herds. According to John ute population continued to drop throughout (1975:593), disease bred in the scant, stag- the latter part of the nineteenth century and nant water deposits, and the Hopi people, early twentieth century. A newspaper report weakened by hunger, had little resistance to from southern Nevada in 1905 confirms this sickness. decline. According to the census taker, Mr. Harsha White, “the Piute (sic) population In the spring of 1780, the Spanish governor has decreased 60 per cent since 1890" (Stof- Anza marched a troop of solders to the Hopi fle, Olmsted, and Evans 1990: 113-114). to convince them to submit to Spanish pol- One consequence of this radical population icy. According to John (1975:596), the decline was even the basic socio-political smallpox epidemic that was now ravaging units that once reflected dense aboriginal the Pueblos in New Mexico had hit the Hopi populations could no longer be maintained. as well. Less than 5 years after Father Esca- lante had calculated the Hopi population at The arrival of European diseases stands out 7,494, all but 798 had died (John 1975:600). as one of the most important factors in incit- ing sociopolitical change among the Anza reported that some Hopi moved to the Southern Paiutes. These destructive events Colorado River to live with the Havasupai probably began when the first pandemics and others set out for New Mexico on their spread north from Mexico City in the 1500s, own. Nonetheless, many were dead. Two of however we have little evidence on the exact the seven Hopi villages had been totally social and cultural impacts of this period. abandoned, and none had more than 45 members in them. Still, the best evidence of In contrast, the presence of diseases, as well disease episodes influencing the Southern as their impact upon Indian communities, is Paiutes comes during the 1840s when wagon well documented for more recent times. train after wagon train arrived in the region During the Spanish occupation of northern from the eastern U.S. New Spain we find a rather complete record of diseases and their impacts among the 1840-1875 Depopulation neighbors of Southern Paiutes. In the south Depopulation from diseases transmitted by we find clear evidence for the lower Colo- European immigrants who passed through rado River tribes in the 1700s. To the east and moved into Southern Paiute riverine oa- we find a good record of events for the ses caused many national and many Pueblos, especially the Hopi, who were the subtribal social, political, and cultural func- immediate trading partners of the Paiutes. tions to be largely eliminated by the late 1850s (Stoffle, Jones, and Dobyns 1995).

Ten diseases (measles, cholera, malaria, tu- diseases accounted for the deaths of thou- berculosis, scarlet fever, whooping cough, sands of Southern Paiutes, and the typhoid fever, intestinal parasites, mumps, depopulation continued throughout the nine- and smallpox) assaulted Southern Paiute teenth century. peoples from 1847 until 1856. These ten

Table 2.1. Major Epidemic Episodes of Old World Diseases Among Pueblo Peoples That May Have Spread to Southern Paiutes Trading at Oraibi8 Date Disease 1837 Typhoid fever and smallpox 1826 Measles 1816 Smallpox 1799-1800 Smallpox, apparently pandemic 1780-1781 Small pox, clearly pandemic 1759 Smallpox 1748 Smallpox 1738 Smallpox, apparently pandemic 1728-1729 Measles 1719 Smallpox 1695-1699 Fever, smallpox 1671 Pestilence 1635 Measles 1613-1617 Bubonic Plague 1592 Measles 1564 Smallpox 1545-1548 Bubonic and pneumonic plague, evidently pandemic 1531-1533 Measles, possibly chickenpox, scarlet fever, or a combination 1520-1524 Smallpox, pandemic in hemisphere

Table 2.1. Old World Disease Episodes Among the Pueblo

Table 2.1.presents both a summary of of various epidemic and endemic diseases known diseases and a model for better un- over the next 11 years. derstanding their impacts on the Southern Paiute people. The table assumes a hypo- The figures used in the model are to illus- thetical Southern Paiute population of 1,000 trate hypothetical impacts. All the figures individuals in 1845 and assesses the impact would be proportionally larger if the actual population of Southern Paiutes in 1845 were

8 Detailed citations are available for each disease episode in Stoffle, Jones, Dobyns 1995:196.

10,000 people. Similarly, the impacts of settled at what was called Manse Springs in each episode or ongoing impacts of endemic Pahrump Valley in 1876 (McCracken diseases are estimates based on comparable 1991:12). Brooks quoted Yount (1970:11- events elsewhere. While the actual number 12) during an 1886 interview as having said can be argued, the evidence suggests drastic to his new wife when she arrived and asked, population decline during just this critical “Where are we?” decade. As the next section will demonstrate, disease impacts were to continue well We are in Palorump [sic, Pahrump] into the twentieth century. Valley, Nye County, Nevada, and Mr. Bennett, six miles distance, is 1875-1900 Depopulation our only neighbor, except that we A 1905 newspaper in southern Nevada car- consider the hundreds of roving Pai- ried a story about Mr. Harsha White, who utes neighbors. took the 1900 U.S. Census. White is quote as saying that “the Piute (sic) population has White graduated from the University of decreased 60 percent since 1890" (Stoffle, Missouri in 1870, traveled west with the Olmsted, and Evans 1990:113-114). White Yount family as a teacher, and married was the son-in-law of Joseph Yount who Maude Yount in 1872.

Table 2.2. Epidemic Disease Mortality Model of Numic-Speaking Native American Population Change, 1847-1856 Date Disease Rate Loss Population 1845 1,000 1849 Measles 25% 250 750 1849 Cholera 15% 113 637 1849 Malaria 15% 64 573 1850 Tuberculosis 5% 29 544 1851 Malaria 3% 16 528 1851 Tuberculosis 3% 16 512 1852 Malaria 3% 15 497 1852 Tuberculosis 3% 15 482 1853 Scarlet fever 20% 96 386 1853 Whooping cough 15% 58 328 1853 Malaria 3% 10 318 1853 Tuberculosis 3% 10 308 1854 Typhoid and/or parasites 10% 31 277 1854-55 Mumps 50% 138 139 1855 Malaria 2% 3 136 1855 Tuberculosis 2% 3 133 1856 Malaria 2% 3 130 1856 Tuberculosis 2% 3 127

Table 2.2. Disease Mortality Model, 1847-1856 (estimated)

Like his father-in-law, White knew and in- ors such as Wheeler in 1869 and J. Powell teracted frequently with the local Paiute and G. W. Ingalls in 1872; regional histori- people. Both White and Yount are pictured ans such as William R. Palmer in the 1880s; with Chief Tecopa around 1900, suggesting and ethnographers such as Julian Steward in they had a special relationship with the Pai- the 1920s. ute leader and the local Indian community (McCracken 1991:5). Some U.S. Federal and Mormon Church officials called Tutseguvits, who lived on the As a college-educated man with first-hand Santa Clara River in southern Utah, the local experience, White spoke with authority Head Chief of the Paiute people. He was about Paiute population declines between called Head Chief for a decade, from 1859 1890 and 1900. White was in a position to (Forney 1859:73) until 1869 (Fenton have directly observed the deaths of many 1859:203). In 1869, Wheeler (1875) named Southern Paiute people, especially those in Tercherum as the “Principal Chief” of the the Pahrump region. area. Another U.S. official in the early 1870s (Powell and Ingalls 1874) perceived that a The High Chiefs single tribal chief named Tagon exercised It appears that a small subset of the elite some authority over all Southern Paiutes. Paiutes provided all of the Southern Paiute people with socio-religious, economic, and Chiefs of Alliance political leadership. Evidence suggests that In the early 1870s Southern Paiute enumera- the Paiute people selected a principal chief tion, Powell and Ingalls also perceived the or High Chief to govern the nation by sitting functioning of High Chiefs as heads of what in a leadership capacity over local chiefs. they called confederacies of local groups There appears to have also been regional (Fowler and Fowler 1971b:108). They iden- chiefs that were not considered the High tified a dozen Chiefs of Alliance and created Chief. The position of High Chief appears to a special column in the report indicating have played important political, economic, their role over other leaders who were called and cultural roles before European contact, just “Chiefs” (Fowler and Fowler which is generally considered to be after the 1971b:105). One of these dozen Chiefs of 1770s during the Spanish period. The basic Alliance was named To-ko-pur. He provided concept of the position High Chief contin- leadership for local chiefs who headed at ued until the middle of the twentieth least seven local lineage bands which were century. based in the (1) vicinity of Potosi, (2) Pa- room Spring, (3) Kingston Mountain, (4) After the Treaty of Guadalupe Hildago in Ivanpah, (5) Providence Mountain, (6) Ash 1848, Southern Paiute territory became a Meadows, and (7) Amargosa (Fowler and part of the United States, and we begin to Fowler 1971b:104-105; Laird 1976:24). find official references to the High Chiefs. Beginning in the 1850s, the elite male lead- These seven local lineage bands roughly ership of the Southern Paiutes was referred correspond to the boundary of what is called to as High Chief by a variety of Euroameri- the Pahrump Paiute district (see discussion cans. The presence of Southern Paiute later in this chapter). It is also interesting to leaders were recorded by Mormon settlers note that Powell and Ingalls recorded the such as Jacob Hamblin in 1854 and Andrew presence of other Chiefs of Alliances head- Jensen in 1855; federal government surveying combinations of local lineage bands

whose territory added up to a Southern Pai- tion due to invasions by Euroamericans, ute district. In another case, when we add up their animals, and their diseases. Eventually, the territory of the local lineages under scholars and laypersons alike were to char- Tau’-gu in northern Arizona and southern acterize Southern Paiute people as lacking Utah, the area totals most of the area of the political organization above the family level. Yanawant subtribe. Twentieth Century High Chiefs In parallel fashion, neighboring Shoshone The deaths of many Southern Paiute people groups in southern Nevada were recorded to meant that traditional sociopolitical units have had a position of Alliance Chief (and previously reflective of the needs of dense perhaps High Chief). The main camp of one aboriginal populations could no longer be Alliance Chief was called Waungiakuda, maintained. However, despite the loss of which is a place at the foot of Pahute Mesa people and the lessened need for national- where Indian people continued to live until level systems of political, economic, and the twentieth century. Then, for unknown social power, some aspects of national and reasons, the family members dispersed. subtribal leadership persisted.

In the late nineteenth century, the site was Chief Tecopa occupied on a full-time basis and served as a In the early 1930s, Julian Steward place where people from the region wanted (1938:185) recorded that a chief from the to visit for various reasons. It was the home region of Pahrump and Ash Meadows, (perhaps one of the homes) of Wangagwana, named Takopa [sic, Tecopa] was a leader of who was known as the “chief of this general “all the Southern Paiutes.” The Indian peo- region” in the 1930s, years after his death ple who Steward (1938:185) interviewed in (Steward 1938:95). The village site was the the 1930s stated that, birth place and early residence of Wangag- wana’s son who the non-Indians called The Paiute of the Pahrump and Las Panamint Joe and who the Indian people Vegas regions were never unified in considered as “Chief of the Shoshone” dur- a single band. A.H. names a succes- ing the rhyolite mining boom about 1906 sion of three Las Vegas chiefs (Steward 1938:95). Waungiakuda was a (towin’dum): Patsadum, who died place to visit for hunting, gathering, trade, many years ago; then Tasidu’dum, and ceremony in the late nineteenth century. who also died many years ago; then A:udia’, who was recently killed. For Steward noted the presence of many local the region of Ash Meadows and Pah- chiefs (Steward 1938) based on his inter- rump he named Takopa (who was views in the 1930s, and Laird independently probably born at Las Vegas and died conducted interviews that recorded the pres- at Pahrump about 1895 [actually ence of local chiefs who led a number of 1905]). Takopa’s main function was local groups made up of lineage bands to direct the festival. Ch.B. added (Laird 1976:24). There are strong databased that when Mojave raided Las Vegas arguments for the existence of a traditional people, Takopa might assist them, system of local, regional, and national chiefs perhaps even taking command. among the Southern Paiutes. This traditional political leadership system was stressed and It is interesting that the people Steward in- eventually declined in frequency and func- terviewed could list the names of three Las

Vegas area chiefs, but only listed Tecopa as Nevada and Northwestern Arizona, the chief of the Pahrump region. Perhaps installed a new chief recently. Their this reflects the fact that Tecopa had been old chief, Jack Penance...was killed the Chief of the Pahrump Paiute region from recently in a very twentieth century early 1870s until 1905, or approximately automobile, loaded with blankets, his two generation. squaw and about eight children (when it) blew a tire and overturned. Continuities in Southern Paiute Political One of his friends, known to white Leadership men as Baboon9, served as head of the Nevada Indians a short time until Chief Penance a pow-wow could be set and distant After his death in 1904, another southern Piutes (sic) called into meeting. Over Nevada leader replaced Tecopa. Steward desert roads they came, many by suggests the new High Chief was named foot, horseback and wagon, but the Benjamin and was a veteran scout of the number who maneuvered themselves U.S. Army who had lived at Tule Springs and families to the reservation in rat- near Las Vegas (Steward 1938:185). Local tling, brass-bound flivvers was newspapers, however, named Jack Penance amazing to old time desert dwell- as the new High Chief. ers...Harry Skinner, a young government Reeducated Piute (sic) The center of national authority shifted from from Arizona, was named Chief... Pahrump to Las Vegas with the selection of Jack Penance as High Chief. This was the Because Harry Skinner was from northern first time the High Chief had not lived with AZ, it is possible that this election shifted the Pahrump Paiutes since at least 1874. the center of national leadership to the This shift also means that the Pahrump Pai- northern portions of the Southern Paiute Na- ute district began to be lead by a district tion. The election of a new national Chief in chief rather than a regional or national chief. 1933 clearly documents that the traditional position of High Chief continued to have Chief Skinner some functions and value to all Southern When Chief Penance died in 1933, Chief Paiute people. Harry Skinner replaced him. The newspaper account covering this important political This event illustrates that Southern Paiute event was entitled “Piutes (sic) Install New people and traditional society persisted into Chieftain at Tribe Ceremonial.” This news- the twentieth century, as they struggled to paper article documents the continuation of maintain social and political structures when Paiute national-level leadership well into the possible and always maintained their deep second half of the twentieth century. The personal attachments to their supernaturally Tonopah Daily Times- Bonanza (10/04/33:4,1) recorded the inauguration of 9 “Baboon” was the nickname of Jack Laug the Southern Paiute chief as follows: who was Daisy Mike’s mother’s brother. Mrs. Mike was a Las Vegas Paiute elder With a mournful chant pouring from who was taped during a tribal history inter- 300 aboriginal throats...the Southern view in 1974 by Jackie Rice and Floyd Nevada Piute (sic) tribe, including O’Neil (Rice and O’Neil 1974: Mike tape Indians of Southern Utah, Southern transcript, p.24).

given ecosystems that continued to sustain ars have used this name in reference to the Paiute people. Pahranagat Valley Paiutes, it is evident that the aboriginal use of the term was much Subtribes broader. Just below the level of the Southern Paiute nation as a whole, there may have been two The water referred to in this designation or more large divisions, with each encom- flows down the Pahranagat Valley, Meadow passing a number of neighboring districts. Valley Wash, and later joins with the Muddy The divisions would have included geo- River. This, in turn, joins with the Virgin graphically contiguous districts having River, and then flows into the Colorado particularly close ties of economic ex- River. From the Colorado River back up- change, intermarriage, and political stream to the headwaters of Pahranagat cooperation. Though the evidence for these Valley and Meadow Valley ran the ribbon- intermediate-scale political divisions within like oasis where people cultivated food the Southern Paiute nation is sketchy, past crops. research suggests that prior to about 1825 there may have been two divisions. The Muddy River appears to have been the headquarters of this subtribe. The western The first division was a western subtribe division of the Southern Paiute nation seems called paran'| itsi w (Sapir 1910:3, herein to have been too populous and too wide rendered as Paranayi)] and the second divi- ranging to be properly labeled a district. sion was an eastern subtribe that derives Therefore, Paranayi might properly be con- from a native designation that Jacob Ham- sidered one of two subtribes constituting the blin recorded as Yanawant (Stoffle and Southern Paiute nation, where the term "sub- Dobyns 1983a, 1983b; Stoffle et al. 1991:7- tribe" is used in a purely technical sense to 8; Brooks 1950:27; Little 1881). indicate that the tribe formerly consisted of western and eastern components. The relation between ecosystems and sociopolitical units becomes evident in both the Previous studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a, structure and naming of these sub-tribes. 1983b) suggest that, when Euroamerican The key contributions that riverine oases colonization of southern Nevada began, the made to Southern Paiute subsistence made entire western and southern portion of the certain major streams geographically central Southern Paiute nation was known as to aboriginal life. It is important to note, Paranayi. Within this great geographical however, that socio-political units do not area were a number of districts (a concept always exactly fit the natural boundaries of discussed more later) including the ecosystems. Moapa/Paranagat, Las Vegas, Pahrump/Ash Meadows, and Chemehuevi Districts. Paranayi Subtribe The term Paranayi loosely translates into Yanawant Subtribe "marshy spring people" (Hodge 1910:202) Southern Paiutes inhabiting the higher alti- or "people with a foot in the water" (Palmer tude plateaus of southern Utah and northern 1928:11; Kelly 1934:554) and refers specifi- Arizona planted their summer crops primar- cally to the Paiute people who lived in the ily in the Santa Clara River oasis, up the Pahranagat Valley-Meadow Valley-Moapa Virgin River from that tributary, and all Valley riverine oasis. Although some schol- along Kanab Creek. Paiute farmers grew

maize and other crops on sand bar fields 1971b: 161). Elsewhere Powell renders the along the Colorado River. term as Yen-u-unts, meaning "Farmers, those The San Juan Southern Paiute people may who cultivate the soil" and also as Yum-a- have stayed south of the larger stream, plant- wints and Y-ai-nu-intz, "People who culti- ing in oases along the San Juan River and its vate soil; farmers" (Fowler and Fowler tributaries, at Paiute Canyon, and the springs 1971a: 144). and wash floodplains along the Echo Cliffs to the Moenkopi area near Tuba City (Bunte William Palmer, based on late 1880s inter- and Franklin 1987:30). The eastern subtribe views, used the term U-an-no or U-un-o as may have been self-labeled Yanawant referring to the St. George area, and also to (Brooks 1950:27). the larger region of "Dixie"; he recorded that the meaning of U-un-o was "good garden In the 1850s the Santa Clara Paiute people place or good fields" (Palmer 1928a: 24). used a term for themselves that English Palmer also rendered the word as Uaino and speakers recorded as Yanawant with several Uano. Adding the suffix its or ints, to refer variant spellings. For example, Jacob Ham- to the people of a place. Palmer gave the blin used the term Yanawant for the Indian variant spellings of Uain-uints, Uano-ints, people of the region. He attributed this usage Uano-its, and again U-an-nu-ince and U- to the Indian people themselves, including ano-intz (Palmer 1933:95) as the term used their overall Chief Tutsigavits. for people who farm and for aboriginal people of the Santa Clara River. In one article Hamblin quoted the chief as saying "I want Palmer noted that these numerous variants all the Yamnawants to love the Mormons all of U-an-nu-ince refered to the economic ac- the time" (Corbett 1952:84). In his mid- tivity of farming rather than to a specific 1850s narratives, Hamblin often referred to group of people: the Yanawants. For example, "the Yanne- wants were much alarmed" (Hamblin The word "u-an-o" means farmers. The In- 1951:18) and “I started for Great Salt Lake dians who lived at Washington, St. George City in company with Thales Haskell and and Santa Clara were farmers and they knew Tut-se-gavit (the Yamnawant Chief)" (Cor- something of the practice of irrigation. They bett 1952:114; Hamblin 1951:27). cultivated corn, beans and sunflowers for their seed, and other plants used for food In 1872, John Wesley Powell recorded the and for fibre. For this reason the compara- term U'-ai-nu-ints, which Powell defined as tively small area of Utah's Dixie in which "People who live by farming" and also farming was done was called "U-an-o," and glossed as "Santa Clara Indians" (Fowler the farmers were "U-an-nu-ince" or "U-ano- and Fowler 1971a:156). This may be the its." The name has no clan or tribal signifi- same term as Hamblin's Yanawant. In an- cance. Instead it signifies the vocation other report by Powell, U-ai-Nu-ints are assumed by many of these people (Palmer identified as the people "who live in the vi- 1933:95). cinity of St. George" (Powell and Ingalls 1874:47,51). The Indian words that Euroamericans have adopted to label geographically localized In another manuscript, Powell renders the groups of Indian people traditionally did not same word as "U-en-u-wunts, the name of have such localized points of reference. It is the Santa Clara Indians" (Fowler and Fowler certain that Yanawant referred to the people

of the Santa Clara River, since they culti- of influence and resource harvesting territo- vated crops, but it is probable that ries. Euroamerican usage gave the term a more localized reference than the term originally Each Southern Paiute district encompassed a had. When the broader meaning of Yana- territory that contained all, or nearly all, of want, that is, "people who farm," is the resources necessary for the survival of considered and when this is tied to the re- its population. Each district needed to in- gional leader who defines himself as the clude, and did include, both (1) oasis areas head of the Yanawant, a more likely mean- with either riverine or spring-fed sources of ing is a reference to all the people within water sufficient for irrigation farming, and this territory who farm. (2) upland forests and lowland desert areas with a full range of needed wild resources, Since all Southern Paiutes farmed, it is including game animals, pinyon nuts, and likely that Yanawant served as a term to dis- wild seed grains. criminate between Southern Paiutes and their close neighbors whether they were Each district, then, included permanent set- Utes or Shoshone who did not farm. There- tlements near irrigated fields in oasis areas, fore, the term Yanawant was one of and outlying upland and lowland territories inclusion as well as exclusion. All Southern used for intermittent and seasonal harvesting Paiutes under the socio-political control of of wild plant and animal resources from the subtribe leader were included, whereas temporary camps. Often small permanent other Indian people who did not farm were habitations were maintained in the uplands excluded. Similar observations appear to or lowlands near springs. These hinterland have been true for the term Paranayi. Given settlements were established in order to the likelihood that such terms referred to safeguard Southern Paiutes’ claims to those socially complex socio-political groupings, areas as well as the crucial resources they one might think of the Paranayi subtribe as contained. referring to the organization of the Nevada- California Southern Paiutes, and the Yana- Kelly’s Ethnographic Perspective want subtribe as the organization of Utah- on Southern Paiute Districts Arizona Southern Paiutes. The first scientific analysis of Southern Pai- ute Districts was conducted by Kelly (1934) Districts based on her 1932-33 field interviews. Kelly Traditionally there were about a dozen produced and published a map (See Figures smaller regional units referred to as Dis- 2.2 and 2.4) that has been used for more tricts, a term adapted from Julian Steward's than fifty years to define aboriginal Southern Basin-Political Aboriginal Sociopolitical Paiute district territory (Kelly 1934). Re- Groups (Steward 1938:93) and used by cently updated and reprinted with the help of Kelly (1934:560). Each district was a sphere Fowler (Kelly and Fowler 1986:369), the of influence with a geographic territory Kelly/Fowler map continues to use the shaped in part by natural features--chiefly 1934-district boundaries while also includ- watercourses and watersheds--and in part by ing a new district called the Antarianunts. the existence of neighboring groups who, of necessity, reached political agreements Kelly's district boundaries must be consid- about the extent of their respective spheres ered in light of more recent research, and in light of the internal inconsistencies between

her published map and her own descriptive for purposes of official government-to- text (Halmo, Stoffle, and Evans 1993). government consultation that the aboriginal boundaries as depicted by the Kelly/Fowler Any errors or omissions in district bounda- maps are accurate, and thus reflective of the ries would be of little more than scientific aboriginal socio-political units and contem- interest were it not that federal agencies (in- porary tribal governments cluding the National Park Service) assume .

Figure 2.4. Nineteenth Century Paiute Districts (After Kelly 1934).

It was in the core oasis area (or areas) of the documentation of the central oasis areas district that the population of a district had where Euroamerican settlement was concen- the most highly developed sense of territori- trated than for outlying upland and desert ality and proprietorship. Core oasis areas areas. and central places of the districts are readily identified. Each district had its own political leadership. In the case of the Shivwits/Santa Clara Outer boundaries of districts cannot be as Southern Paiutes, this included a principal precisely delineated, for at least two reasons. leader (principal chief or head chief) for the First, those areas were not as sharply deline- entire district, and lesser leaders (or sub- ated by Native American people, as were the chiefs) from the various local groups or core oasis areas where the most valuable bands comprising the district. There was ap- resources were concentrated. Secondly and parently a similar pattern of leadership in the not surprisingly, there is much more written other districts as well.

Ecosystem Analysis of Yanawant District This portion of the essay is focussed on the Julian Steward, one of the founders of cul- Yanawant Subtribe of the Southern Paiute ture ecological theory in anthropology, Nation within the context of contemporary observed that Western Shoshones and understandings about ecosystems and their Southern Paiute people had socio-political relationships with aboriginal socio-political organizations larger than the local group. At structures. In this analysis it is necessary to the time, however, Steward was developing briefly discuss the people of several dis- an ecological theory of social evolution that tricts. was founded on the assumption that some people who reside in extremely harsh envi- This examination includes the Shivwits- ronments, like that of the Great Basin, had Santa Clara District people who were lo- social organizations no more complex than cated in the Virgin River ecosystem, the families. Although this theory has largely Kaibab District people who were located in been disputed, its development probably the Kanab Creek ecosystem, and the San prevented Steward from refining a more Juan District people who were located on complex model of social-environmental in- the east side of the Colorado River. teractions in the Great Basin.

The people of the San Juan District formed Steward's more authoritative essay on the the Southern Paiute border with the Hopi concept of the district reflects confusion territory and Navajo territory. In addition, an among ethnographers in the 1930s. These exploration of an ecosystem hypothesis is ethnographers attempted to resolve observa- presented. This hypothesis leads to the pos- tions made by earlier Indian observers. The sibility that the Uinkaret people were observers included people like the non- actually connected with another local group anthropologically trained J. W. Powell and living on the Virgin River and together they G. W. Ingalls from the 1870s as well as the formed a "missing" Paiute district call the lay observer William R. Palmer (1933); a Ua'ayukunants (also spelled in the literature President of the Parowan Stake of the Mor- as I-oo-goonits) perhaps more correctly mons, who conducted interviews during the spelled Ua'ayukunants district. 1880s.

Social and Ecological Logic of Districts Steward questioned Kelly's (1934) 15 Anthropologist A. L. Kroeber generalized Southern Paiute districts and contrasted from his study of the Mojave Indians who them with Powell and Ingalls' (1874) 31 inhabited Mojave Valley and Cottonwood Southern Paiute groups. Steward concluded Island Valley, which are the first large val- that the 31 units were more likely inasmuch leys on the lower Colorado River with as "band members must habitually have co- cultivable floodplains south of the Virgin- operated in a sufficient number of economic Colorado confluence. Through his analysis and social activities under a central control he concluded that an Indian tribe inhabiting to have acquired a sense of community of a river valley typically exploits upland re- interest" (Steward 1938: 181). sources on both sides of the stream (Kroeber 1974:31-33). The data suggest that this eco- This conclusion derives from Steward's as- nomic and ecological model can be sumption that there were very few Southern transferred upstream to the Southern Paiutes. Paiutes - less that 1 Paiute for every 28.5 square miles between 1870 and 1880 - thus,

one of the lowest population densities within Hinterlands existed at different elevations the Great Basin (Steward 1938: 47). than the oasis core. Higher elevations produced a diverse assortment of animals like When there are so few people per square deer and mountain sheep, while lower hin- mile, "It is difficult to understand how peo- terland elevations provided chuckwalla and ple who were scattered over such vast antelope. Plants were an especially impor- territories and often separated by wide, wa- tant component of the hinterland because not terless deserts could, when traveling on foot, only do higher and lower elevations produce habitually have joined forces in any impor- different types of plants, the same plants tant communal undertaking" (Steward 1938: growing at different elevations can be har- 181). vested at different times of the year.

Here we arrive at a critical point. This is Hinterlands provided a variety of natural where Steward was incorrect because he resources like salt, paint, and tool-making based his conclusion on incomplete data. He quarries. Often power spots, caves, and incorrectly assumed (1) that the land was various types of ceremonial areas tended to arid, when in fact the environment of the be located in the hinterland and away from Southern Paiutes contained extensive river- the core area. ine oases, and (2) that the 1870 Southern Paiute population reflected an aboriginal When the Southern Paiute district is viewed condition, when in fact the population had as an ecological whole, there is a social- drastically declined by 1857. ecological logic behind the selection of core areas and hinterlands. When this logic is ap- People who wanted to reconstruct Southern plied to the Yanawant subtribe, it and its Paiute social organization did so with theo- components begin to make sense in new ries that made sense at the time they wrote ways. When this logic is applied to Kelly's and with whatever data was available. To- 15 districts some make sense, others need day, however, we can continue to consider recombining, and at least one seems to be these issues in light of new population and missing. document evidence. Today, it seems that there was a social-ecological logic to the Shivwits/Santa Clara District aboriginal structure of Southern Paiute Dis- Kroeber's model suggests that Southern Pai- tricts. utes who farmed in the riverine core along the Santa Clara River (called Tonaquint in Each district needed a core area in a riverine Paiute) and middle Virgin River, would oasis or major artesian spring system where have harvested wild resources in hinterlands there were permanent farms and villages. In to the south (including the Shivwits Pla- most cases, core area farming involved ex- teau), as well as to the north (including the tensive systems of irrigation. Functionally watersheds feeding the tributaries of the up- offsetting the agricultural core of a district per Santa Clara River). Thus combining the were its hinterlands. The hinterland gave the Shivwits and Santa Clara districts seems es- district the ecological diversity needed for sential. the transhumant adaptive strategy (Stoffle and Evans 1976) component of the overall Other data suggests that three of the groups strategy of ecosystem utilization. defined by Kelly and Fowler (the Gunlock group, the St. George group, and the

Shivwits group) in fact comprised a single middle and upper Virgin River and Ash group or district. In the decades after con- Creek, or whether these settlements were tact, the massive impact of Mormon independent. Information produced as part colonization resulted in the gradual break- of this report suggests there were many vil- down of regional political organization, the lages along the middle Virgin River, and emergence of labor camps associated with possibly a separate Southern Paiute district Euroamerican towns (Gunlock, St. George), was located past the Hurricane Cliffs on the and the relocation of much of the population upper Virgin River. into regions of refuge in the uplands (Shivwits Plateau). When Father Escalante arrived on the middle Virgin River in 1776 he found Paiute The geographic boundaries of this new agriculturists who called themselves the Pa- Shivwits/Santa Clara district would have russits people. The name supposedly been the Santa Clara River, the upper Santa referred to the Parussi River, which they Clara watershed to the divide with the Colo- used to irrigate their farms. Esclante re- rado Plateau and the Great Basin, the lower- named the river the Rio Virgin. According middle portion of the Virgin River from the to Bolton's (1950:205) translation of Esca- confluence with the Santa Clara until the lante: confluence with Beaver Dam Wash, and the arid uplands of the Shivwits Plateau stretch- ...in a small plain and on the bank of ing south from the Santa Clara to the the river, there were three small corn Colorado River and roughly from present patches with their very well made ir- Lake Mead in the west to the eastern edge of rigation ditches...From here the Uinkaret plateau. downstream and on the mesas on either side for a long distance, Within this ecoscape, Paiute people moved according to what we learned, live freely back and forth between the oasis Indians who sustain themselves by farmlands and the upland areas used primar- planting maize and calabashes, and ily for wild-resource harvesting. The data who in their language are called the indicates that the Santa Clara, and to a lesser Parussi. degree the middle portion of the Virgin River, was the horticultural center and the The Parussit peoples’ importance is re- population center of a district whose upland flected in the fact that their name and the territories included the Shivwits Plateau in place of their agricultural communities be- the south and upper watershed of the Santa ing retained long after they left the middle Clara in the north (including the Pine Valley Virgin River. In 1936 Tony Tillahash told and the Bull Valley Mountains). Presnall (1936:5) that the river we now call the Virgin, was known as the Pa-roos, For whatever reasons (and more on this is- "white foaming water." sue below), it was the Santa Clara River rather than the middle and upper Virgin The Paiutes living along the lower part of River that apparently constituted the primary the stream, below the I-oo-goo-intsn, were horticultural core of the Shivwits/Santa known as the Pa-roos-itsn. Tillahash's oral Clara district. This raises the question of testimony also documents a distinction be- whether there were smaller and perhaps sub- tween the Paroosits and the I-oo-goo-intsn sidiary horticultural settlements on the (see Ua'ayukunants discussion below).

The relationship between agricultural com- nity, although the people farmed all the munities on the middle and upper Virgin lands they could reach with their irrigation River cannot be established at this time be- water allocation from the Santa Clara River. cause they largely disappeared by the mid- The Shivwits reservation attracted many 1850s, probably due to diseases. Still, agri- Paiute people and became the home of fa- cultural communities did exist and it is mous Paiute leaders such as Uncle Sam, suggested that the Parooits were a local (pronounced Sham) after whom the reserva- group within the Shivwits/Santa Clara rather tion is nicknamed, and Tony Tillahash (who than within the Ua'ayukunants district. The was born at Kaibab). Hurricane Cliffs is a formidable geological feature that probably serves as a social- Today, the Shivwits/Santa Clara people are political divisional as well as an ecological administratively united with four other boundary. Southern Paiute bands into the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah (PITU). PITU was created by The Shivwits/Santa Clara people rebelled a 1980 Act of Congress, which accorded re- against Mormon domination but were forced recognition to diverse small enclaves whose to take refuge south of the Colorado River trust relationship with the Federal govern- amongst the Northeastern Pai. About two- ment had been terminated in 1954. dozen Shivwits warriors fought beside the Pai in the Hualapai War of 1866-1869 The 1980 Act defines five local groups as (Dobyns and Euler 1970: 38; Dobyns and members: (1) Koosharem, (2) Kanosh, (3) Euler 1971:18). Indian Peak, (4) Cedar City and (5) Shivwits. The five local components of Later these Shivwits/Santa Clara people re- PITU elect delegates to a council, and a turned to the north side of the Colorado chairman. These representatives speak for River, but they remained culturally conser- all five groups and are the point of consulta- vative in what might be called a region of tion between any project and one of the five refuge (Aguirre Beltrani 1973) on the groups (see Chapter Three). Shivwits Plateau. There they managed to make a meager living farming around Kaibab Paiute District springs, hunting and collecting in the upland The Kaibab Paiute people irrigated gardens portion of their traditional territory until a of maize, beans, and squash near permanent Mormon cattleman also acquired this por- water sources. They also hunted and col- tion of their land. lected the fauna available in their ecologically diverse territory. They had gar- The cattleman had sufficient political power dens along the Colorado River at 2,300 feet. to obtain Federal appropriations to purchase In addition they roasted agave (yaant) along land on the upper portion of the Santa Clara the upper edges of the canyon, hunted deer River to relocate the refugee Shivwits/Santa (Tuhi) in the mountains of the Kaibab Pla- Clara people. There their children attended teau at 9,000 feet, and gathered hundreds of an English language school, and were ex- acres of sunflowers (akump) and Indian rice posed to numerous Euroamerican grass (wa'iv) in the sandy foothills below the influences, including more lethal germs. Vermillion Cliffs. They utilized all of the ecological zones within their territory. Close to St. George, the Shivwits reservation became the wageworkers’ bedroom commu-

The aboriginal boundary of the Kaibab dis- that sufficient resources were available to trict seems to be approximately where the Kaibab Paiute tribe to begin building the Kelly's Paiute interviewees placed it. The economic and service infrastructure needed southern boundary of the district was cer- to provide jobs and housing for most of the tainly the Colorado River, probably tribal members. extending downstream (south and west) from the Paria River to just west of Kanab Today, the tribe has a viable and mixed Creek. Kelly's interviewees placed the economy, sufficient housing for all tribal northern boundary along the Pink Cliffs near members, and a strong concern for preserv- the Paunsaugunt Plateau at the divide being cultural resources that are located within tween the northern Colorado Plateau and the traditional Southern Paiute territory. Great Basin. San Juan Paiute District The western boundary, which incorporated The San Juan Southern Paiute district consti- both branches of the upper Virgin River, tutes the eastern-most territorial unit of the was marked with a dotted line indicating this Southern Paiute ethnic group. Like all boundary was probably unknown. Here, in Southern Paiutes, the San Juan share an af- this western-most portion of the Kaibab dis- filiation with the ethnic self-term nu-ngwu- or trict lies a discussion about a missing Paiute nu-ngwu-ts, which translates into English as district with a core oasis on the upper Virgin "The People" (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a: River (see Ua'ayukunants district discussion 165; Franklin and Bunte 1993b:4). Payuts or below). Payuts(i) (Franklin and Bunte 1993b:4; Bunte and Franklin 1987:41), which is the The people of the Kaibab district lost access Southern Numic term for Paiute, and vari- to these many portions of this ecological ants of this second ethnic-self term are also zone because of various types of intrusions, used by Paiute people (Franklin and Bunte beginning in the early 1860s. Euler (1972), 1993b:4). Stoffle and Evans (1976), and Turner (1985) provide detailed accounts of social, cultural, San Juan Paiute people occupied, and con- and ecological impacts of planned Mormon tinue to reside in, their portion of traditional settlements, unregulated mining, and tens of Southern Paiute ethnic territory. The San thousands of cattle, sheep, and horses. Juan Paiute local territory extended roughly from the Colorado River in the west to Despite these intrusions and facing the loss Monument Valley and Kayenta in the east, of all but a fraction of their original popula- and from the San Juan River in the north to tion, the Kaibab Paiute people continued to the Moenkopi Plateau in the south (Kelly reject Federal efforts to move them to dis- 1964:167; Stewart 1942:233). tant reservations in Utah and Nevada. In 1907 the Mormon Church reserved a portion Like citizens of a state incorporated into a of the water from one of their larger artesian nation, the San Juan people were not limited springs. in movement or resource use to their local territory. In fact, the strength of the Southern In 1909 the Federal government reserved a Paiute Nation derived from the control and 12-by-18-mile portion of land near the redistribution through exchange of resources spring. Yet, it was not until the U. S. Land grown, gathered, and stored in extremely Claims payment occurred in the early 1970s different ecological zones.

So, the San Juan Paiutes went beyond their stone quiver," and according to Tony Tilla- local territory to harvest wild game and hash refers to a "...nearly complete circle of plant resources in places like House Rock white cliffs seen from Grafton, Utah which Valley west of the Colorado River and the looks like a sack or arrow quiver" (Presnall San Francisco Peaks to the south. These 1936:4-5). trips were carried out under reciprocal use agreements with other Southern Paiute terri- While this name could have referred to a torial units and other American Indian ethnic local group within the Kaibab district, it groups. These reciprocal use agreements would be a unique situation for a local group were negotiated and cemented through a to control a larger and more regular water number of sacred and secular ceremonies source than that controlled by the core oasis such as round-dance ceremonials (Bunte and group - the Kaibab Paiutes. Instead of the Franklin 1987:19). Ua'ayukunants being a marginal group within the Kaibab district, evidence suggests Today, these people are organized and Fed- they comprised the oasis of their own dis- erally recognized as the San Juan Southern trict. Paiute tribe, which has its headquarters in Tuba City, Arizona. As an officially recog- Further evidence for the existence of a nized tribe - now four years old - they have "missing" district in the upper Virgin River participated in a variety of cultural resource portion of the Kelly and Kelly/Fowler maps studies, some of which have been sponsored is the unusual characteristics of the Uinkaret by the National Park Service. Like other district. These people have been considered Southern Paiute groups, their official tribal as different from the Kaibab Paiutes and the cultural concerns generally reflect their abo- Shivwits/Santa Clara people since riginal district boundaries. Powell began interviews in the area in the Ua'ayukunants District 1870s. In the 1930s, Kelly's interviewees Current data and the social and ecological maintained that the Uinkaret people had logic of Paiute districts suggest that there their own territory or district. When Kelly was once a Paiute district on the upper Vir- and Fowler reconsidered the Southern Paiute gin River, beginning at Hurricane Cliffs and district boundaries in the 1980s, they found extending to the upper watershed where both no evidence that would downgrade the branches of the Virgin River begin. Uinkaret district to a region of another district. The oasis core for this district was at or near the junction of the north fork and east fork So the question is not whether the Uinkaret of the Virgin River. This is an area that still held district lands, it seems to be whether has evidence of irrigated farming by Indian their lands were connected with some other people so it could have supported a series of lands which formed a larger and more so- oasis core villages. cially and ecologically logical district.

The name for the people of this area is pres- The main social and ecological logic behind ently being spelled Ua'ayukunants, but it connecting the Uinkaret district with lands was spelled by Palmer (1973:29-39) as I-oo- somewhere else is that, as currently defined goone and Presnall (1936:5) as I-oo-goo- by Kelly/Fowler, it lacks an oasis core. The nitsn. The name literally refers to a "sand- Uinkaret district had access to Colorado

River waters but at a section of the river notes). The people from this band were where agriculture would have been difficult probably forced to move to Kaibab because, at best. In the late spring of 1871, 200 for- There are some small springs in Uinkaret mer Muddy River colonists united land but they are few and high in elevation. with other Mormon settlers and pro- The natural argument is that the Uinkaret ceeded 300-strong to Long Valley. oasis core lies along the upper Virgin River. Advanced exploring parties had In fact, Kelly's own map brings the Uinkaret found 1,300 acres of tillable land and district boundary to just below the Virgin extensive ranges suitable for grazing River, and at this point she drew a dashed (Arrington 1954:8). Their arrival re- boundary line indicating uncertainty. sulted in land loss and population displacement (Stoffle and Evans If the agricultural core of the Ua'ayukunants 1978:11). was located at the confluence of the two branches of the Virgin River, they were the Powell and Ingalls (1874:42) estimated that external boundaries. The northern and 125 Paiutes resided in Long Valley in 1871, southern boundaries are rather easy to estab- just before the Mormon immigrants arrived. lish. The Colorado River clearly established By 1873, only 36 Paiutes remained in Long the southern boundary of this district, and Valley. About two-thirds of the population we believe the northern boundary was the was displaced to live with the Kaibab Pai- divide between the northern Colorado Pla- utes. By receiving refugees from other teau and the Great Basin. areas/districts, the Kaibab Paiute became responsible to speak for the protection of All other districts in Yanawant extend from these areas. north to south and stopped at the watershed between the northern Colorado Plateau and Such admission of acquired territorial re- the Great Basin. In fact, even Kelly's district sponsibility, however, did not necessarily map for the Kaibab Paiutes marks this wa- imply that the red-cliff-base-people tradi- tershed boundary as a solid line, indicating tionally belonged within the district of the her interviewees' confidence in it as a Kaibab Paiutes. Using the social and eco- boundary. logical logic presented in this report, aboriginally the upper watersheds of the A more basic question is where was the Virgin River were within the territorial con- eastern boundary of the Ua'ayukunants Dis- trol of the Ua'ayukunants and the Un-ka-ka- trict? Does the eastern boundary include the ni-guts were a local band within that district. upland forests of the upper Virgin River or should these resources remain within the The western boundary of the Ua'ayukunants Kaibab District as Kelly concluded? district is shared with the Shivwits/Santa Clara district boundary. Much of this By the early 1900s there was living with the boundary has been "established" as the Hur- Kaibab Paiutes a people called the red-cliff- ricane Cliffs extending from the Colorado base-people (Un-ka-ka-ni-guts), a band that River and ending just before the Virgin formerly lived in Long Valley in the head- River. The Hurricane Cliffs have a strong waters of the East Branch Virgin River boundary logic that derives from being a (Kelly 1934:558, citing Sapir's unpublished 400 to 600 foot volcanic cliff, which is ori-

ented north-to-south, and extends for a dis- others went to live with the Kaibab Paiutes. tance of almost 200 miles. For these reasons, So when Kelly interviewed at Kaibab in the among others discussed previously, we sug- 1930s, she talked with people who only re- gest that the entire western boundary of the membered that their families lived in the Ua'ayukunants district is defined by the Uinkaret uplands of the Ua'ayukunants dis- Hurricane Cliffs. trict.

The question remains -- why did the Ua'ay- Summary ukunants district go unrecognized by The Southern Paiute people continue to previous students of Paiute culture? There maintain a strong attachment to the holy are probably four reasons for this. First, liv- lands of their ethnic group as well as to their ing in a riverine oasis, the people of the own local territory. These attachments con- upper Virgin River must have experienced tinued even though Paiute sovereignty has devastating impacts from diseases; perhaps been lost over portions of these lands due to they were impacted by the smallpox epi- Navajo ethnic group expansion, encroach- demic that hit on the Santa Clara River in ment by Euroamericans, and Federal 1826 and likely they were hit by the 1840 government legislation. disease episodes. Despite the loss of Paiute sovereignty over Interviews conducted as part of this study most traditional lands, Southern Paiute peo- (see Chapter 5) reveal oral accounts of mas- ple continue to affiliate themselves with sive deaths among the people of the upper these places as symbols of their common Virgin River. Second, it was one of the ear- ethnic identity. Additionally, all Southern liest places of Euroamerican settlement, Paiute people continue to perform traditional beginning here in 1859, and there simply ceremonies along with the menarche and were not enough Indian people living in the first childbirth rites of passage rituals. core oasis to defend it from encroachment. The locations at which these ceremonies and The Un-ka-ka-ni-guts (red-cliff-base-people) rituals have been or are currently performed was the last band to be forced out of the up- become transformed from secular "sites" to per Virgin River in 1871. Third, when highly sacred locations or places. By virtue Ua'ayukunants people were interviewed in of the transformation of locations into sacred the 1870s, they still defined the southern places, Southern Paiute people reaffirm their forest uplands of the Colorado Plateau as ties to traditional lands because they have their own; only they used the upland term carried out their sacred responsibilities as Uinkaret for themselves and the remnants of given to them by the Creator. their district. Southern Paiutes can be characterized as a Fourth, when loggers (1880s) and cattlemen "persistent people" (Spicer 1971) with a per- (1890s) encroached upon the Uinkaret dis- sistent cultural system (Bunte and Franklin trict, the last Uinkaret people left the 1987; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Stoffle and Ua'ayukunants. According to Paiute elder Evans 1976; Stoffle et al. 1982; Turner interviews, some Uinkaret people went to 1985; Turner and Euler 1983). live with Shivwits/Santa Clara relatives and Kelly and Fowler (1986) identified sixteen Southern Paiute "groups." Their term

"group" corresponds to the term "district" tem analysis, suggest that three additional used in this report, though the data suggests districts should be added to Kelly and some modifications to the list of groups de- Fowler's list. These include (1) the Pahvants veloped by Kelly and Fowler. New data, as the northernmost Southern Paiute district some of which is presented in this ecosys- (Halmo, Stoffle, and Evans 1993), (2) the Ash Meadows/Pahrump Southern Paiutes as modifications, the list of a dozen districts the western-most district (Stoffle, Olmsted, comprising the Southern Paiute nation and Evans 1990), and (3) the Ua'ayukun- would include the following. See Table 2.3. ants/Uinkaret Southern Paiutes. With these

Table 2.3. Southern Paiute Subtribes and Districts Paranayi Subtribe Ash Meadows/Pahrump District Chemehuevi District Las Vegas District Moapa/Pahranagat District Yanawant Subtribe Shivwits/Santa Clara District Ua'ayukunants/Uinkaret District Kaibab District Kaiparowits District Antarianunts District Panguitch District Cedar City/Indian Peaks District San Juan District Pahvant (Beaver) District

Table 2.3. Southern Paiute Subtribes and Districts

The Eastern Yanawants census materials, and geological and geo- In this next section we examine fundamental graphic documents. We begin this analysis disruptions occurring in the eastern portion with an investigation of the Spanish Trail, of the Yanawant Region, which consists of which played a particularly significant role the San Juan, Kaibab, and Kaiparowits dis- in altering the landscape as well as the lives tricts. This analysis is based upon historical of the Southern Paiute people living in the documents including traveler accounts, per- districts of San Juan, Kaibab, and Kai- sonal journals, historical maps, parowits .

Pipelines of Disruption

Perhaps one of the greatest ironies under- Underlying this idea is the presumption that scoring the official histories of the Eastern the indigenous people of San Juan, Kaibab, Yanowant portion of the Southern Paiute and Kaiparowits were largely immune to the Nation is the belief that the lands within this impacts of Spanish, French, and American locale comprised some of the most isolated expansionism until after the middle of the and buffered regions within the southwest. eighteenth century. Such accounts generally note brief but allegedly non-significant en-

counters between certain Southern Paiute ondly they desired to develop routes that people of the Yanawant territories and would connect the people in Santa Fe and members of Escalante’s expedition of 1776 Abiquiu with the distant Spanish outposts in or those who traveled along portions of the California. Old Spanish trail during the early 1800s (Euler 1972:11). In addition to providing a route that was heavily used by travelers whose commercial Histories founded upon late-contact theories interests were frequently pursued without fail to acknowledge the way in which the regard to the needs and desires of those who Old Spanish Trail, Escalante’s Route, and had lived in the Eastern Yanawant regions Armijo’s Trail acted as pipelines which did for thousands of years, the Old Spanish Trail more than simply forge connections between worked as a conduit for disease dispersal. the Spanish outposts in Santa Fe and Abiquiu, New Mexico and California. In 1625-1830 addition to providing routes circuiting During the 1600s, caravans were regularly through and around the Eastern Yanawant organized to transport people and goods region of the Southern Paiute Nation, these from Mexico City to Northern New Spain trails acted as pipelines through which Span- and the capital at Santa Fe, which along with ish, American, and French people, material Abiquiu served as the eastern terminus of culture, ideologies, and diseases spread the Old Spanish Trail. Archival documents (Sanchez 1997:119). confirm the presence of disease among the people traveling in mission caravans from In addition, though the Spanish Trail and the northern outpost of Santa Fe as early as Escalante’s Route became increasingly ac- 1625. According to Reff (1991:167), tive after Escalante and his party traveled through Eastern Yanawant territories in The mission caravan that was as- 1776, traffic into the eastern portion of the sembled or passed through Paiute Nation occurred prior to Escalante’s Aacatecas early in 1625 (Sholes expedition. 1930:94) may very well have brought the (smallpox) epidemic to The Old Spanish trail consisted of a series of New Mexico. Like their commercial Indian trails that came under heavy use by counterparts, the mission caravans Spanish explorers and traders after the estab- were escorted by a detachment of lishment of settlements in Santa Fe and soldiers and consisted of thirty or Abiquiu. Hafen and Hafen (1993:11) note more wagons, each which carried that Indians frequently guided the early close to 4,000 pounds of goods. A Spanish travelers through their lands, thus large herd of cattle, draft animals, confirming knowledge and familiarity on the and mules accompanied each cara- part of the guides, and geographical and eco- van, as did settlers, traders, logical nescience on the part of the early missionaries, and others bound for Spanish explorers. the north (Moorhead 1958:33).

The Spanish used the Old Spanish Trail to Significantly, the contract for the accomplish two primary agendas. First, they mission caravan of 1625 indicated sought to increase their wealth through the that 900 pesos were spent on medi- development of commercial trade, and sec- cine and drugs. This is a substantial

amount, given that the entire cost of prises of others while simultaneously turn- the caravan was a little over 18,000 . ing a profit for them. As late as 1809, many . . (Hodge et. all 1945:109-24). The of the people who tried to open trade “were contract [also included] …four- not only repulsed, but imprisoned”(Hafen dozen hens for those who may be and Hafen 1993:91). sick during the journey (Scholes 1930:102). Despite restrictions, Santa Fe developed into an active center of trading. Many indige- Upon arrival to Santa Fe, the transmission of nous people within and outside the region disease, material culture, and people fol- officially designated as the territory of New lowed routes of trade that branched out into Spain began to circulate Spanish material a number of directions. Through the Old goods through elaborate networks of trade. Spanish trail, Escalante’s Route, and Ar- After 1700 Indians in regions as far as the mijo’s trail, the impacts of Spanish invasion Dakotas and Montana had acquired Spanish manifested in certain areas within the east- horses and material goods through such ern regions of the Southern Paiute Nation. channels of commerce.

The development of commercial interests Through a similar chain of exchanges it is beyond Santa Fe was particularly attractive probably that the Southern Paiutes of San to many of its residents. Established as the Juan, Kaibab, and Kaiparowits first came second capital of New Mexico by decree of into contact with the material culture as well the Spanish crown in 1609, Santa Fe re- as the viruses and bacteria carried by the mained a fairly impoverished outpost in the New Mexican Spaniards. From Santa Fe and hinterlands of the Spanish Empire. Over the Abiquiu, the Old Spanish Trail, Escalante’s first several decades the population of Span- Route and Armijo’s Trail passed into por- iards residing in Santa Fe rose from several tions of the Eastern Yanawant territories of hundred to more than a thousand. However, the Southern Paiute Nation. increased wealth was not concomitant with increased size. The exact dates of the earliest contacts between people of San Juan, Kaibab, and In the absence of local wealth, traders and Kaiparowits and the Spaniards are unknown. trappers residing in Santa Fe began turning Reff (1991:276) however, has verified that in larger numbers to the possibility of accu- in the seventeenth century, virgin soil epi- mulating wealth beyond the territory they demics, and diseases had already radically had previously usurped from local indige- reduced Hopi populations with whom cer- nous groups. While the possibility of tain Southern Paiute people were known to accruing wealth through trade was alluring, have contact (Hafen and Hafen 1993:59) and it was not without risk. During the Spanish engage in trade (Euler 1972:16). “The Fran- period, the crown sought to control trade as cisan historian Vetancurt (1961:276) noted closely as possible in order to maximize its in his Chronica, which was completed in own profits. Middlemen empresarios were circa 1690 that the Hopi numbered more appointed to oversee the activities in the than 14,000 and that this number had been Spanish colonies, and thus ensure profits for greatly reduced by disease prior to the crown. As the empresarios were not paid missionization” (cited in Reff 1991:167). for their services, they were in the unique position of trying to police the trading enter-

A traditional Indian route connecting Hote- decided to avoid travel through Hopi and villa, Bacabi, and Oraibi with the Apache territories. settlements in northwestern New Mexico could have further catalyzed the exchange of In 1776, they began a journey in which they material goods and disease that would later mapped and recorded their observations permeate into the Eastern portions of Yana- upon Indian trails that “closely follow[ed] want Territories (Ortiz 1983: 719). The the modern Highway U.S. 84 from Santa Fe primary route from the Hopi mesas to New to the Colorado border and U.S highway 160 Mexico crossed the Chinle Wash as well as beyond” (Hafen and Hafen 1993: 70). After the San Juan River, where it is conceivable circuiting through Ute lands as far west as that trade with Paiutes, Utes, and Navajos Milford, Escalante, Dominguez and their may have occurred. company circled back to Santa Fe upon a route going “southward into the “Arizona Hopi individuals were also known to attend Strip”; turned east, skirted the Kaibab Pla- trade fairs in Taos, Abiquiu, and Pima. At teau, and forded the Colorado River at the these fairs “Trade caravans from Mexico . . . “Crossing of the Fathers” (Hafen and Hafen came to obtain native products - hides, 1993:72). jerked meat, salt, horses and slaves” (Ortiz 1983: 719). Those who had experienced Escalante’s party chose a route through the radical depopulation due to disease would Kaibab region of the Eastern Yanawant ter- have congregated with travelers at the territory that entailed journeying through minus of the Old Spanish trail, from whence Kanab toward the Paria River and The further trading activities into Eastern Yana- Crossing of the Fathers. Prior to arriving in want territories frequently commenced. Kanab, they traveled from Hurricane Wash towards Bull Rush Wash where they arrived In addition to participating in trade fairs on October 20. Soon afterwards, they ar- which would catalyze the exchange of mate- rived at a permanent settlement of Southern rial goods, the Hopi were known to establish Paiutes, with whom they traded cloth and certain trade partnerships through the ex- spent the night (Sanchez 1997:76). change of presents and a symbolic performance with entailed “put[ting] their While travelling through the northern stretch arms around one another and mutually in- of the Kaibab Plateau, they met up with hal[ing] each others breath” (Beaglehole many Southern Paiutes (Euler 1972:16). The 1937:84 cited in Ortiz 1983: 718). In the people whom Escalante and his party en- presence of disease, such customs would countered were skilled in agriculture and have proven lethal. medicine. They typically owned and occupied lands near perennial streams, and By 1775, relations between the Hopi Indians frequently lived in small settlements, which and Spaniards had soured considerably. allowed them to meet their physical needs While preparing for his expedition in 1775, without overtaxing the resources of their en- Escalante met with Moquis who “were sul- vironment. len [because] they had had more than enough contact with Spaniards” (Hafen and At the settlement east of the present town of Hafen 1993: 59). Fearing retribution on the Kanab, some Kaibab Southern Paiutes fed part of the Hopis, Escalante and his party the explorers and also practiced traditional healing methods upon one of the ailing trav-

elers, Don Bernardo Miera y Pacheco. It is The illegal trading activities frequently cen- interesting to note that the Catholic mission- tered on the enslavement of individuals who aries permitted a Southern Paiute medicine were often captured by Utes and taken to man to use “songs and ceremonies” in order trading centers in Santa Fe and Abiquiu. to elicit a cure (Euler 1972: 16). Considering After 1776, a rash of illicit trading was the orthodox views held by the Escalante noted amongst the citizens of Santa Fe and and Dominguez, it is probable that Don Abiquiu. Among the offenders was a “group Bernardo was seriously ill at the time he of Abiquiu citizens (who) were sued for came into contact with the this Kaibab Pai- having traded with the Utes (in 1783)” ute group. Were he not, it is improbable that (Hafen and Hafen 1993:262). By September these missionaries would have allowed a 13, 1778 Spanish officials issued a bando Paiute medicine man to practice his healing that legally “prohibit(ed) settlers and Chris- arts upon a fellow Christian traveler. tianized Indians from visiting the Utes for trade and barter” (Hafen and Hafen Though Escalante does not specify the type 1993:262, Sanchez 1997:91). of illness from which Don Bernardo suffered, it is conceivable that he may have Despite these official edicts, a large and infected the Southern Paiute people with seemingly uncontrolled circuit of illegal whom he had contact. Sanchez (1997:61) trading between Spaniards and particular notes that other members of the Escalante Indian groups continued, and by the early party had also suffered from “headaches, 1780s trade between the Utes and Spaniards colds, fevers, and exhaustion”, thus confirm- was reportedly flourishing (Sanchez ing that the party was carrying germs against 1997:93). This is evidenced in a series of which the people whom they came into con- accounts that enumerate the repeated viola- tact may have had no immunity. tion of commercial prohibitions. Vincente Serva and Cristoval Lovata are but two of Over the next two and a half weeks, Esca- the traders who were brought to trial for ig- lante and his party traversed lands within the noring the bando that prohibited commercial eastern portion of the Yanawant territory. trade (Hafen and Hafen 1993:262). Upon arriving at the conjunction of the Paria River and the Colorado, they sought a way It is probable that some of the people of the to cross the Colorado. After many failed Eastern Yanawant region experienced attempts, they finally found a means of changes concomitant with Spanish conquest crossing the Colorado River at the Crossing several decades before the 1778 bandos of the Fathers, from whence they resumed were enacted. According to Hafen and their journey back to New Mexico. Hafen (1993) trade relations between Utes and Spaniards were well established by the Though illicit trading activities between early 18th century. They note that “trade re- Spaniards and indigenous people had oc- lations had been established some years curred prior to Escalante’s expedition, a before the [1680 Pueblo Revolt] uprising.” second wave of illicit trading quickly ensued In addition Sanchez (1997:28) observes that after Escalante and his party returned to the Spanish had been traveling into portions Santa Fe. Both the publicity of Escalante’s of the Great Basin to trade with the Utes journey and his detailed accounts of the land since the time of Juan de Rivera’s explora- through which he traveled may have made tions in 1765. Moreover some of the men Escalante’s route particularly appealing. on Escalante’s expedition of 1776 were al-

ready fluent enough to converse with the 1829-1848 Utes whom they encountered upon their The people living in the Eastern Yanawant travels. region experienced a second wave of radical change through the legalization of Spanish The trading between Utes and Spaniards trade along trails that encroached upon their frequently entailed the exchange of “buck- territories. This phase of activity gained it skin, dried meat, furs, and slaves to barter impetus through the travels of Antonio Ar- for horses, knives and blankets (Hafen and mijo that began in 1829. Unlike earlier Hafen 1993:84). In addition “knives, corn, trading activities along the Old Spanish tobacco, horses, flour awls” (Sanchez Trail, the state sanctioned the explorations 1997:97) were often used as items of ex- of Armijo and his party. change. Though much trade was conducted in Santa Fe, many traders went directly into In 1829 the people of this expedition set out Eastern Yanawant in order to increase their from Abiquiu, New Mexico with the inten- wealth. Hafen and Hafen (1993:267) note tion of establishing a viable trade route from “the evidence is clear that the Indians, at Abiquiu, New Mexico to Los Angeles, Cali- least as far as the Sevier River of Central fornia. Rather than following The Old Utah, were acquainted with the Spaniards Spanish Trail or the Escalante route, Armijo and were accustomed to trade with them as and his party sought a more direct passage early as 1813.” across the southern borders of the present day GSE/NM. Like Escalante, Armijo chose After Mexico declared independence from a route that involved traversing the Colorado Spain in 1821, “many of the Old Spanish River at the Crossing of the Fathers and fol- bandos were only weakly enforced, and lowing a west bound trail towards the New Mexicans continued to go to the Yuta present day settlement of Kanab. country” (Sanchez 1997). Hafen and Hafen (1993:92-3) suggest that Mexican Independ- Though the primary purpose of Armijo’s ence opened a new era in the southwest. The expedition was to develop a commercial Old Spanish Trail…was in a sense, an ex- connection between Abiquiu and Los Ange- tension of the earlier Santa Fe Trail [that les, other agendas were pursued as well. In was soon to be pushed to Los Angeles] . . . addition to establishing a trading route be- but more important in effecting the comple- tween these distant settlements and tion of the Old Spanish Trail was the fur promoting commercial interests, the empre- trade.” sarios used this journey as a scoping mission wherein they “note(d) the various The next major phase of intrusion into East- products that the territory of the Mexican ern Yanawant territories began with the Republic possess(ed) in this region . . commercial ventures of Antonio Armijo. [Through their observations they deter- Begun in 1829, his story signals a new phase mined] that there exist(ed) suitable locations of activities that centered around the devel- for establishing new villages and that in the opment of a route which succeeded in hills there appear(ed) variously colored linking the distant settlements of New Mex- rocks or veins resembling minerals, some of ico and California through the southerly the said hills having the shape of elevated portions of the Eastern Yanawant territories. bufas without forest or grass land, streaked with veins or rock strata” (Hafen and Hafen 1993:156-7).

The trade route followed by Armijo and his cating the centrality of agriculture within party was not totally unknown to people liv- this community. The newspaper account ing in New Mexico. “Much of the territory goes on to state that “None of the above northwest of New Mexico had long been mentioned nations attacked the travelers” familiar to the Spaniards who, in seeking and some fled when Armijo and his men ap- furs and Indian slaves, had followed the proached (Hafen and Hafen 1993:157). trails leading northwest into the country of the Utes” (Hafen and Hafen 1993:155-6). The defensive posturing of some of the people whom Armijo and his party met As the Spanish Crown did not sanction indicates that prior to their arrival in 1829, many of these operations, few trappers and other travelers had entered into their lands traders kept extensive records of their activi- and proven themselves unworthy of their ties. Despite a relative dearth of information trust. It is probable that the many of the na- regarding parts of Eastern Yanawant territo- tions who encountered Armijo and his ries, Armijo’s party was able to glean some company were familiar with the illicit trad- information from the records taken by Jed ing operations practiced before 1829 (Hafen Smith during his 1826 and 1827 journeys. It and Hafen 1993). Under such conditions, is probable that Armijo’s party gathered in- reservation on the part of the groups whom formation from other trapper’s journals as Armijo encountered suggests an adaptive well. In addition, they employed Navajo strategy aimed at preservation. guides to serve the dual purpose of leading them through unfamiliar territories and pro- Under the lead of a Navajo guide, Armijo viding protection from attacks by certain and his party traversed the Colorado River at Indians living in the areas through which the Crossing of the Fathers after which they they traversed. took a westbound trail that crossed the Paria River and continued west towards Kanab. The journey of Armijo and his 30 men is On the thirtieth of November 1829 they met described in a newspaper article from Santa three Indians “at the water hole of the Pa- Fe, New Mexico dated April 28, 1830. The yuches (Paiutes). No trouble ensued, and it author notes, “The gentiles of the Payuche was necessary to scale a canyon . . .” (Hafen [Paiute] Nation inhabit the vicinity of the and Hafen 1993:160). On December 1, 1829 above mentioned river [the Colorado River]. they arrived at the lake of Las Milpitas (The Their living quarters are jacales [huts], and Little Corn Patches) before working their they live on grass seeds, hares and rabbits, way down a canyon (Hafen and Hafen using the skins of the latter to cover a small 1993:160). part of their body. There follow various other nations inhabiting these lands: the Eight days later (December 8, 1929) they Narices Agujeradas (Pierced Noses) . . . the stayed at Blanco (White) Canyon where they Garroteras, dexterous in handling a four- noted a permanent water supply. The fol- edged garrote (stick); the Ayatas dressed in lowing day they arrived at the artenejal of buckskin . . . (who) cultivate fields . . . (and) Ceja Colorado (Red Ridge) where they dress . . . like the preceding ones” (Hafen found another settlement of Payuches (Pai- and Hafen 1993:157). utes). The Red Ridge described by Armijo is “near present Wahweap Canyon . . . (and) The Spanish word Ayata derives from ayote, the Paria Creek” (Sanchez 1997:105). which means pumpkin or squash, thus indi-

Armijo described the group of Southern Pai- lands that accrued through these activities utes whom he met as a “gentle and cowardly even less fully acknowledged. nation” (Hafen and Hafen 1993:163), once more reaffirming the likelihood that these Though the residents of the GSE/NM were individuals had already encountered Spanish partially protected from the exploitive plans and/or Anglo travelers under conditions that of the Spaniards and Anglos through the were disadvantageous to the welfare of the geographic remoteness and ruggedness of Southern Paiute people. In addition, Armijo the desert landscape comprising the uses the word ‘Nation’ to describe the group GSE/NM, they were not untouched by the of Southern Paiutes whom he encountered. processes of change resulting from Spanish His wording suggests that rather than meet- and Anglo encroachment. In addition to the ing with a small number of Southern Paiute importation of virgin epidemic diseases and individuals, Armijo encountered a sizeable the slave trade, the Southern Paiutes of the group of people who displayed both social GSE/NM had to contend with Navajo raid- organization and group cohesiveness. ing parties. According to Gregory (1950:17) “Navajo hunting parties from across the On the 19th of December 1829, Armijo and Colorado frequently visited the Paunsaugunt his party stopped at Stinking Water Canyon region in search of pelts and doubtlessly mo- where they found another permanent supply lested the “few” resident Piutes.” of water. This may be the site identified by Kelly’s consultants as Piki-pa or Rotten Wa- After Antonio Armijo conducted his expedi- ter (47) (Kelly 1971:9). A day later, Armijo tion, the state officially sanctioned and his company arrived at the Severo commercial trade between the settlements of (Sevier) River, and on the 23rd of December New Mexico and California. “Armijo’s 1829, they arrived at Calabacillas (Little route quickly became the favored route to Wild Squash) Arroyo, a name that strongly California for the next twenty years, as New suggests the presence of indigenous agricul- Mexicans used it as a trade and immigration tural activities (Hafen and Hafen 1993:163). trail to the west coast” (Sanchez 1997:104). Both legal trading and illicit trading contin- After reaching the Calabacillas Arroyo, the ued on with little abatement. The ineffectual expedition continued along trails that are efforts on the part of Spanish officials to en- beyond the scope of the present study. How- force their bandos indicate that a state of ever, two factors relating to the remainder of relative lawlessness pervaded the Spanish Armijo’s expedition deserve mention. First, outposts. In addition, the government either the latter groups of Paiutes, Hayatas, and lacked the strength or the support to uphold Moquis whom Armijo and his men encoun- the laws of the land. tered all reportedly displayed a gentleness that was interpreted as weak behavior, thus Though it has yet to be confirmed, it is pos- suggesting that the exploitation of these sible that the exchange of cloth between the groups through the slave trade was quite distant posts of Santa Fe and Los Angeles pervasive. Secondly, the agricultural and also catalyzed the spread of disease. The le- trading activities of the groups whom Ar- galized trade route that opened as a result of mijo’s party encountered were only Armijo and his party’s efforts centered the peripherally recognized while their organi- exchange of “blankets and other trade goods zation, knowledge, and connections to the . . . [which they] hoped to barter for mules in

California” (Sanchez 1997:104). According …Some two or three hundred Mexi- to Reff (1991:123): can traders who go once a year to the Californian coast with a supply of Spaniards, Indians, and slaves (are) blankets and other articles of New not the only disease vectors. Tex- Mexican manufacture; and having tiles, particularly cotton, can . . . disposed of their goods, invest the harbor smallpox. Moreover, there is proceeds in Californian mules and some evidence that the measles and horses, which they drive back across influenza viruses can be transmitted the desert. These people often real- in textiles (May 1958). Reff (1991) ize large profits as the animals also notes that, “cotton, wool, and purchased for a mere trifle on the cloth of varying quality and manu- coast, bring high prices in Santa Fe. facture were imported in large This caravan had left had left Pueblo quantities by the Jesuits (Polzer de los Angeles some time before us, 1972:234-39) and the Franciscans and were consequently several days (Scholes 1930:100,187). in advance of our party upon the trail- a circumstance that did us great When one considers the primacy of cloth injury, as their large caballada (con- exchange between Santa Fe and Los Ange- taining nearly a thousand head) ate les and the suitability of cloth for carrying up or destroyed the grass and con- disease, the idea of disease transmission sumed the water at the few camping through this legalized form of trade becomes grounds upon the route (cited in highly plausible. Hafen and Hafen 1993:192).

In 1830, heavy commercial traffic continued As a result of travel along the Old Spanish upon the Old Spanish Trail (Euler 1972:33). Trail, Armijo’s Route, and Escalante’s Heavy trading was also promulgated along Route between 1829 and 1848, the land, the routes previously delineated by the In- vegetation, and health of Southern Paiutes dian guides of such expeditions as those living in the Eastern Yanawant Territories undertaken by Escalante and Armijo. In ad- was detrimentally impacted. Southern Pai- dition to serving as a probable disease utes who had occupied these regions for vectors, trade along these routes resulted in thousands of years suddenly found that the the destruction of natural vegetation upon land, vegetation, animals, and waters upon which certain Southern Paiute people de- which their survival depended were being pended upon for their survival. This incrementally destroyed. destruction resulted from the movement of cattle and horses through regions wherein a The people who entered into portions of the delicate balance that had been previously Eastern Yanawant Territories during this established amongst the plants, animals, time began to compete with Southern Pai- people and land was seriously disrupted. utes for the use of limited resources. Next, Southern Paiutes were exposed to diseases As late as April of 1848, Brewerton wit- to which they lacked immunity. Those who nessed a caravan traveling along the Old entered portions of the Eastern Yanawant Spanish Trail. This procession consisted of: Territories failed to recognize the legitimacy of lifestyles assumed by the indigenous groups whom they encountered. As a result,

activities pursued by certain Spanish, New Wyoming, Oklahoma, and Kansas came un- Mexican, and Anglo individuals and groups der U.S. dominion. Finally, the U.S. paid were given primacy over the needs of the Mexico $15 million while making $3.25 Southern Paiutes living within the Eastern million in claims against Mexico (Barrons Yanawant Territories. 1993:10-39).

While the journeys of many traders have The second major change of this decade re- been forgotten, those of Escalante and Ar- sulted from the Gold Rush of 1849. Previous mijo have been remembered. This is due in Spanish and Mexican routes to California large part to two factors. First, both Esca- had either gone through or near the Eastern lante and Armijo were encouraged to Yanawant Territory by means of the Spanish carefully record their observations of their Trail, the Escalante Route, and Armijo’s journeys. In contrast, many of the traders Trail. In contrast, the route of the Anglo and trappers who came before Escalante and American Forty-niners began in St. Louis, Armijo acted without the approval of either Missouri and continued west through Salt government or church officials. Lake City and down to Los Angeles upon a trail along the western side of the Wasatch It was in their best interests to keep them- Mountains. selves and their records relatively secret. Second, as both Escalante’s and Armijo’s The viability of wagon travel along the An- journeys were officially sanctioned by state glo trail of the Forty-niners was particularly and church officials, it is probable that more important in shifting the primary flow of effort went into preserving their records than traffic away from the Eastern Yanawant ter- might be expected of the records kept by ritories towards a northern route that passed private individuals. through Salt Lake City and continued on to California (Hafen and Hafen 1954). 1848-1858 The processes and events of the next decade Impacts of the Treaty of Guadalupe represent a third phase of incursions by Higaldo Spanish and Anglo groups upon the lives of The Treaty of Guadalupe Higaldo signaled indigenous groups living in the Eastern por- one of the first stages in a process that led to tion of the Yanawant Territories. This wave a shift in both governmental and regional of events largely began with the signing of powers within lands that included the East- the Treaty of Guadalupe Higaldo in 1848, ern Yanawant Territories. Prior to the officially signaling the end of the war be- enactment of Treaty of Guadalupe Higaldo tween the U.S. and Mexico. and the arrival of the first Mormon settlers into the traditional lands of the Southern As a result of this treaty, the Mexican gov- Paiutes, Utes, and neighboring tribes during ernment ceded much of the territory the the late 1840s, Santa Fe had acted as a Spanish government had previously usurped dominant center of governmental, church, from indigenous people, to the United and mercantile power. States. In addition, the Rio Grande River became the southern boundary of Texas, and The influence of Santa Fe influence spread the areas that would become the territories through a network of trails linking areas as of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, distant as Mexico City, St. Louis, and Los Nevada, as well as portions of Colorado, Angeles. However, once the US gained

control of these territories and Mormons be- leaders of Deseret petitioned the U.S. federal gan to enter the lands of Southern Paiutes government for statehood. In this petition, and Utes in increased numbers and fre- the Mormon officials laid claim to all of quency, dramatic restructuring of state, lands within the Great Basin. Soon after commercial, and religious powers began to submitting their request their petition was occur in both rapid and incremental steps. In denied. However, in 1850 members of the addition to the modification of international U.S. Congress chose to recognize a consid- boundaries effected through the Treaty of erably smaller version of Deseret, which Guadalupe Higaldo, the newly established constituted the territory of Utah. This terri- theocratic state of Deseret began to alter the tory included the lands that would later form of its institutions as well as its relations become “western Colorado, Utah, and Ne- to federal powers. This process began with vada, with the forty-second parallel as the the development of a strong centralized gov- northern boundary and the thirty-seventh as ernmental and church body politic the southern boundary” (May 1987). headquartered in Salt Lake City. The Mormons also sought to augment their “The Mormons envisioned their own theo- authority at a regional level. In order to ac- cratic state as combining both secular and complish this goal, they needed to increase sacred functions” (Holt 1992:24). Moreover, their control over trading routes that entered “All things merged in the church. It was the into the Eastern Yanawant territories from legislative, judicial, and executive body op- Santa Fe and Abiquiu. For over a century erating through its delegated ministry. It Spanish and New Mexican traders held a embraced all things, secular and civil” (Ev- virtual hegemony over trading activities ans 1938:94 cited in Holt 1992:24). When within areas that included the Eastern Mormon pioneers began arriving in Salt Yanawant Territories. When Mormons first Lake Valley in 1847, they came with the arrived in the Great Basin, lucrative net- intention of establishing a Holy Land whose works of commerce between Santa Fe and boundaries would encompass all of the lands Abiquiu traders and neighboring Utes were within the Great Basin. already well established. Many of these commercial networks involved trade rela- Though the Great Basin constituted the tions with Ute parties who regularly entered homelands of many indigenous groups and into portions of the Eastern Yanawant lands was also claimed as part of the Mexican ter- in order to procure resources or capture in- ritories at the time the Mormon settlement, dividuals to be sold into slavery. leaders of the church “intended to claim the area for the United States and petition for In the late 1840s Mormon pioneers who had statehood” (Arrington 1958:41). Upon arriv- begun to colonize areas within the Great Ba- ing in the Salt Lake Valley they planted an sin began challenging commercial American flag, and in July of 1848, “church dominance over regions that included the officials in Kanesville . . . petitioned Con- Eastern Yanawant Territories. Sanchez gress for a Mormon territorial government” (1997:130) notes that “Two events hastened (JH, October 10, 1848 cited in Arrington the end to the New Mexican dominance of 1958:42). the Yuta trade: the settlement of Utah by the Mormons and the Mexican War of 1846.” The Mormons’ desire for political recogni- As a result of the 1848 treaty as well as leg- tion revealed itself again in 1849 when islation passed in the newly established state

of Deseret between 1851 and 1855, trade trading expedition with the Utah In- within the Eastern Yanawant Territories as dians . . . they sent some five or six well as commercial markets linking the of their leading men to see Governor Eastern Yanawant Territories to the territo- Young, and exhibited to him their li- ries of New Mexico and California cense; and as the Spanish witness underwent significant alterations. said that if it was not good here, then to get from him another license. After the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Governor Young not being at home, Higaldo in 1848, Mormon leaders began to but gone south, they proceeded after pass legislation aimed at systematically cur- and found him November 3rd at San- tailing the trading practices of New pete Valley. Here they exhibited to Mexicans within the Eastern Yanawant and the Governor their license, and in- Ute territories. One of the primary means of formed him they wished to sell their controlling trade in the newly decreed state horses and mules to the Utah Indi- of Deseret entailed the prohibition of slave ans, and buy Indian children to be trade from Santa Fe and Abiquiu along por- taken to New Mexico. Governor tions of the traditional trade routes of the Young then informed them that their Old Spanish Trail, Escalante’s Route, and license did not authorize them to Armijo’s trail. trade with the Indians in Utah. They then sought one from him, but he re- Between 1851 and 1855, Deseret courts fused it, for the reason that they passed a series of laws prohibiting Indian wanted to buy Indian children for slave trade (Sanchez 1997:132). As slaves slaves (cited in Sanchez 1997:131). were regularly procured through Utes or through the direct capture of indigenous In this 1851 case Pedro Leon and his seven people living in the Eastern Yanawant terri- men were denied permission to trade slaves, tories and surrounding vicinities, these and in 1852 Jose Maria Chaves reportedly restrictions held the potential to undermine met with similar responses (Sanchez one source of encroachment which certain 1997:131). In both cases the captured indi- Southern Paiutes and neighboring tribes en- viduals were freed, and the slave traders countered on a regular basis. returned to New Mexico.

In 1851 and 1852, New Mexican trading However, despite new restrictions on slave parties were brought to trial in Deseret trading in the eastern portions of Yanawant courts, and summarily denied license to and Ute territories, slave trading did not trade with the Utes for Indian slaves. abate. In 1853, New Mexican traders led by Though the New Mexicans had licenses is- an Anglo known as Dr. C.A.W. Bowman sued by New Mexican officials, the acting reportedly began to “openly trade weapons governor of the newly formulated territory and provoke Indian hostilities towards of Utah, Brigham Young, did not recognize Mormon settlers” (Jones 2000:8). In re- these as valid. According to a report issued sponse to these actions Brigham Young by the Mormon Judge Zerubbabel Snow of issued a proclamation on April 23, 1853 in the First District Court: which he stated:

In September last, twenty-eight Whereas it is made known to me by Spaniards left New Mexico on a reliable information, from affidavits,

and various sources, that there is in the newly established Utah Territory en- this Territory a horde of Mexicans, deavored to develop their trading relations or outlandish men, who are infesting with the members of the Mormon commu- the settlements, stirring up the Indi- nity. ans to make aggressions upon the inhabitants, and who are also fur- The Ute Chiefs, Wakara and Arapeen were nishing the Indians with guns, amongst the Ute traders who exercised con- ammunition, etc., contrary to the siderable control over those involved in laws of this Territory and the laws of trading within the Eastern Yanawant Terri- the United States . . . The office and tories before as well as after the signing of party hereby sent upon this service the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Higaldo. Prior are authorized and directed to arrest to the passage of anti-slavery legislation and keep in close custody every Wakara and his warriors monitored trade strolling Mexican party, and those along the Old Spanish Trail and imposed associated with them . . . (Moreover) tolls upon travelers. “John C. Fremont re- all Mexican(s) now in the Territory membered meeting him and his entourage in are required to remain quiet in the 1844 ‘journeying slowly towards the Span- settlement and not attempt to leave ish Trail to levy their usual tribute upon the under any consideration (cited in great California caravans . . . They con- Sanchez 1997:132). ducted their depredations with form and under the color of trade and toll for passing Though this proclamation and the series of through their country’” (cited in Jones laws passed between 1851-1855 did not 2000:46). eliminate slave trading, the control which New Mexican traders had previously exer- Even after anti-slavery legislation had been cised over the Eastern Yanawant and Ute passed, Wakara continued to exercise con- territories was called into question and par- siderable control over slave trading in the tially altered as a result of these measures. newly established territory of Utah. One manner of catalyzing slave trade with the After 1853, much of the slave trading be- Mormons entailed threatening to sell the tween Utes and New Mexicans went captured Indian to either Mexican or Navajo underground. In addition, when the legal- markets, in which the Mormons believed the ized slave trade of Indians was prohibited in person in captivity would be abused (Jones the newly established state of Deseret, New 2000:47). The second form of inducement Mexican traders began to capture and sell involved physically abusing captured per- individuals outside of the Eastern Yanawant sons in front of reluctant buyers. If sales Territories with greater frequency. could not be elicited, some traders were known to murder captured individuals on the The Navajos were particularly impacted by spot. these practices. So pervasive was slave trading of captured Navajo people that in 1868 Though many of the earliest Mormon pio- the Navajo Chief Barbocito claimed that neers came from states that did not practice over half of his tribe was in captivity (Jones slavery, they frequently found themselves 2000:32). In addition to turning to commer- confronted with the dilemma of either buy- cial trading in regions beyond the immediate ing the captured Indians or witnessing the jurisdiction of Deseret, some of the Utes of traders physically abuse or kill the people

before their eyes. Under such circumstances slave trading exacerbated tensions and war- some Mormons chose to buy people “out of ring amongst different indigenous groups. slavery.” This practice also resulted in the importation of guns and ammunition into the Eastern In these cases the individuals whom they Yanawant Territories and neighboring areas. bought became indentured servants for peri- In response to these activities and perceived ods “not to exceed twenty years” (Bancroft threats Brigham Young and other members 1890:476). Frequently the people who were of Deseret passed legislation that dampened bought under such pretexts were children or some of the trading along the trails of East- women. In the case of children, they were ern Yanawant territories. raised with the Mormon families and incul- cated with the value systems and beliefs of Both legal and illicit commerce continued to the people with whom they lived. inundate the Eastern Yanawant Territories by means of the Old Spanish Trail, Esca- Upon reaching maturity, many of these indi- lante’s Route, and Armijo’s Route until the viduals were in the unique situation of late 1840s (Californian, December 29, 1847 knowing more than one culture, but not be- cited in Hafen and Hafen 1993:191). In ad- ing fully accepted into either. As a result, dition, a newly established route used by the the slave trade introduced a series of social Anglo 49ers passing through Salt Lake City problems that had not previously existed. In began to burgeon with travelers intent on addition, slavery so radically depopulated immigrating to the west and extracting certain Southern Paiute groups that “Garland wealth from the mines of California. Hurt, Utah Indian agent in 1860, reported that “scarcely one-half of the Pyeed-children The people of Eastern Yanawant as well as are permitted to grow up in the band; and, a neighboring nations were thus confronted large majority of those being males, this and with a growing population increasingly in- other causes are tending to depopulated their tent on using their lands for travel, material bands very rapidly” (cited in Jones gain, or settlement. Moreover, as the popula- 2000:47). tions trafficking through the newly established state of Deseret increased, The collective and individual responses of Young and his fellowship encountered a se- Mormon towards slavery signaled a process ries of internal and external challenges with of partial accommodation to an institution the potential to alternately assist or under- that was perceived as inherently wrong and mine church leaders’ efforts to establish a conjoined to social problems with the poten- growth-oriented and social cohesive church- tial to undermine the state of Deseret. “In a state. message to the legislature, dated Jan. 6, 1852, Young stated ‘My own feelings are, Impacts of the Forty-Niners’ Route that no property can or should be recognized In 1848 a deluge of prospectors and immi- as existing in slaves, either Indian or Afri- grants began circuiting through Salt Lake can’ (Bancroft 1890:476). City before journeying down the western side of the Wasatch Mountains and continu- In addition to expressed moral objections ing on to California. As many prospectors towards slave trading, this practice posed and immigrants used wagon transportation, potential threats to the safety of the mem- the northern path of the Anglo Forty Niners bers of the Mormon Church. In particular, quickly increased.

In contrast to some portions of the Old Garces who reportedly “discover[ed] and Spanish Trail which were “never (consid- follow[ed] the course of the Mojave River ered) suitable for wagons” (Hafen and Hafen thus making travel possible along the Old 1993:12), this northern route was relatively Spanish Route and the 49ers route through well suited for heavier cargos. In 1853 Salt Lake City to California [through Indian Senator Benton noted, “Wagons can now guided explorations begun in 1768] (Hafen travel this route to California, and have done and Hafen 1954b:15). it. In the year 1837, two families named Sloover (Slover) and Pope, with their wag- With the mounting interest in prospecting ons and two Mexicans, went from Taos that and immigration, large groups of people be- way” (New York Tribune, March 16, 1853 gan to travel upon the northern 49er Route. cited in Hafen and Hafen 1993:198). Hafen and Hafen (1954b) report that the first train that journeyed to California by way of Along with a swelling migratory population the southern trail from Salt Lake City started along the 49er route, a steady stream of peo- in “Kurdasville [?] Missouri River. It num- ple continued to travel through portions of bered 49 wagons, 300 men bearing arms and the Eastern Yanawant territories along the numerous women and children, cattle, etc. Old Spanish Trail, Escalante’s Route and They started June 3, 1849, but did not reach Armijo’s Route through the late 1840s. This Los Angeles until the January follow- collective surge of people upon both south- ing”(Hafen and Hafen 1954b:51). ern and northern routes catalyzed processes that led to the destruction of natural native A group of packers also appear to be vegetation as well as diminished access to amongst the first travelers to complete the land, water, and subsistence resources for trip from Salt Lake City to California. They certain members of the Paiute Nation. reportedly passed a wagon train led by a paid guide, Jefferson Hunt. After passing Moreover, Euro-American and Mexican this train “at Chicken Creek, Utah on Octo- American material culture and disease con- ber 8” they continued on to California. One tinued to reach Southern Paitues and of its members, Rancho del Chin, notes that neighboring tribes via heavy travel along th[ey] arriv[ed] on October 27-9, 1849. these routes. Finally, increased traffic along “These packers made fast time, enjoyed the 49er route led to capital gains for the good health, but lost about thirty animals Mormon Church that would later be used to from the scarcity of water and grass ”(Hafen colonize many regions within the Great Ba- and Hafen 1954b:28). sin including some of the choicest areas within portions of the Eastern Yanawant Though travel along the Anglo 49er trail Territories. As a result of the greater access was easier than routes through the Eastern and use of lands, which included portions of Yanawant Territories for those who jour- the Eastern Yanawant Territories, the lives neyed by wagon, the trail nevertheless of many Southern Paiute people living in presented numerous obstacles. “There was a areas that now comprise the GSE/NM were group called the Gruwell-Derr Company radically impacted. who did not want to pay a ten dollar fee for Hunt’s guide services. They employed a Though the California trail was particularly Mexican guide and set out ahead of the main active after 1848, travel along this route is wagon train. Evidently the party endured generally credited to the explorer Father great hardships.

When their food was nearly exhausted a gold “We are gathered here not to scatter group of six men pushed ahead from Moun- around and go off to the mines, or any other tain Springs to the California settlements on place but to build up the Kingdom of God” foot, and returned with supplies. The Jeffer- (cited in Arrington 1958:65). son Hunt party caught up with the main body off this advance train on the Mojave Rather than encouraging pioneers to join the River, found the members in a destitute con- Gold Rush activities in California, church dition, and contributed food for the starving leadership concentrated its energy on devel- women and children” (Hafen and Hafen oping trading opportunities resulting from 1954b:30). the influx of travelers flowing into the Salt Lake Valley. This increase in trade occurred Growing numbers along the 49er trail cre- at a time when the Mormon population was ated a series of obstacles as well as fairly isolated from contact and exchanges opportunities for the recently arrived Mor- with some of the more affluent cities in the mons living in the Salt Lake Valley. Though east. Prior to the rapid increase in Gold Rush the Mormon leadership sought to cultivate Traffic through Salt Lake City, many pio- degree of physical as well as ideological neers were “living on roots, work cattle, and autonomy from non-Mormon populations, a small ration of cracked grain” (Arrington prior to the Gold Rush of 1848 many of 1958:67). them lacked some of the basic material items they had come to rely upon before Due to a lack of material supplies, many moving to Deseret. In response to a desire to items including clothing, wagon wheels, and supplement their material needs in the wake tools could not be replaced once they wore of rising traffic along the 49er route, trade out. One pioneer who had experienced these centers began to sprout up within the Salt deprivations referred to the increased trade Lake settlement. Although Brigham Young of 1849 as a ‘miracle.’ expressed concern over the rapidity with which the pioneers engaged in trade with Information of the great discovery of non-Mormon traders, Mormon individuals gold in California had reached the and the collective unit of the church-state States and large companies were were nonetheless able to accrue the eco- formed for the purpose of supplying nomic means to begin engendering their the gold diggers with food and cloth- missionizing and colonizing goals. One re- ing, and implements of every kind . . sult of this new found financial solvency .These companies expected a most was the capacity to promote colonization tremendous profit on their goods, within the traditional lands of Southern Pai- (and) spared no expense . . .these utes living in the Eastern Yanawant persons procured just the things they Territories. would have done, had they been forming companies purposely for re- Though the Mormons took advantage of the lieving the saints (Frontier Guardian trading opportunities afforded by the Gold January 9, 1850 cited in Arrington Rush, the great majority was encouraged to 1954:67). stay in the state of Deseret, rather than striking out to California to test their luck in the In addition, as the prospectors prepared for mines. Brigham Young was known to tell the last leg of their journey, they frequently converts who considered striking out for lightened their loads in Salt Lake City. As a

result, wagons were regularly exchanged for countries, England, Scotland, and Ireland. packhorses and mules. Other items including Many of the converts from overseas repre- tools and clothing were also frequently sented some of the poorest people of traded or abandoned along the trail. Northern Europe. Amongst the new converts, a number brought diseases against Through moneys accrued in a large degree which the indigenous people of the Great via trading with people along the 49er route Basin had no immunity. Those church mem- in the Salt Lake City Valley, the church bers who were infected but managed to leadership was able to finance programs survive all the way to Salt Lake City pre- which would later assist them in their colo- sented a considerable risk to indigenous nizing programs in many regions including populations both within and beyond the Salt the Eastern Yanawant Territories. In addi- Lake Valley. tion to capital accrued from trading within Salt Lake City, the Mormon Battalion mem- As permanent immigration as well as Gold bers frequently stayed in California to Rush immigration between 1848-1851 en- prospect before returning to Salt Lake City sured a massive migration through Salt Lake and neighboring settlements. Arrington City, the confluence of a diseased popula- (1958:66) estimates that “the earning of tion with a highly mobile population Mormons in California which were contrib- increased the chance of dispersing disease uted to the church in the form of gold dust or over vast territories within a short period of coin probably amounted to more that time. As late as 1855-1856 one hundred and $60,000 during the period of 1848 –1851. thirty five people within one party, and Moreover, he maintains that private indi- sixty-seven people within another died en- viduals probably donated an equal amount route to the Great Basin. Moreover, “Only of money to the state of Deseret. heroic action by the volunteer rescue parties saved the remainder” (Arrington 1958:158). With profits secured in Gold Rush related activities, the Mormons created a perpetual Young and his priesthood used the newly immigration program and a church invest- arrived church members to systematically ment program. The immigration program colonize areas outside of the Great Salt Lake provided financial aid to facilitate the relo- Valley. Upon arriving into the Salt Lake cation of American and European Mormon Valley pioneers were frequently asked to converts. This fund provided varying levels participate in a second leg of the expansion- of assistance that allowed church members ist program made possible in part through to travel into the new state of Deseret and funds accrued through trade with gold seek- further develop the expansionary intentions ers along the Anglo 49er route. This of the church leadership. Arrington program entailed colonizing new regions (1958:79) reveals that in 1851 2,500 con- that were considered adventitious in mani- verts were relocated to Salt Lake City festing the desire to populate the entire through the perpetual immigration fund, and Great Basin with members of the Mormon in 1852, “some twenty-one companies, av- Church. eraging over sixty wagons to the company, migrated into the Great Basin.” The Mormon settlement patterns, which would later dramatically impact the lives of The Mormon establishment recruited par- certain Southern Paiutes living in the East- ticularly heavily from the Scandinavian ern Yanawant Territories, underwent two

phases of development between 1847 and In the first phase, scoping parties were sent 1857 (Arrington 1958:84). In the first phase out to map the land, resources, and potential of settlement, colonies were established out- viability of habitation. Next, reports of these side of the regions encompassing Eastern missions were delivered to Brigham Young Yanawant Territories. Collectively, these and his assistants. After assessing the in- settlements became known as the “Mormon formation, groups of people would be Corridor.” “called” to settle an area. Those who were asked to settle new areas were selected for In 1849 some of these sites were established the particular skills that would be needed to in the “Utah, Tooele, and Sanpete valleys; ensure the success and self-sufficiency of Box Elder, Pahvant, Juab, and Parowan val- the new community. Upon arrival, the se- leys in 1851; and Cache Valley in 1857” lected groups would begin to systematical (Arrington 1958:84). In a second phase set- build their settlements upon lines that mir- tlements were established in more distant rored the core settlement in Salt Lake City. places that were valued as “strategic points Based upon this model, “twenty seven sepa- of interception.” Such settlements included: rate communities (within the Mormon Carson Valley, Nevada (1849-51); San Ber- Corridor) had been established” by 1855 nadino, California (1851); Las Vegas, (Arrington 1958:86). Nevada (1855); Moab, Utah (1855); Fort Supply and Fort Bridger, Wyoming (1853 Perpetual travel upon both northern and and 1856); and Lemhi, Idaho (1855) (Ar- southern routes of the newly established rington 1958:84). state of Deseret also catalyzed physical and cultural changes that proved detrimental to Though settlement was primarily focused on the welfare of certain Southern Paiutes liv- regions outside of the Eastern Yanawant ter- ing in the Eastern Yanawant Territories as ritories, the manners in which they were well as indigenous northern tribes. While established mirrored the methods that would travel increased along the northern route go- later be used to colonize sites within the ing through Salt Lake City after 1848, the Eastern Yanawant Territories during the trails into portions of the Eastern Yanawant 1860s-1880s. Territories were still heavily used for New Mexican commercial ventures through the In addition to using a formulaic method of late 1840s. colonization, the establishment of distant outposts within the newly founded state of Following the establishment of a legalized Deseret signaled the intention of the early commercial route between Santa Fe and Mormon leaders to establish a Holy Land California in 1829-1830, New Mexicans de- that encompassed all of the lands within the veloped a thriving business based upon the Great Basin. However, only after the Mor- ongoing exchange of mules, horses, and mon Church had expanded its economic cloth trade that circuited through portions of standing through colonizing and commercial the Eastern Yanawant Territories. These development did they begin to turn their at- exchanges continued until trade restrictions tention towards to colonization of and duties diminished traffic or resulted in settlements within the Eastern Yanawant the rerouting of trading circuits to the north. Territories. These caravans reached California yearly . . . They brought the woolen

fabrics of New Mexico, and carried to the viability of wagon travel along the back mules, and silk, and other Chi- 49er route. The imposition of trade duties nese goods . . . Having bartered and upon those who traveled via the Old Spanish disposed of the goods brought, and Trail also served to curtail travel via this procured such as they wished to connection. Though duties were lifted with carry back, and what mules they the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hi- could drive, they concentrated at Los galdo, many travelers had already begun Angeles for their yearly return (War- using alternate routes of travel in larger ner cited in Hafen and Hafen numbers and with greater frequency. 1993:171) Through the development of trade along the In addition to introducing people, alternate Anglo 49er Trail, the stage was set for the ideologies, material culture, and disease colonization of the Eastern Yanawant over through trade along the Old Spanish Trail the next several decades. With a growing and the 49er trail, travel upon these routes Mormon population, increased economic also posed an extraordinarily threat to the means, and experience in systematic coloni- natural balances of the environment. In par- zation, the Mormon Church turned with ticular, the movement of cattle, horses, and renewed interest towards the prospect of ex- mules along the Old Spanish Trail resulted panding their colonizing efforts within the in serious damage to the natural vegetation southern portions of the Utah territory, of this region. In April of 1848 Brewerton which included the land of Eastern Yana- witnessed a caravan want. Arrington (1958:216) also credits, “The self sufficiency program which fol- Of some two or three hundred Mexi- lowed the Utah War and the outbreak of the can traders who go once a year to the Civil War in 1861 [with] le[a]d[ing] Mor- Californian coast with a supply of mons leaders to greatly expand the southern blankets and other articles of New colonies.” Mexican manufacture; and having disposed of their goods, invest the 1860s-1900s Anglo Colonization of the proceeds in Californian mules and Eastern Yanawant Territories horses, which they drive back across The extraordinary changes resulting from the desert. . . This caravan had left the rapid colonization of the Eastern Yana- had left Pueblo de los Angeles some want Territories are difficult to overstate. time before us, and were conse- Whereas 18th and nineteenth century Span- quently several days in advance of ish and Mexican activities within portions of our party upon the trail- a circum- the Eastern Yanawant Territories were fre- stance that did us great injury, as quently driven by individual commercial their large caballada (containing interests intent on the transitory use of trails nearly a thousand head) ate up or de- or resources, Anglo activities within the stroyed the grass and consumed the same regions centered on the establishment water at the few camping grounds of permanent agricultural and livestock rais- upon the route (cited in Hafen and ing settlements. Gregory (1945:29) notes Hafen 1993:192). that “Utah was systematically colonized as self-sufficient villages and the history of the After 1848, much of the trade along south- state is concerned chiefly with the growth of ern trails diminished. This was in part due the original settlements.” Concomitant with

the process of Anglo colonization, certain tlements. These indigenous settlements Southern Paiutes permanently lost access to “form[ed] a protective ring and early warn- their lands, perennial springs, and both the ing system to aid the Mormons against natural vegetation and animals through Navajo and Ute depredations” (McPherson which they had previously sustained tradi- 1988:6). tional ways of life (See Kelly 1971 in Chapter 3 of the current report for a fuller Within these enclaves, tuberculosis rapidly treatment of the ethnography and ethnohis- spread amongst its inhabitants. Holt tory of Eastern Yanawant Southern Paiute of (1992:102) reports that tuberculosis “was a the GSE/NM). continuing problem . . . caus[ing] . . . about one-third of recorded Paiute deaths between The colonization Eastern Yanawant Territo- 1889 and 1926.” In addition Stoffle, Jones, ries developed through large-scale and Dobyns (1995:192) note that tuberculo- systematic migrations of Mormon pioneers sis epidemics swept through the Southern into territories already owned and fully util- Paiute Nation in 1850, 1852, 1853, 1855, ized by certain Eastern Yanawant Paiutes of and 1856. It is quite plausible that some of the Paiute Nation. Upon initiating the de- the Western Yanawant Southern Paiutes velopment of Anglo settlements in the who attempted to relocate themselves in southern portions of Deseret, “It took . . . lands already occupied by Southern Paiutes (them) only fifteen years to found colonies within the Eastern Yanawant Territories at most of the best agricultural sites in Paiute may have carried tuberculosis as well as country” (Holt 1992:25). other diseases with them. McPherson (1988:7) observes that, “by the 1860s Pai- The Eastern Yanawant Territories were utes were being squeezed out of their amongst the last regions within Deseret to territory in southwestern Utah and into the be systematically colonized by members of less hospitable territory of southeastern Utah the Mormon Church. However, while the and northern Arizona.” colonization of the Eastern Yanawant Terri- tories followed other regions, the people of Diasporas fleeing into the Eastern Yanawant the Eastern Yanawant Territories nonethe- Territories to secure refuge faced the di- less experienced significant changes in lemma of entering into lands that were relation to the colonization of the Western already owned and occupied by the Kaibab, Yanawant Territories as well as the Northern Kaparowits, and San Juan Southern Paitues. Ute Territories. In addition, these regions were renowned for their rugged physical terrain, limited water “By 1864, Mormons were located in at least resources, and marked variability in the four ranching and farming communities: availability of rainfall (Webb et al 1991:22- Short Creek, Pipe Springs, Mocassin and 3), as well as both plant and animal life. As Kanab. [Upon arriving to these places the a result, the human carrying capacity of re- new settlers] assum[ed] the control over the gions within the Eastern Yanawant best resources for their own uses” (McPher- Territories provided little leverage for the son 1988:6). As the Western Yanawant long-term sustenance of larger populations. regions as well as portions of the Eastern Yanawant regions came under Anglo do- In addition to the influx of indigenous peo- minion, many Southern Paiutes were forced ple who had lost access to their ancestral into shantytowns at the edge of Anglo set- homes, the Anglo occupation of portions of

Southern Paiute and Ute territories altered the first efforts towards the colonization of the means by which certain indigenous southern portions of the territory of Utah groups could procure a living. As access to began in 1854, the process of systematically the natural vegetation, water, and animal colonizing the most habitable regions of the resources diminished, pressure to find other Eastern Yanawant Territories occurred pri- methods of sustaining an existence resulted. marily between the 1860s and 1880s. Some indigenous people responded to these stresses by participating in commercial trad- In order to secure land and resources in ing as well as fighting and raiding against southern portions of the Utah territory the Anglo colonizers (McPherson 1988:54 and leaders of Deseret sent groups rather than Bradley 1999:66). Other responses to these individuals to develop fully functioning encroachments included forming alliances communities (Gregory 1945:30). They also with members of the Anglo population or sought to establish political alliances aimed moving into increasingly marginal lands. at securing the cooperation of members of the Eastern Yanawant Territories near the Certain Southern Paiutes adopted another newly established Mormon settlements response to loss of ancestral lands and An- (Bradley 1999:42). A related policy in the glo encroachment. This entailed state of Deseret entailed diminishing conflict intermarrying with neighboring tribes as with neighboring tribes through mediation, well as forming social and political alliances conversion, and the employment of certain with members of these groups. “By the late Southern Paiutes to fight against both in- 1850s, the Paiutes’ role among the Navajos digenous and non-indigenous groups who increased, though still handled on an indi- posed physical or material threats to the vidual or family level, as both groups felt Mormon pioneers. continuing pressure from white encroachment. Many Paiutes adopted the Navaho During the late 1850s “The Mormons in language, style of dress, and the practice of southwestern Utah became increasingly intermarriage” (McPherson 1988:11). concerned with the advance of Albert Sid- ney Johnston’s army, the events connected With the promise of an ever enlargening with the Mountain Meadow massacre, and Anglo population and ever diminishing ac- the instability created by Ute raids . . . [Con- cess to ancestral lands and resources, sequently] they desired to form an Indian conflicts, factionalizing, war, and the radical alliance to shield them from possible harm” reconfiguration of power relations amongst (McPherson 1988:11). both Euroamerican, Mexican American, and indigenous groups occurred as a matter of Both prior to and during the colonization of course. the Eastern Yanawant Territories, federal and Deseret parties gathered much informa- In addition to an influx of disenfranchised tion upon the geology, geography, and Southern Paiute, Ute, and Navajo neighbors people of the Eastern Yanawant and as well as the forced migration of indige- neighboring territories. The US Army nous groups within the Eastern Yanawant Corps of Topographical Engineers surveyed Territories, Southern Paiutes of the Eastern much of the territory from the mouth of the Yanawant Territories had to contend with Colorado through the Grand Canyon. In the Anglo colonization of lands they had 1861 the Ive’s Report Upon the Colorado occupied for thousands of years. Though River of the West produced detailed and

concise information upon regions that Mor- and economic advantages usually only pos- mons would later colonize. In addition sible in urban centers” (Gregory 1945:30). members of expeditions organized by leaders of Deseret were sent out to survey and With the exceptions of Levi Savage and Don report upon multiple sites within the Eastern Carlos Shirts, most settlements in Southern Yanawant Territories. Utah were collectively colonized. Levi Sav- age reportedly lived as the sole Anglo settler After establishing a mission in Harmony in in Kanab for two years and Shirts lived as 1854, scouting parties of Deseret began to the sole Anglo resident in the Paria Valley gather extensive data upon regions over for three years (Gregory 1945:30). which they intended to secure control. From this outpost, Jacob Hamblin conducted a se- In addition to the economic advantages of ries of explorations into the Eastern collective settlements, group colonization Yanawant Territories. Moreover, in an at- was believed to afford a measure of protec- tempt to find the trails through which tion from the indigenous people upon whose Navajos crossed the Colorado to either raid lands the Mormons settled. Between the or fight with Utes, Paiutes, and Mormons, 1860s and 1870s, Mormon pioneers devel- Andrus “led a military expedition (in 1866) oped settlements that emphasized militaristic of some 60 men from St. George to Kanab preparedness. “At each site the first struc- and Johnson Canyons across the upper tribu- ture was a ‘fort’ . . . large enough to taries of the Paria, past the Table Cliffs, and accommodate the entire population in times on into the valley of the Escalante River of siege” (Gregory 1945:30). The militaristic (Gregory 1951:4). In addition, Hamblin preparation of these colonizes led later histo- served as a guide for John Wesely Powell’s rians to describe “Southern Utah in the expedition whose base camp was established decade of 1860-1870 . . . as a “string of in Kanab in 1871. During this expedition stockades and forts” (Gregory 1945:30). Hamblin also accompanied the Powell expedition to the Paria River. (Powell In the spring of 1864 Mormons began to 1994:179 cited in Bradley 1999:40; Powell colonize the Eastern Yanawant Territories. 1875 cited in Bradley 1999:43-45). They established their first settlement at the site of Kanab, wherein they intended to raise Through such expeditions the leadership of livestock and establish a flourishing agricul- Deseret obtained comprehensive informa- tural community. As Kanab was already tion upon the Eastern Yanawant Territories occupied by certain groups of Southern Pai- that would later be utilized in settlement utes, competition over limited resources planning as well as in the creation of poli- readily ensued. As a consequence of raiding cies to regulate the interactions of Mormons and warring with certain Navajos and Pai- with Southern Paiutes, Utes, and Navajos. utes, the Mormons abandoned the settlement After extensive research had been con- of Kanab in 1866 (Bradley 1999:66). How- ducted, the systematic colonization of the ever, in 1870 new settlers arrived to Kanab Eastern Yanawant Territories began. Poten- from Salt Lake and competition over re- tial settlements were selected for their sources resumed. perceived capacity to sustain compact agricultural communities wherein group As a consequence, the Kaibab Southern Pai- settlements could foster “social, educational tues incrementally lost access to their lands and their resources. Many Southern Paiutes

subsequently moved into the most marginal ble with ditches” convinced many of the set- portions of their traditional lands wherein tlers to relocate at Paria (Gregory 1945:51). they experienced rising stresses due to a lack of sufficient resources to sustain themselves. The Anglo population at Paria (Elk Water) After 1874 the Anglo settlers also began us- grew rapidly. “By 1884 the population in- ing regions outside of Kanab for sheep and cluded 107 resident members of the cattle grazing (Webb et al 1991:27). These Mormon Church . . . (additional) non resi- lands included HouseRock (Ousuk) Valley, dent cattlemen, and about 20 Piute men and Kaibab, and the Uinkaret Plateaus (Gregory women who worked intermittently for half 1945:47). rations” (Gregory 1945:51). Those Southern Paiutes who remained near Paria found Anglo settlers used HouseRock (Ousuk) for themselves in circumstances similar to several purposes. Located in a canyon near Southern Paiutes at other primary indige- Cockscomb, HouseRock was colonized in nous settlements throughout the Eastern 1865 by a lone Anglo gold prospector, Don Yanawant Territories. Carlos Shirts. Shirts abandoned this settlement the following year in response to war Although they no longer controlled their parties organized by Navajos and other in- lands nor access to resources, they had rela- digenous parties intent on maintaining tively few relocation options as the control over this region. At the end of the territories beyond the traditional settlements BlackHawk Wars, HouseRock was report- offered little in the way of procuring the edly resettled by six Anglo families, and necessary materials for sustaining them- subsequently became an outpost of the In- selves. As a result, many of the Southern dian Mission. In addition, HouseRock Paiutes in the Eastern Yanawant Territories served as a cattle-grazing territory for opera- found themselves increasingly dependent tions based out of Kanab. upon the foreigners who had come to domi- nate their lands. During 1865, Mormon settlers also colonized a second site at Grahm, which was Between 1883-88 and 1912 the residents of located between the latter settlements of Or- Paria experienced a series of floods that derville and Alton. Grahm always remained washed away fields, corrals, barns and a small settlement, and Anglo population homes (Carr 1972). In response, many farm- figures ranged between 14-30 between the ers and miners left this settlement, with a 1860s and 1890s, and between 8 and 12 be- large number relocating in Cannonville and tween 1930 and 1940. From 1874 to 1912 Henrieville. this community also reportedly served as a ranch post office (Gregory 1945:42-44). Subsequent Anglo settlements were established at many of the traditional sites that In 1873 another Anglo colony was estab- certain Southern Paiutes of the Eastern lished below HouseRock at the site of Yanawant Territories had owned and occu- Adairville. This settlement, which is located pied for thousands of years. These include 9.4 miles southeast of Paria, was first estab- Skutumpah (1870), Johnson (1871), the Up- lished in 1872. For two years Adairville per Kanab (1872), Orderville (1875), was intensively farmed. However, the set- Cannonville (1877), Henrieville (1877), tlements of HouseRock and Adairville were Tropic (1891), and Alton (1908) (Gregory both largely abandoned in 1874 after “trou- 1945:38).

People were particularly attracted to Skum- ily as a means of exercising particular ideo- tupah Creek and Johnson Valley as regions logical principles. In 1880, 514 Anglo for raising stock. The grazing grounds were residents were recorded to live in Orderville. reportedly “excellent and small plots of Subsequent populations ranged from a low well-watered bottomlands provided favor- of 378 in 1920 to a high of 441 in 1940. able home sites” (Gregory 1945:47). In addition, there were “numerous springs” In the neighboring settlement of Cannonville throughout the Johnson Valley (Carr 1972). the Anglo population continued to rise from The Anglo population of Skutumpah main- 137 people to 242 between the early 1880s tained itself between 35-42 people between and 1890s. 1870-1880. After 1890, this population continued to fall, and only 5 Anglo people were During a drought year some of the residents recorded as living at this site by 1940. The of Cannonville moved to Henrieville Wash rapid decline in population was in large part and Henrieville Creek northeast of Clifton. in response to the diminishment of creek The town was later named after James Hen- waters between 1879 and 1880 (Carr rie who was the president of the Panguitch 1972:128). LDS Stake. Though this town was not officially surveyed until 1883, people were In 1880 there were reportedly 87 Anglos building homes by 1878. The Anglo popula- residing in Johnson Valley. This population tion of Henrieville reportedly rose from 33 rose to 104 in 1890, and dropped down to people in 1882 to 145 people in 1890. between 62-64 people between 1900-1910 Gradual population growth continued, and as both “water and grass became increas- the population stood at 240 by 1940. Like- ingly scarce” (Carr 1972:128). wise, population growth continued in Tropic, and was noted to rise from 194 in Gregory (1945:47-48) also reports that by 1894 to 514 in 1940 (Gregory 1945:42). the early 1900s, “Johnson creek and its tributaries began to cut deep into their allu- Upon moving into the Eastern Yanawant vial floors, destroying fields and greatly Territiories, many Mormon pioneers imag- increasing the difficulty of maintaining irri- ined they were embarking on a mission gation ditches.” By 1920 only 12 Anglo wherein they would turn the southern por- people were reported to still occupy Johnson tions of the Utah territory into an Valley (Gregory 1945:42). “agricultural empire” (Gregory 1945:32). In spite of thorough planning and intensive Between 1870 and 1900 Anglo residents labor the new settlers encountered many un- also continuously occupied the Upper foreseen obstacles. Kanab. Over this duration the average An- glo population consisted of 102 people. In addition to contentions arising over the However, by 1910 these residents had aban- colonization of lands that were already fully doned this settlement. In contrast, a large occupied by certain Eastern Yanawant and continuous Anglo population main- Southern Paiutes, changes in the physical tained itself in Orderville between 1875 and ecology of these territories created addi- 1940. Rather than choosing to colonize Or- tional problems for the new immigrants as derville based upon a careful evaluation of well as for the indigenous people of these the quality of the land and resources, the territories. Extensive erosion cutting deep citizens of this colony chose this site primar- into the alluvial plains, alternate phases of

droughts and severe flooding, and the deple- The introduction of sheep and cattle at tion of much of the natural vegetation Kanab Creek in 1863 and 1870 acted as an- occurred in and around many of the newly other source of change that negatively colonized settlements. impacted the natural vegetation. As the natural vegetation decreased, cattle were Though studies of the “alluvial stratigraphy moved to more distant and higher eleva- in the arroyo walls indicated that previous tions. As a consequence, this process caused episodes of erosion had occurred under con- the further depletion of plant life throughout ditions that did not include livestock grazing many areas integral to the livelihood of resi- and large manipulation of channels and dent Southern Paiutes. flood plains” (Byran 1925 cited in Webb et al 1991:3), land use practices which in- Traditionally, members of the Kaibab Dis- cluded the rerouting of water for irrigation, trict, and possibly neighboring districts used the intensive farming of certain portions of these lands for a number of purposes includ- land, and the heavy grazing of both sheep ing, but are not limited to the gathering of and cattle nonetheless exacerbated condi- natural vegetation for food, medicinal, and tions that resulted in the radical alteration of ceremonial purposes as well as the hunting the alluvial plains throughout many portions of animals that were equally reliant upon the of the Eastern Yanawant Territories. existence and maintenance of the natural vegetation. Through both individual and Webb, Smith and McCord (1991) present a corporate cattle ranching, much of the natu- thorough analysis of environmental changes ral vegetation was completely depleted. of the alluvial plains along the Kanab and Bagley (1959:12 cited in Webb et. al Johnson Creeks in Historic Channel Change 1991:21) notes that by 1956, only 41 hec- of Kanab Creek. Citing evidence gathered tares out of 695 hectares of native vegetation from tree ring studies, Webb et al. (around Kanab Creek) remained. (1991:20), note that “the historical record indicates that the arroyo of Kanab Creek In addition to damage resulting from sheep was initiated during a series of floods begin- and cattle grazing, the irrigation practices of ning in 1882.” the Anglo settlers within the Eastern Yana- want Territories contributed to the extensive Floods occurring over a period of 50 years erosion and channelization of the alluvial also “initiated (the development) of other plain. “The construction of dams and arroyos in Southern Utah” (Webb 1987 cited ditches, (and the) draining of meadow areas in Webb et. al 1991:20). Furthermore, within the alluvial reaches to allow cultiva- Webb et al (1991) note that scar clusters tion of natural and introduced grasses and upon tree samples between 1866 and 1916 alphalpha for hay (Robinson 1972:17 cited indicate that the series of floods within this in Webb et al 1991:21) all catalyzed proc- region did not occur randomly. “In the case esses resulting in increased channelization of Kanab Creek, the likely cause for nonsta- and erosion. In the 1880s one of the mead- tionarity of flood frequency during the ows in Johnson Wash was so wet that people period of arroyo formation is poor land-use could not cut their hay. In response practices and (or) climatic fluctuations or change” (Webb et al 1991:21). Hyrum S. Shumway . . . plowed a furrow through the center of the valley . . . It drained off the excess

water so the hay could be gathered. The dramatic changes in channelization and But alas, the protective covering of natural vegetation within the Eastern Yana- sod had been broken and every rain- want Territores resulted in conditions that storm thereafter took its load of posed serious consequences for both indige- sandy soil from beneath the meadow nous and non-indigenous populations. With grass. When the summer rains be- an influx of both Anglo settlers and indige- gan, they cut Derby’s fish pond and nous populations displaced from their many acres of choice meadow land traditional lands in the Western Yanawant besides, leaving in its wake a wash Territories as well as neighboring lands, twenty feet [6.6 m] deep, extending competition over natural resources in- from north to south down the center creased. of the valley” (Robinson 1972:17 cited in Webb et al 1991:29). Initially, many Southern Paiutes moved towards the more marginal lands within the The land use practices concurrent with An- Eastern Yanawant Territories in order to in- glo agricultural practices and livestock crease their chances of survival. However, raising resulted in increased channelization the rapid population growth experienced in at different times in and surrounding the the Eastern Yanawant Territories as a result newly established settlements. In Alton, en- of both Anglo immigration and the exudus trenchment of arroyos did not occur until of many neighboring indigenous groups 1930 (Webb et al 1991:21), whereas at coupled with increased flooding, erosion, Kanab Creek and Johnson Wash “at least 85 channelization, and the depletion of natural x 10(6) m(3) of sediment was eroded be- vegetation made the procurement of the tween 1877 and 1985 (Smith 1990 cited in most basic resources increasingly difficult. Webb et al 1991:24) with most of the ero- By 1880, interconnected layers of ecological sion occurring between 1882 and 1910. and human processes had radically altered Flooding along the Paria River also resulted the lives of many Southern Paitues living in in the entrenchment of arryos between 1883 the Eastern Yanawant Territories. and 1924 (Gregory and Moor 1931 and Her- ford 1986 cited in Webb et al 1991). Jacob Hamblin, on of the men most responsible for the success of the The size and timing of flooding as well as Mormon colonizing efforts in south- the degree of resultant erosion varied from ern Utah, wrote to J. W. Powell, in settlement to settlement. The analysis con- 1880, that, “The watering places are ducted by Webb et al (1991) suggests that all occupide {sic} by the white man. poor land use practices contributed to the The grass that product mutch {sic} magnitude of floods as well as the damage seed is all et {sic} out. The sunflow- resulting therein. On Kanab Creek conclu- ere seed is all distroyed {sic} in fact sive evidence verifies that flooding was of a thar {sic} is nothing for them to de- nonstationary nature. Moreover, “Tree ring pend upon but beg or starve (Fowler evidence from Kanab Creek from A.D. and Fowler 1971:110). 1462-1985 indicates a period of increased flood magnitude between 1882 and 1936 Once the natural vegetation was disturbed, that is unprecedented in the over-500 year the results were often long lasting. Gregory record” (Webb et al 1991:24). (1945:33) notes that “In this semiarid region the natural herbage is scanty and when de-

stroyed reproduces itself with seemingly dif- investment in saving (Holt 1992:22). Pater- ficulty.” nalism also underscored a series of federal and regional policies that largely resulted in 1880s- Restoration the further alienation of the Southern Paiutes In response to the loss of resources neces- of the Eastern Yanawant Territories from sary to maintain even the most elemental of their lands as well as their traditions. existences, many Southern Paiutes of the Eastern Yanawant Territories increasingly Since 1865 many of the federal and regional turned towards the Anglo settlers for assis- policies enacted in relation to the Southern tance. While some Southern Paiutes were Paiutes of the Eastern Yanawant Territories able to procure menial labor in exchange for have magnified the material and cultural food and others received intermittent dona- hardships of these groups. With the estab- tions of food and clothing, such partial lishment of the Unitah Reservation in provisions could not satiate the collective northern Utah in 1865, all Southern Paiutes needs resulting from the radical alteration of were directed to abandon their ancestral the landscape as well as the depletion and lands and relocate amongst the Utes with loss of access to traditional resources. whom the Southern Paiutes had a long history of contention. In meetings conducted by As a growing diaspora of Southern Paiutes a special commission led by Powell and In- throughout both the Eastern and Western galls in 1873, Southern Paiute leaders Taugu Yanawant Territories placed increasing de- and Moak Shinauav rejected this proposal. mands upon the Anglo settlements, Mormon They explained that, “The Utes of Unitah leaders attempted to create policies that had been their enemies from time immemo- would simultaneously curtail open aggres- rial; had stolen their women and children; sion between themselves and indigenous had killed their grandfathers, their fathers, groups without fundamentally altering re- their brothers and sons, and . . . were pro- source distribution. foundly skilled in sorcery” (Intertribal Council of Nevada 1976:95). In the absence The now famous phase of Brigham Young of congressional ratification, this forced mi- stating “Feed the Indians, for it is cheaper to gration of Southern Paiutes did not occur. feed them than to fight them” (cited in Palmer 1933) encapsulates this idea. While In 1871, Southern Paiutes received another this policy may have succeeded in diminish- blow to their autonomy through the passage ing open aggression between Mormons, of the Indian Appropriation Act, which offi- Southern Paiutes, Utes, and Navajos, it also cially ended the establishment of treaties served to cultivate an ideology of paternal- between the US government and indigenous ism between the Mormon settlers and the groups. In addition to halting the creation of people who had lived in the Yanawant Terri- treaties, this act signaled the end of the US tories for thousands of years (Holt 1992: government’s recognition of the equal sov- xiv). ereignty of Indian nations.

Paternalism towards indigenous people was In the absence of land bases or treaties to further catalyzed through Mormon theology, compensate for these losses, the plight of the wherein American Indians were viewed as Southern Paiutes of the Yanawant Territo- “Lamanites” or one of the lost tribes of Is- ries worsened. In 1873 a special rael whom the Mormons had a direct commission was developed to address these

issues. The leaders of this commission, John want us Mormons to do all this for Wesley Powell and G.W. Engalls, recom- you. We have no time. We must mended a second design for the relocation of work for our own children. You must the Southern Paiutes. do as we do- take a little land, do a heap of work, and raise more grain. According to this plan, the 528 Southern Now Moqueak, what I say I mean, Paiutes whom they had counted in the East- and you need not trouble me any- ern and Western Yanawant Territories more, for more land. I know better would be moved to the Muddy or Moapa what is good for you than you do for Reservations in Nevada (Intertribal Council yourself (Gardner 1879). of Nevada 1976:95). One of the primary reasons for trying to relocate the Southern While some Southern Paiutes living in the Paiutes of the Yanawant Territories into Ne- Eastern Yanawant Territories were given vada was a growing recognition of the intermittent aid from the Mormons, “during severe crises resulting amongst the Southern the early 1900s, the Paiutes were virtually Paiutes due to “the depletion of traditional ignored by the federal government” (Holt food sources” (Holt 1992:34). A second and 1992:35). Yet, at the same time that the fed- equally powerful motive behind attempting eral government was seeking to to remove the Southern Paiutes from the progressively distance itself from Indian af- Yanawant Territories entailed opening up fairs through the deconstruction of additional tracts of land for Anglo settle- reservations and the establishment of land ment, agriculture, prospecting, and the allotments (Holt 1992:40), the BIA of Utah grazing of livestock (Holt 1992:34). was finally “getting into the reservation business.” Between the 1880s and 1890s the Anglos’ efforts to establish control over both the Between 1881 and 1929 four small reserva- Western and Eastern Yanawant Territories tions were established in Utah at Shivwits resulted in more unofficial migrations into (1891), Indian Peaks (1915), Koosharem the marginal zones of the Eastern Yanawant (1928), and Kanosh (1929) (Holt 1992:40- Territories as well as the Arizona Strip. In 44). In addition, the Kaibab Reservation was addition, many Southern Paiutes became established in Northern Arizona on May 28, increasingly dependent upon Anglo settle- 1909. Though some Southern Paiutes relo- ments wherein they might procure menial cated to reservations, the lack of sufficient labor or temporary supplies of food (Inter- resources in these places also served as a tribal Council of Nevada 1976:95). deterrent.

Those Southern Paiutes who remained near As a result, some reservations were used by Anglo settlements were primary targets of only a small percentage of the population, the assimilationist philosophies being prom- and/or occupied on a seasonal basis. One ulgated at this time. A statement made by group of Southern Paiutes remained in the Robert Gardner in 1879 reflects this per- ghettos of Cedar City. Within these ghettos spective: the Southern Pauites experienced pervasive poverty as well as diseases including tuber- You Indians want a heap of land and culosis (Holt 1992:48). have no teams nor plows, nor tools to work with; nor seeds to plant. You

During the early 1900s, many of the South- Over the next several decades, federal policy ern Paiutes of the Eastern Yanawant did little to relieve the material impoverish- Territories continued to eke out existences ment resulting from the progressive along the margins of Anglo settlements. marginalization of the Southern Paiutes However, their numbers progressively from their land bases in the Eastern Yana- dwindled as a result of extreme malnutrition want Territories. In 1930, Farrow, acting as and disease. In 1910 a Southern Paiute Chief the administrator of the Paiute Agency in in Escalante reproached Anglos in a dance Cedar City explained that “Indians allied hall saying: with no tribe and having no trust property could not partake of the benefits of appro- My friends it is right for white m[e]n priations made for the support and to have [a] celebration, to talk about civilization of Indians” (Farrow 1930:1-2 [the] land- [the] white man[‘s] land- cited in Holt 1992:52). [the] white man[‘s] flag-[the] big United States. [On] white m[e]n[‘s] As a result of this policy, Eastern Yanawant money- [the] dollar- has an eagle on Southern Paiutes who did not assimilate into one side . . . Today I f[ou]nd a[n] ea- groups who were officially recognized by gle, [that a] white boy [had] shot. . . the federal government received no assis- [It’s] dead now . . . [The] Indian[s] tance. While some Paiutes from the Eastern shoot [a] little bit. [But] the white Yanawants intermarried with Navajos and man shoot[s] too much. [Now the] other tribes along the Colorado River, and eagle[s] [are] all gone . . . Pretty others may have received assistance through soon, [the] Indian[s] [will all be] the Kaibab Reservation in Northern Arizona, gone. [At] one time [there were] it is probable that a sizable portion of the many Indian[s] [and] many pa- Eastern Yanawant Southern Paiutes failed to poose[s]. [Now] the Indian[s] die meet the criterion for federal recognition. [and the] Papoose[s] die. [We] sleep in a cave . . . [and we have only a] Moreover, as the Southern Paiute population little bit [of] food. [At] one time of the Eastern Yanawant Territories contin- [there were many] rabbit . . . fish . . . ued to fall as a result of disease and [and] deer. malnutrition, it is probable that outside agencies found it increasingly difficult to [Now there is only a] little bit. [The] identify the remaining Southern Paiutes as white man give[s] [the] Indian[s] members of discrete districts to whom they bread. [The] Indian[s] beg [and the] held particular responsibilities. Finally, even squaw beg[s] “Give [us] bread.” [But those Utah Indians who did receive federal it] is no good. [The] Indian[s] [do] recognition received “extremely limited no[t] like [to] beg. . . [I am an] In- (services from the BIA) in 1930” (Holt dian chief. . . [But] Now [I am] no 1992:53). [longer a] chief. [It’s] no good! No good! [The] papooses die too much. The publication of the Meriam Report in [The] eagle[s] [are] all gone. Pretty 1928 revealed many inadequacies within the soon [the] Indian[s] [will] all [be] federal government’s policies towards In- gone” (Woolsey 1964:384 cited in dian groups. In particular, Lewis Meriam Holt 1992:50) recommended the repeal of the Dawes Act of 1887. In lieu of land allotments, Meriam

and his associates recommended education- 1992:61-2). In Utah Senator Walkins spear- ally based policies (Holt 1992:54). In headed legislation aimed at the termination addition this report laid the grounds for the of federal responsibilities towards indige- Indian Reorganization Act, which resulted in nous groups. As a result, the Southern significant reforms aimed at protecting In- Paiutes of Utah were amongst the first tribes dian land rights and increasing the self- within the United States to be placed on the government of tribes. list for termination.

During the Depression some Southern Pai- Though the Southern Paiutes represented utes were able to work on federal projects some of the most impoverished indigenous and thus maintain a regular source of in- people in North America, legislation aimed come. In addition, the Mormon Church at the termination of their special trust rela- provided a degree of relief through the or- tionship with the federal government was ganization of an arts and crafts business quickly passed. By 1954 President Eisen- (Palmer 1936 in Holt 1992:55). However, hower had signed a bill to terminate the while the material well being of the South- Utah Southern Paiutes’ trust relationship ern Paiutes was partially improved by these with the federal government (Inter-Tribal measures, an outbreak of scarlet fever in Council of Nevada 1976:145). Shortly Kanab in 1931 created additional stresses thereafter, a final date of termination was set upon both the Southern Paiute and Mormon for February 21, 1957 (Holt 1992:82). As a populations (Bradley 1999:206). result of this legislation, the Southern Pai- utes of Utah lost additional land, federal Under the leadership of John Collier, the services, and the garden and farming enter- Indian Reoganization Act repealed the prises that had previously guaranteed them a Dawes Act, and made provisions for the measure of autonomy and self-sufficiency self-governance of tribes and the mainte- (Holt 1992:87). nance of tribal lands. However, amongst the Southern Paiutes of Utah only the Kanash After the termination of the Southern Paiutes and Shivwits groups accepted the tenants of of Utah had been effected in 1957, the in- the Indian Reorganization Act (Holt digenous people of the Eastern and Western 1992:58). As a result, the full impacts of re- Yanawant Territories were faced with a new form were only partially instituted amongst series of obstacles. In addition to the loss of the indigenous people of Utah. In addition, lands through taxation, they were seriously as many of the Southern Paiutes of the East- impacted by diminished access to health ern Yanawant Territories lacked federal care, training, and legal protection (Holt recognition, they were not directly affected 1992:98) by these reforms. The Southern Paiutes of the Yanawant Terri- After WWII, the pendulum on Federal In- tories also faced health problems ranging dian Policy swung towards the termination from extreme malnutrition amongst infants of the trust status between Indian tribes and to tuberculosis and obesity. Both sanitation the federal government. In addition, Indians and sewage problems also exacerbated were to be relocated to urban centers, a health problems amongst these groups (Holt claims commission would be created to liq- 1992:102). In addition, a lack of sufficient uidate all Indian land claims, and the BIA educational opportunities made it difficult would be progressively eliminated (Holt for many Southern Paiutes to establish eco-

nomic independence. As a result of insuffi- ern Paiutes. However, despite a return to cient training, many of the job opportunities policies based on reformation and increased afforded to the Southern Paiutes were fre- tribal autonomy, the Utah Southern Paiutes’ quently low paying and/or seasonal in efforts to establish a land base sometimes nature. met with the open opposition of members from the Anglo community. In contrast, the Over the next two decades, the Southern community offered much greater support for Paiutes of the Eastern Yanawant Territories efforts to enact the Southern Paiute Restora- received little attention from the federal tion, which entailed no overt changes in the government. With the exception of a pro- resource distribution of the immediate gram instituted by the University of Utah, community. whose primary purpose was to assimilate Southern Paiutes into Anglo society, the Beginning in 1981, the Southern Paiutes of Southern Pauites received little assistance Utah hired consultants from CH2H Hill and that would sustain the health, economy, or priorities were established for securing an culture of these groups on a long-term basis. appropriate land base for their reservation. In addition to “provid(ing) a land base”, the Since the 1970s, federal policy directed to- planners emphasized generating income for wards the restoration and revitalization of the tribe and its members through job devel- the Southern Paiute communities has gradu- opment, “management experience” and ally begun to take effect. In 1978 Larry “services to the tribe.” The provision of EchoHawk drafted legislation designed to “special lands with cultural or traditional regain federal recognition for the Southern values as tribal gathering places” was also Paiutes of Utah (Holt 1992:132). Over the emphasized as a high priority (Holt following year many Southern Paiutes pub- 1992:136). licly voiced strong support for the Paiute restoration as well as the re-creation of a The Southern Paiutes experienced many set land base (Holt 1992:133). After extensive backs in the process of finding and acquiring lobbying, “the Restoration Act, Public Law- a new land based. After selecting five sites 96-227, was signed by President Carter and that were vigorously contested by private became law on April 3, 1980” (Holt and corporate representatives from the An- 1992:134). glo communities, they finally settled on a piece of BLM land one third the size al- In some respects the policies underlying lowed for in Restoration legislation, and federal-Indian relations between 1970 and lacking the potential for economic develop- the present harken back to the Indian Reor- ment through either agriculture or mining. ganization Act. Support for ideas expressed “On February 17, 1984, President Reagan by John Collier as “self tribal government” signed H.R. 2898, transferring 4,770 acres and the “protection of Indian lands” are of land to be held in the trust of various Pai- presently expressed as “Indian self- ute bands and authorizing a trust of $2.5 determination” and “government-to- million” (Holt 1992:146). government relations” (Holt 1992:125). Though the restoration and acquisition of a Collectively, these values have become of land base signal definitive improvements for paramount importance in defining relations the present and future welfare of the South- between the federal government and South- ern Paiutes of Utah, some of Southern

Paiutes of the Yanawant Territories still ex- In the next chapter, we evaluate the ethnog- perience themselves as “strangers in (their) raphy and ethnohistory of these sites prior to own land” (cited in Holt 1992:127). Private their appropriation by private individuals individuals, stock raising corporations, and and corporations. Drawing on the works of the national park service now exercise do- Isabell Kelly (1971) and her Southern Paiute minion over regions previously occupied by consultants, the original occupation of these Southern Paiutes of the Eastern Yanawant regions as well as the connections between Territories for thousands of years. Though particular Southern Paiutes and the land, access to these places varies, a high percent- perennial springs, natural vegetation, ani- age of the sites upon perennial streams are mals, and neighboring groups is elaborated now partitioned off as private property, and in greater detail. thus gated, locked, and inaccessible.

CHAPTER THREE Unpacking Kelly

Introduction Those conducting the current study of the In addition to writing Southern Paiute Eth- Grand Staircase-Escalante are in the unique nography (1934), Kelly published position to draw upon the extensive and de- Ethnography of the Surprise Valley Paitue tailed ethnographic information of people (1932) and Southern Paiute Shamanism and places previously recorded in the writ- (1939). In the words of Kelly, she utilized an ings of Isabel Kelly. Due to the wealth of ethnographic style that was “telegraphic” information available through these writ- and “unabashedly of the how-was-it-in your- ings, we center this chapter on Kelly’s grandfather’s day approach” (Kelly original texts. In order to make Kelly’s ob- 1971:iii). Her approach reflects the pre- servations most useful for the current dominant intellectual climate of the day, as analysis of the GSE/NM we have cross- well as the scholars with whom she studied. referenced original observations with materials that have become available since the Given the opportunity, scholars of today time when Kelly’s original data was first might approach Kelly’s work from vantages assembled for publication. that diverge markedly from the original. However, despite changes in intellectual We supplement Kelly’s data with 1) inter- currents, Kelly’s ethnographic data of the views conducted with contemporary Paiute Southern Paiute of the Grand Staircase- people, 2) census data used to develop fam- Escalante provides a wealth of information ily linkages with the past, and 3) data regarding the existence of those who occu- collected via GIS that allows us to map rela- pied a cultural landscape that extends from tionships to and between places. Finally, we the present back through both historic and include the modern concept of cultural land- prehistoric periods. scapes, as well as documents that were generally unavailable to Kelly during the We have entitled this chapter Unpacking time in which she wrote. Kelly because the text presented in Isabel Kelly’s (1971) Southern Paiute Ethnogra- While still a graduate student in the Depart- phy is very close to her original field notes, ment of Anthropology at Berkley, Isabel and thus organized more or less as she col- Kelly began collecting ethnographic data lected the information. Fortunately, she upon the Southern Paiute of southern Utah, organized much of her text around a natural northern Arizona, southeastern California, resource theme similar to the organization of and southeastern Nevada. Though she gath- the present report. Thus, we “unpack” ered her original ethnographic field notes in Kelly’s report simply by providing an exe- 1932, they were not assembled for publica- gesis of information on where people were tion until 1933 and 1934. living and what people were doing at the

turn of the century, while also incorporating and water in Southern Paiute culture. Next, data from other relevant sources. In order to we examine the particular springs within the understand the ethnographic information set GSE/NM, the people who owned and cared forth in Kelly’s (1971) Southern Paiute Eth- for these places, and the ways in which their nography it is essential to note the absolute lives were woven into the greater cultural centrality of water. landscape.

In the desert, water is life. In response to the Rivers, Springs and Water in Southern centrality of water, The Southern Paiutes of Paiute Culture the Grand Staircase-Escalante developed elaborate methods for balancing the needs of The River as a Source of Life the people with the possibilities of the envi- Some elders of the San Juan Southern Paiute ronment. Prior to the arrival of tribe shared one of the most moving and re- Euroamericans, control of water resources vealing observations about a river and the within the Grand Staircase-Escalante rested valleys where it travels. The observation in the hands of Southern Paiute males who was made after the first year's fieldwork were frequently the heads of families, chiefs, with them and members of two other South- or shamans. ern Paiute tribes, the Kaibab and Shivwits tribes. After the death of one of these individuals, the ownership and control of perennial These elders wanted to express some general streams often transferred to the eldest son, or sentiments about the place called Pia- to the most closely related male. In addition paxa'uipi, and the 300-mile journey they to exercising control over perennial streams, had just taken through this place by floating designated male personages determined the down the Colorado River. In Paitue Pia- settlement patterns of entire communities, as paxa'uipi means Big River Canyon. well as the best strategies to employ to pro- Amongst many readers, this place is also cure plant and animal resources. known as the Grand Canyon.

Kelly’s Kaibab consultants indicated that the The river there is like our veins. people who owned and occupied the various Some are like the small streams and springs within the Grand Staircase-Escalante tributaries that run into the river frequently interacted with each other, thus there. So the same things; it's like making the region a sub-area with multiple blood--it's the veins of the layers of connection. Physical, socio- world...This story has been carried political, and ceremonial connections helped down from generation to generation. to shape the cultural landscape as well as the It's been given to them by the old lives of its participants. people...it would be given to the new generation, too...(San Juan Southern Since the present chapter centers upon peo- Paiute elder, interviewed about the ple whose existences were intimately tied Colorado River at Willow Springs, the natural environment of the GSE/NM, we September 27, 1993 in Stoffle 1992). begin by contextualizing the relationship between Southern Paiutes and the water re- Springs As Family Places sources of this region. First we provide There was a time, not too long ago, when information on the role of the river, springs, the question "Where is your water?" when

asked of a Paiute elder would elicit an an- rocks are alive and have distinct personali- swer about where his family traditionally ties. Like people, some are stronger, some lived. According to Dan Bulletts, a Kaibab have special skills, and all can either be Paiute elder, this was for his generation a convinced to share this power or be inadver- culturally appropriate way to find out the tently insulted and become angry. Children place where Paiute people "came from". are taught that if they speak too loud while You would get a much different answer to on a mountain it may cause them to lose the question "Where do you live?" This is so their way. If you take a rock, crystal, or min- because most Paiute people have been eral without its permission it may hurt you. forced off of what they perceive is their traditional family land and they now live elsewhere. This, by the way, was the first Paiute cultural explanation for why radioactivity hurts It was one of those neat moments for a humans; that is, because it is an angry rock. young anthropologist who asked a Paiute When Paiute children are taken to the Colo- elder “Where is your water?" The elder rado River they are taught not to speak too smiled in reply and began telling the young loud or to throw rocks into it. Angered, it anthropologist where his family lands were can take you away from your family. Prop- located. After more than twenty years and erly talked to however, the Colorado River hundreds of interviews with Paiute elders can give you life and health, by serving as a the same anthropologist continued to ask, place of medicine and ceremony. In these “Where is your water?” However, rather observations, we see in detail the compo- than losing its poignancy over time, the nents that make up the general metaphor that question "Where is your water?" had only was shared by the San Juan Paiute elders - begun to reveal its depth. the river is the blood and veins of the earth.

The Meaning and Power of Water Through these shared insights, Paiute elders The cultural importance of water was further reveal an understanding of water as a living revealed through a practice of some Paiute being. In particular, rivers, as well as one’s families of gathering a bucket of water and proximity to rivers can be important. A then presenting and praying over before eat- medicine plant has a power to cure, but this ing. Those prayers, usually said in Paiute, power is greater if it is growing near to the are like conversation with another person; Colorado River. A red paint is sacred, but it thanking them for providing life to the fam- is somehow more sacred because it comes ily members. After the prayer, each family from next to the Colorado River. member may drink from a common ladle filled with the water. The ceremony is not A curing rock is strong and unique, but one unlike Christians thanking god for life and that lives in the middle of the Colorado taking communion. Amongst the Paiutes River is perhaps the strongest currently water has never been taken casually. known. A woman's curing ceremony can be held anywhere, but Paiute people con- In another context, Kaibab Paiute elders structed a curing house in an isolated area gathered to explain the deep significance of right next to the Colorado River, thus requir- knowing that all things are alive. During this ing an enormously difficult climb and group meeting, these elders explained that lengthy travel from the nearest living area mountains, rivers, minerals, and even small

for the patient and curing ceremony partici- leys of the Colorado River are the body of pants. the river. Valleys channel water into streams that join the Colorado River, they feed the When attacked and defeated in other por- river, they are the river. Valleys with tions of their traditional lands, Paiute people streams that join other rivers belong to those moved to regions of refuge along and in side rivers. Thus valleys that constitute the wa- canyons of the Colorado River, which pro- tershed of the Colorado River are, in a real tected them. When the chaos of social and sense, its’ body. environmental change threatened to over- whelm Indian tribes of the region, together The body of a river is bounded. What is in- hundreds of them danced the Ghost Dance side contributes to its unique qualities, what ceremony near the Colorado River to bring is outside serves as contrast. Given that a on the millenarian destruction of the Euro- watershed is one of the defining characteris- peans intruders. tics of a river, we could also use the term ecosystem to describe the body of a river. The large volumes of white and red paint As an ecosystem, the body of the river is not needed by the Ghost Dancers probably came totally self contained or insulated. For ex- from along the Colorado River or from de- ample, animals, birds, and people regularly posits in its side canyons. The salt and bird move in and out of the ecosystem. Yet, even funeral songs, which when sung by friends with these movements and changes, there and family carry Paiute people to the land of remains something unique about each river, the afterlife, come from a cave in the Grand its associated valleys, and the things that oc- Canyon. The point of crossing to the land of cur within its body. the afterlife is perceived by some as being in the Grand Canyon near the Colorado River. There is a more technical term for talking What does it mean, then, for something to be about a river and its body called Riverine near the Colorado River? It means every- Cultural Landscape. This term is more de- thing - even life itself. scriptive of what we are discussing here because it places the emphasis on the Indian If we consider again the San Juan Paiute people who live, use, perceive, and attach metaphor of the Colorado River as the veins themselves to the river and its body, but still of the earth, then we are tempted to extend included the biotic and abiotic features of this perception and to conclude that the val- the ecosystem.

Components of A Riverine Cultural Landscape

What is special about a Riverine Cultural Water is the source of life, not only Landscape? Below is a set of answers to this as an elementary element, but also as a se- question. Some of these have been discussed ries of living forces, beings, which help briefly above, but we need to go into more create and sustain life. detail if we hope to both argue for and develop a model of such places. Water takes many forms, each with its own potentials for helping or harming humans Water is a Source of Life. and the plant and animals that sustain them.

Water is Associated with Spectacular and hanging valleys are examples of Geology. such places. During the historic period Rivers cut geologically dramatic can- Indian groups used particular regions yons, and waterfalls electrify the air with water for refuge. Due to European around them as well as provide spectacu- encroachment more accessible watering lar views. Sunlight interacts with water areas were frequently stressed by the to produce rainbows, which are them- multiple demands that growing hetero- selves, another life form. Hot springs geneous populations placed on create multicolored environments that accessible waters. Geographically inac- are both attractive and healthy for hu- cessible areas only became regions of mans. refuge when sufficient water was presence to sustain the lives of the Indian * Spectacular geology is often associ- groups. ated with exposed mineral deposits that include clays used for medicine, Water Creates Riverine Oases. salt used for food, and hematite pig- Rivers begin where there is abundant ment used for ceremony. rainfall but then flows for hundreds of miles into and through arid regions. Riv- Water Demonstrates its Power. ers can create ribbon oases that sustain The Navajo people call violent summer life for plants and animals that otherwise rains “male rains” in order to indicate could not be in the more arid region. that they have different characteristics than the more gentle “female rains” of * Riverine oases serve as flyways winter. Floods from rivers enrich some for birds and migration routes for sand-based deltas associated with the animals moving from one ecosys- river basin while destroying animals, tem to another. There are animals plants, and eroding other places in the that would otherwise neither be river basin. Flash floods appear where present in more arid regions nor little rain has fallen and, having directly be so concentrated making them interacted with the land elsewhere, move highly accessible to humans. great quantities of earth as well as water. Flooding tends to modify the landscape Water Influences Human Society. in ways impossible for humans to con- Water can be both a source of social in- ceive, and do so beyond human control. tegration and separation.

* Violent rain events are associated * Rivers are a source of travel for hu- with lighting and wind, which are mans, thus permitting frequent and also powerful forces. rapid communication and the forma- * Water can disappear and reap- tion of more complex and pear many miles away, giving widespread social systems. evidence of its willful nature. * Rivers may serve as a natural bound- Water-Canyons Serve As Regions of ary between different ethnic groups, Refuge. thus rivers may be places of either Water creates certain places that are dif- interethnic competition or coopera- ficult to gain access to. Deep canyons tion.

fore the dam broke, some of the spirits * Rivers can be located in the geo- worked with the water to drown swim- graphical center of societies, far mers. removed from the outer boundaries of ethnic group territory Water Babies. A powerful spirit called Water Babies * The control of water can become an live in various types of water. organizing feature of society, especially when it is used in irrigated Large Guard Snakes. farming. In past times, large snakes lived with and protected water sources. When Eu- * Human population density was roamericans killed the snakes, the water higher along waterways, thus settle- became angry and disappeared. ments there tended to be the center of human life in the region. Water Fights Fire. Water battles fire, but fire can defeat wa- Other Forces' Response to Water ter. An example of the latter occurance exists in the story of when rabbit burned Water Spirits. the creosote-bush (Larrea tridentata) Spirits associated with Southern Paiute and pushed back the oceans so the sun burials normally prefer to remain where could dry the land. they were originally placed. In southern Utah, when the impounded waters of Great Creation Floods. Quail Creek Dam covered a series of Water can extinguish all life in great Southern Paiute burials, their spirits dis- floods, forcing life to both save itself and liked being covered with water and remake itself by moving to a new crea- burrowed through the bottom of the tion plane. earthen dam causing it to collapse. Be-

Developing a Policy-Relevant Model So what does this all mean? Of what use is the valley. Unless the agency can devise a it? To begin with, this model should be use- way to eliminate the dam or to create more ful for helping American Indian people rain over the valley, the agency may not be convey their cultural concerns to some able to act in a manner that fixes the prob- agency that plans to use or is using a river- lem. On the other hand, if the tribal elders ine cultural landscape. Furthermore, the can conduct prayers that will return balance model should help the agency land managers to the ecosystem and the agency permits focus on those aspects of the ecosystem- such remedial actions, then the rain issue cultural resource interface, which can rea- may be resolved. sonably be controlled or influenced. In another instance, Indian people may be- For example, the Indian people who are tra- lieve that certain places along a river are ditionally tied to a riverine ecosystem that is being impacted by patterns of water release being used by a federal agency may believe from a dam. Modifying how water is re- that damming the river has caused the leased tends to be within the engineering weather to change, thus drying the plants in capacity of the dam operators, however, it

may be economically or politically impossi- agency actions. Once this is known, the ble to do. In both of these cases, it is agency or the Indian people can undertake necessary to understand the Indian perspec- specific actions aimed at remedying the tive of what is in the riverine cultural problem. landscape and how this can be influenced by

Springs of the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument

The inhabitants of the GSE/NM lived in a desert home, wherein water remained a key delicately balanced ecosystem. Within this phenomenon upon which all life hinged. environment, water, earth, plants, animals, and people engaged in constantly shifting The majority of the population that previ- yet carefully choreographed exchanges. The ously resided in the GSE /NM lived in areas success of the Southern Paiute inhabitants below 7000 feet where climatic conditions rested upon a thorough knowledge of their were less severe than conditions at higher elevations noted for heavy snowfall. The Below we list the springs and watering middle and lower tiers of lands are arid, with places identified by Kelly and her consult- some perennial streams. Streams located at ants, followed by a more in-depth analysis the base of plateaus and cliffs determined of the ethnographic materials, cultural land- the positioning of permanent settlements scape, kinship ties, and archival information occupied on a seasonal basis (Kelly 1971:2). relating to each site.

Figure 3.1. Natural Spring, GSENM.

Table 3.1. Places Having Springs 1 Kanavic Willow; Sheep Trough Spring [?] 2 Togoavac Rattlesnake Water 3 Sovipac Cottonwood Water 4 Siiumpac Yellow, Gray [?] Water 5 Atankwinti Sand Stream; Canaan or Cottonwood Spring [?] 6 Sovinokwint [Cottonwood Stream; Short Creek] 7 Muivac [Mosquito Water] 8 Paganktonic [Cane Knoll [?] or Cane Beds [?]; Sapir, 1930, 604-5] 9 Ovac [Salt; Alkali Water] 10 Mi tin-wogaip-paganti 11 Mi tinwava [Point of Hill; Pipe Spring; Sapir, 1930, 570] 12 Pacpikaina [Water Bubbling Up; Moccasin Spring; Sapir, 1930, 597] 13 Tinkanivac [Cave Water; Antelope Spring, southwest of Pipe Spring] 14 Kacoapac [End of Water; 1 [?] mile north of Mocassin Spring]/ 15 Pavuavac [Sapir, 1930 598, Pavu a-vaac; Point Spring, 2 mi. northeast of Moccasin Spring] 16 Pawiavac [Mud Water] 17 Soviwinincic [Cottonwod Standing Up] 18 Uwantic [Rain, because water sprays off rocks; called also Patituatic, Water Sprinkling] 19 Anavac [Black-Ant Water] 20. Tinkanivac [Cave Water] 21 Skumpac [Rabbit-Brush Water; Rigg Spring] 22 Tonovac [Greasewood Water; Sapir, 1930, 598, Tono-vaac] 23 Samiapac, Nacimipac [Pebble Water; Cottonwood Spring] 24 Siivac [Squawbush Water; Sapir, 1930, 598, Sii-vaac] 25 Sawavac [Sagebrush Water] 26 Kanariuipi [Willow Canyon; Kanab Creek; Sapir, 1930, 629, Kanari-uipi] 27 Ciakwiavac Oak [var.] Spring] 28 Oavac [Salt Water] 29 Tiavac [Serviceberry Water; has another name, which G does not remember] 30 Johnson Creek [Canyon; name not recorded] 31 Na avac [Lone Spring] 32 Muiatic [Said to refer to nose; a lake east of Johnson Canyon] 33 Pagawipi [Cane Canyon] 34 Ipa [Old Water; Navajo Well; about 1 mi. south of Vermilion Cliffs] 35 Tupac [Black Water; about 3 mi. east of 34] 36 Mu kovac [Rock [?] Water]

Table 3.1. Places Having Springs, Continued 37 Kamuwac [Rabbit Water] 38 Panwiavac [Panwiavac] 39 Kanawaic [Willow Hanging Down] 40 Kanarimpiku [Knoll [?]; reference apparently to willow] 41 Tinkanivac [Cave Water] 42 Ciampivac [Wild-Rose Water] 43 Si ivac [Squawbush Water] 44 Sovpac [Cottonwood Water; 16- Mile Spring [?]] 45 Kakarimpac [Quail Water] 46 Sovpac [Cottonwood Water] 47 Piki-pa [Rotten Water] 48 Atavac [Sand Water] 49 Wigimpac [Vulva Spring] 50 Pagari [Reservoir; apparently a pot-hole] 51 Timpiku [Rock Hole] 52 Kanankwicic [Willow Run] 53 Si ivac [Squawbush Water; on eastside of Houserock Valley, above Kaibab Gulch] 54 Pagampaci [Cane Water; east side Houserock Valley, south of Kaibab Gulch] 55 Kankwi, Knakwic [Water Singing; Houserock Spring. A small spring across valley, at eastern base Kaibab Plateau called Miapikankwi, little Kankwi] 56 Mukuvac [Mukwi [Mukwic] – Water] 57 Wancitkunava [Antelope Point Spring; halfway up Vermilion Cliffs] 58 Sikiava [Fissure] 59 Oarinkanivac [Salt-Cave Water, Cane Ranch, east base of Kaibab Plateau] 60 Tumaranpaganti [From the plant Timari, Stanleya) 61 Winorumpac [Arrowhead Water; not a running spring; “just a damp spot”] 62 Uinpikavoc [Pine Tree Pot-Hole; Well up on cliffs; apparently Jacobs Pools]

63 Panwiavac [Mud Water; very little water; at base of cliffs beneath 62] 64 Inatopac [Badger-Hold Water] 65 Sovinokwicic [Cottonwood Running; Soap Creek] 66 Tiraupankwicic [Level-Ground-Water Running; probably Badger Creek]

Table 3.1. Places Having Springs, Continued 67 Pagampiaganti [Pagampi, Cane; Cane Ranch, east base of Kaibab Plateau] 68 Kwiavac [Oak water; not definitely located but semmingly in the De Motte region, on Kaibab Plateau] 69 Ogontinava [Water Under Pine Tree; Sapir, 1930, 598, Ogo-ntirina-va [Fir-Butt Spring] Sapir lists a spring called Maanavu [thorn] north of 69, at site of Coconin mining camp] 70 Paiyampagati [Water Halfway Up Hill] 71 Pagwuiacpikanti [From Gambel Oak; in canyon just north of Mangum Spring] 72 Piacampipkwitic [Locust Stream; Mangum Spring; Sapir: Piaicapinukwint [Oak [var.] – Spring]. 73 Ankapi [Red Spot; Big Spring; Sapir: Ankapu: Reddish] 74 Mo onticivac [Owl Head Water; Sapir, 1930, 598, Moontocivaac [Humming-Bird- Head Spring]; Sapir lists this between 72 and 73] 75 Maavawiniti [Tree in Water] 76 Sinavac [Coyote Water] 77 Sagwogo acpa Tobacco Water

The Southern Paiutes with whom Kelly gular message suggesting that the heart of worked with in 1932 designated the previ- the Kaibab lifeworld is water. ously listed springs as central to the lives of the people who occupied the lands of the The centrality of water served as a founda- GSE/NM traditionally, aboriginally, and his- tion of traditions, settlement strategies, torically. Kelly’s Kaibab consultants subsistence activities, and the knowledge included: "Captain George, Mose, Adam, bases through which the Kaibab Southern and his sister, Sarah Frank. Miscellaneous Paiute explained the phenomenal as well as information was also provided by others, the supernatural worlds. The importance of particularly Minnie Tom, an elder who was water is confirmed in the origin stories of born in Cedar territory to a Cedar Father and the desert dwelling Southern Paiutes a Kabaib mother, and who lived for many wherein Ocean Woman (Hutsipamamau ?u) years amongst the Kaibab Southern Paiutes" and water exist in the place of beginnings. (Kelly1971: 3). Connections between the Southern Paiutes Through her work with experts detailing the and the delicately balanced ecosystem of the traditions, ideas, and histories of the Kaibab, GSE/NM have often centered upon relation- Kaiparowits, and San Juan, Kelly sought to ships to water sources. In this chapter we develop a greater understanding of the sub- have chosen to follow the lead of Kelly’s sistence practices and domestic economies consultants who used the perennial springs underscoring Southern Paiute society. While throughout the Grand Staircase-Escalante as the ethnographic materials gathered herein a descriptive basis for explaining the lives reveals information consistent with the re- and practices of their ancestors. The Kaibab search questions posed by Kelly, these Southern Paiutes frequently lived near consultants also consistently relayed a sin- springs along the Vermilion Cliffs of the

Grand Staircase-Escalante. In conjunction springs identified by Kelly’s consultants, the with the resources available in the valleys permanent settlements that arose in these and the Kaibab and Paunsaugunt Plateaus, places, and the kinship structures of its oc- this land provided them with all of the mate- cupants. In addition, we present cultural rials necessary to sustain life, build landscapes detailing webs of connection communities, develop botanical, medicinal, amongst the people, places, plants, and ani- astronomical, and ceremonial knowledge, mals whose lives constantly created new and practice cherished traditions. fabrics of interchange as a result of their re- liance upon these life-giving waters. Most of the perennial springs along the Finally, we provide ethnographic informa- Vermilion Cliffs served as permanent places tion and descriptions from archival research of settlement. In addition, the early South- that shed further light upon the ways in ern Paiutes regularly utilized particular which particular springs were used in the regions for camping, social gatherings, and lives of the Kaibab Southern Paiutes of the both food and resource procurement. GSE/NM. In the following accounts, we describe the .

Figure 3.2. Ethnographer, Richard Stoffle and Tribal Consultant, Ila Bullets

Pa pa-ya-nti [Places Having Springs]

In the ethnographic works of Kelly (1971), mentioned by Kelly’s consultants are not the Kaibab District is subdivided into areas included within these sub-regions. In order designating particular clusters of springs to provide the most complete presentation of owned and occupied by certain Southern this information, we have included all of the Paiute people. Unfortunately, some of the springs originally mentioned by the experts springs and areas of occupation that are with whom Kelly worked. To accomplish

this goal we have renamed the sub-regions winti (5), Sovinokwint (6), Muivac (7), and of Kaibab ‘Areas A-K’. We have also in- Paganktonic (8) also regularly convened to cluded Kelly’s classifications at the end of gather pinenuts at Togoavac (Rattlesnake each citation. Kelly lists each spring by site Water, 1) and Siiumpac (Yellow, Gray [?] number. In the case of springs that fall into Water, 3). the sub-regions defined by Kelly the sites are delineated by Roman numerals as well. Documents Written information regarding Kanavic (1), AREA A Togoavac (2) and Sovipac (3) is not avail- Kanavic (Sheep Trough Spring), Togoavac able at this time. (Rattlesnake Water), & Sovipac (Cotton- wood Water) (1-3) AREA B Springs along the Vermilion Cliffs, East General Informational Status of these sites: of Mocassin Spring (I: 4-13)

• Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: General Informational Status of these sites: Habitat and Population • Cultural Landscape: There is no in- • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: formation available at this time. Habitat and Population; Sapir • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly 1930:608 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Popula- • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; tion Chapter 1: Habitat and Population; • Documents: Additional documents Sapir 1930:598 are not available at this time. • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Popula- Specific Informational Status of these sites: tion; Stoffle et al. 1997:191-200. • Documents: See Kelly 1939: “South- Kinship ern Paiute Shamanism.” According to Kelly (1971:10) Kanavic (1), Togoavac (2), and Sovipac (3) were not used Kinship as permanent settlements. Therefore, the Cana, whose name means ‘Bull Lizard,’ kinship ties of particular Southern Paiute owned the Siiumpac (4), Atankwinti (5), So- people are not specified for these sites. vinokwint (6), Muivac (7), and Paganktonic Springs (8). Cana was a shaman, as was his Cultural Landscape brother Mimitanavi. Both Mimitanavi (Head Information regarding the relationship of Bent Back) and a second married brother Kanavic (1), Togoavac (2), and Sovipac (3) resided at camps in proximity to Cana’s to other places is not available at this time. home.

Ethnographic Interviews Just southeast of these sites dwelled a man Kelly maintains that the Southern Paiutes of known as Oavanapun (Alkali Man). Oava- Escalante used Kanavic (1) on a seasonal napun also lived as a shaman. He was the basis. Each year, people went to Kanavic (1) father of five sons, and the owner of Ovac to gather botanical resources including (9). It is unknown whether this site, whose pinenuts, and possibly materials for weaving name means ‘Salt or Alkali Water’, was as well. Residents of Siiumpac (4), Atank- named after its owner, or whether Oavanpun

inherited this spring, and thus acquired his Mi tin-wogaip-paganti (10) consisted of two name. Oavanapun and his five sons resided or three settlements located at base of the at six separate camps located in the region of cliffs on either side of Pacpikaina (Mocassin Oavac Spring, 12). Mi tin-wogaip-paganti (10), Mi tinwava (11), and Pacpikaina (12) were the The local chief, Pacakwi, whose name sites of permanent settlements occupied on a means ‘To Be or To Get Wet’ (Sapir, 1930, seasonal basis, and were reputed for offering 608), owned settlements Mi tin-wogaip- excellent water supplies. paganti (10), Mi tinwava, (Pipe Spring, 11) and Pacpikaina (Mocassin Spring, 12). These residents visited with neighbors at Pacakwi had a son, Tompocoaroc, who was Tinkanivac (Antelope Spring, 13) most of known as a rattlesnake shaman. In a separate the year. In addition to wintering with their camp, resided Pacakwi's unmarried brother, neighbors at Tinkanivac, they went with Katavi. them to the Colorado Canyon west of Kanab Canyon in order to gather mescal. On this Puisari whose name means 'Eye Dog' journey they would camp one night en route, owned the nearby spring, Tinkanivac (Ante- and head towards the rim of the Grand Can- lope Spring, 13). Puisari was married to A yon the following morning. After arriving, nawanc whose name means ‘Badger Breast’. they stayed there for approximately one They lived with their four sons, one daugh- month. ter, and Puisari's older sister's son, who was an unmarried man named Ma apituku While there they used caves for shelter and (Painted Hip). Ma apituku was reportedly mescal, cactus (Tasi) and juniper berries for the brother of the consultant Captain sustenance. They continued their occupation George’s father. of these places into the summer, and harvested seeds along the flats by Tinkanivac. Cultural Landscape At the end of summer, they returned to their According to Kelly (1971), Siiumpac (4), own springs, whereupon they began gather- Atankwinti (5), Sovinokwint (6), Muivac (7), ing pinenuts on mesa on top of Vermilion and Paganktonic (8) were primary sites for Cliffs. Pinion trees were reportedly scarce in pinenut gathering. In addition, Sovinokwint that area. In the fall, the people from springs (Cottonwood Stream, 6) served as a place 4-8, 9, 10 and 13, united for hunting trips for harvesting seeds in the summer. While which took place on the Kaibab Plateau. gathering pinenuts on the mesa to the northwest, people used water from People from Mi tin-wogaip-paganti (10), Mi Togoavac (2) and Sovipac (3). The residents tinwava (11), and Pacpikaina (12) almost from settlements 4-8 joined with people continuously occupied Tinkanivac (13). In from the neighboring springs, (9-13) for addition, people from an unlocated spring, hunting trips upon the Kaibab Plateau. Wa akaari (Juniper Knoll; Yellowstone Spring, somewhere northwest of 13) (Sapir, People occupied the site of Oavac (9) con- 1930, 598, w akaririmpa, cedar knoll spring) tinuously. However, they made occasional regularly gathered at Tinkanivac, and joined trips to the Kaibab Plateau. In addition, they others for mescal gathering and deer hunt- went to the Colorado Canyon in the winter ing. and spring in order to gather mescal.

Ethnographic Interviews (15), which is located about two miles Extensive interviewing has been conducted northeast of Mocassin, Uwantic (Rain or on the Kaibab Paiute people’s connections Water Sprinkling) (18) and Anavac (Black to the physical and cultural landscape of Ant Water, 19). After widowed, Topi lived Pipe Springs (Mi tinwava). These interviews alone. His wife, Toci ac had been a shaman. are available in Chapter 6 of the Ethno- Her name means ‘Gray Hair’ or Toci-a-c, graphic Overview and Assessement: Zion which translates as ‘Head-Having’ (Sapir National Park, Utah and Pipe Spring Na- 1930: 689). tional Monument, Arizona (Stoffle et al. 1997). The shaman, Yi ni m u, or ‘Bald-Headed’ owned two other springs known as Tinkani- Documents vac (Cave Water, 20) and Skumpac (Rabbit- Among the Kaibab Paiutes, Kelly (1939) Brush Water; Rigg Spring, 21). He was also identified twenty shamans, of whom two called Nankanpi ia, ‘Hairy Ear’, and Takta, were women. Most shamans served as gen- meaning ‘English Doctor.’ He and his eral practitioners, however some Kaibab brother Mus both built houses near Tinkani- shamans specialized as rattlesnake shamans, vac. Mus lived there with wife and three and reportedly had the capacity to heal children. In a third house lived Mus' half- snakebites. In addition to serving as optimal brother, (first cousin), Sa atkawaiti (Doesn't regions for gathering botanical resources, a Eat Mush). Sa atkawaiti was also married large percentage of the people living at set- and had one son and one daughter. tlements (4-8) also practiced medicine. Of the four shamans in this area, one special- Cultural Landscape ized as a rattlesnake shaman. Both Kacoapac (14), which is located one mile north of Mocassin Spring at the base of AREA C: Springs along the Vermilion the cliffs, and Pawiavac (Mud Water, 16) Cliffs, Moccasin to Rigg Spring (II: 15-21) were formerly dry. The lack of ethnographic information about these springs suggests General Informational Status of these sites: that in the absence of water these two sites were not heavily utilized. • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Population; Sapir 1930:689 The other springs detailed in this sub-region • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; were intricately connected with other places. Chapter 1: Habitat and Population Seasonal movement of the families and • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly communites who owned these properties 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Population generally followed one of several patterns. and Stoffle et al.1980; Kaiparowits Coal Topi of (15) spent the summer at Pavuavac, Development and Transportation the fall at Anavac (19) and the winter at • Documents: There are no additional Uwantic (18). He gathered and prepared his documents available at this time. own seeds on the flats below the Vermilon Cliffs because he lived alone, and met with Specific Informational Status of these sites: people from Tinkanivac and Skumpac (20- 21) to hunt deer on top of the Vermilion Kinship cliffs. A widower named Topi (White) owned three springs including Pavuavac (Point Springs)

Sa atkawaiti and his family spent the winter Specific Informational Status of these sites: and spring at Tinkanivac (20) where Kelly noted five houses covered in juniper bark. In Kinship the summer, residents of this spring gather- We have consulted topographic maps for the ing seeds at the base of cliffs and obtained region and have found there is both a Navajo water from Tonovac (22), Samiapac (23), Springs and a Navajo Well (34). The Navajo and Siivac (24). Well is located on the southern border of Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monu- These areas were not privately owned. In- ment 1.5 miles west of the old bridge over stead, they appeared to be places where the dry and deep precipice of White Sage many people would go to gather seeds. So- Wash. viwinincic (17) was also a region that was used by many people for seed gathering, and Both sites served as regions of occupation it appears not to have been privately owned. for particular Southern Paiute groups. Be- In addition to gathering and harvesting mul- tween 1937 and 1938 Stewart (1941:239) tiple plants, the people of this district hunted consulted with a Southern Paiute woman deer on top of the Vermilion Cliffs. name Sarah Williams. At the time of the interview Sarah lived at Navajo Well. Stewart Ethnographic Interviews interviewed Sarah for one hour at this site Stoffle et al. (1980) conducted interviews on Stewart worked through an interpreter, Fred sites in Area C for the Kaiparowits Coal Bullets, whom Stewart found to be an excel- Development and Transportation Study. lent translator

Documents Another Southern Paiute individual alter- At this time there are no additional docu- nately called Kami onsoc (Tries to Strike ments on springs and settlements within Little Rabbits) and Kwicapa aku (Excrement Area C. on Thigh) owned and occupied Sawavac (Sagebrush Water, 25). Though Kami onsoc AREA D and his wife reportedly ‘stayed at Sawavac Springs in the vicinity of Kanab, East to all the time they were known to join others Navajo Well (III: 25-34) from Kanariuipi (Willow Canyon/ Kanab Creek, 26) to hunt deer. General Informational Status of these sites: A great number of people resided at • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: Kanariuipi (Willow Canyon; Kanab Creek, Habitat and Population; Stewart 26). In Camp 1 Chief Miapi (Little) lived 1941:239. with his wife, Cantuya (Slashed Forehead) • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971: and one child. They had other children who Chapter 1: Habitat and Population; had previously died from unspecified Sapir 1930:597 causes. The wife, Cantuya was a shaman. • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly Chief Miapi, the shaman Cantuya, and four 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Popula- others who were not relatives of the couple tion and Chapter 4 of this report. lived at this camp. Kipi (Elbow), his wife, • Documents: See Stewart 1941:239 two boys, and the orphaned child of Kipi's older brother resided in the second camp. At a third camp Sagovonkuic (Blue Spot on El-

bow) lived with his wife, one son, and two settlements at Johnson Creek (30) for the daughters. duration of Mentzelia (Ku u) seed gathering. While at Johnson Creek they also gathered A Southern Paiute man called Mancavait, or an unidentified root called Tsii, and in the ‘Waiving Hand’ owned the region compris- summer they visited Alton to gather and ing Johnson Creek (Canyon, 30), Na avac harvest Cicaganti Seeds (Balsa Morrhiza (Lone Spring, 31), Muiantic, the lake east of Sagitata). Johnson Creek (32), and Pagawipi (Cane Canyon, 33). Mancavait was married and In the fall they moved to cliffs above Three had one daughter and two sons. In addition, Lakes (Sapir, 1930, 597, Pa(i)- yu(u)gwi-ci, the orphaned son of Mancavait's brother water sitting) for Pasi (Artemisia) seeds and lived with Mancavait’s family. At a second pinenuts on top of Vermilion Cliffs). In ad- camp T oicikaipi (Gray Squirrel) lived alone dition, they sometimes hunted deer around with his wife, and had no children. Orderville during the fall and joined people from Ipa (Navajo Well) to hunt deer in the Cultural Landscape Kaibab Plateau. Before the snows they re- The settlements ranging along Kanab Creek turned towards with some people returning were used for both permanent and semi- to Na avac (31) or (26) Kanariuipi where permanent occupation. Kanab Creek re- they remained for the winter. mained of central importance because it . served as the primary source of water. The Ethnographic Interviews settlements along Kanab Creek are located For interviews conducted in this area, see on the later site of Kanab Village. There Chapter 4 of this report. were many important settlements in this area with numerous occupants. Documents In “Cultural Element Distributions: XVIII Kami onsoc and his wife owned and occu- Ute-Southern Paiute, Stewart (1941) pub- pied Sawavac (25) on a year-round basis. lished an anthropological report in which he The owners of other settlements along interviewed a 78 year old consultant from Kanab Creek regularly shifted their resi- Navajo Springs, Utah. Stewart spoke with dence at optimal times of the year. In the his consultant, Sarah Williams, through the summer months, the people from Kanariuipi expert interpreter Fred Bullets. (26) would move their residence to Ciak- wiavac (Oak [var.] Spring, 27), and return to Stewart also worked extensively with Mose, Kanariuipi in the winter. While living at Ci- who was alternately known as Bishop: an akwiavac spring, they gathered Tasiu Root eighty-year-old Paiute elder from Pari- (Peteria Thompsonae Wats). anunts. (Stewart 1941: 239). Mose had previously consulted with Isabel Kelly, and They remained at Ciakwiavac through June served as one of her primary interpreters of when the seeds ripened, and returned to Southern Paiute culture (Kelly 1971:13). Kanariuipi where they harvested the seeds. Many people from settlements at springs (26, 30-34, 53, 56 & 57) also stayed at Oavac (28) and Tiavac (29), particularly when they traveled to the Paria Plateau to procure food. Additionally, they occupied

AREA E more temperate zones of Kanab Creek and Alton Area on the Upper Kanab Creek, Glendale. A cyclical round of movement Foot of the High Plateaus (IV) with resources and climactic conditions continued throughout the year. In Area E we have included the Upper John- son Canyon, which is part of the Kanab In the spring, they returned to Panwavi, and Creek hydrological system, and in many ate food procured from the previous season. ways connected to the smaller region origi- With the ripening of seeds and the increased nally demarcated as Area IV in Kelly’s availability of fresh resources, the people maps from 1932. from these settlements began harvesting, preparing, and storing foods for another General Informational Status of these sites: year. Unlike the people living in the vicinity of Kanab and Navajo Well, those from Pan- • Kinship: See Kelly, 1971; Chapter 1: wavi did not hunt deer upon the Kaibab Habitat and Population Plateau, but rather restricted their hunting • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; activities to the more easily accessible Paun- Chapter 1: Habitat and Population saugunt Plateau. • Ethnographic Interviews: See Stoffle et al. 1997:187-191 Despite the utilization of different hunting • Documents: See Gregory 1951:19 grounds, the people of Kanab, Johnson Can- yon, and Navajo Well had regular contact Specific Informational Status of these sites: with those living in the Water Grass district. Those from the more southern sites visited Kinship Panwavi to gather serviceberries and high- Timpinapun (Rock man) who was also land seeds. called Yininapun (Bald-Headed Man) owned the springs of the Panwavi District. Tim- Ethnographic Interviews pinapun was a ‘little chief’ as well as a In 1997 ethnographic interviews were con- shaman. He lived with his wife and his son, ducted with experts from the Kaibab Takwasi (Eagle Tail) who was also a sha- Southern Paiute tribe. The results of inter- man. Timpinapun’s older sister’s son views from the Upper Kanab Creek are sometimes resided with the family as well. available in Chapter 6 of the Ethnographic Known as Poronapun (Walking Stick), the Overview and Assessment: Zion National nephew of Timpinapun practiced shamanic Park, Utah and Pipe Spring National healing too. Poronapun owned a spring to Monument, Arizona (Stoffle et al. 1997). the southeast of the present town of Alton, and near the foot of the Paunsaugunt Pla- Documents teau. This spring, known as Panwiavac or Gregory (1951:19) has examined the region ‘Mud Water’, was near enough in proximity in and surrounding Skutumpah. This place to Alton that he made regular trips there. served as a village site for certain Kaibab Southern Paiutes living in the GSENM. Sku- Cultural Landscape tumpah (Rabbit Brush Water) was chosen as The previous district was called Panwavi an optimal site for occupation because it (Water [?] Grass). It was located beneath the presented itself as “an excellent though present settlement of Alton. In the winter the small arable area” while also serving as an people of Alton moved their residence to the abundant source of water. Gregory claims

that on Powell’s Survey maps, the place of sites included: Tupac (35), Mu kovac (36), Skutumpah is recorded as Clarkston, thus Kamuwac (37), Panwiavac (38), Kanawaic suggesting that by at least 1870 non- (39), Kanarimpiku (40), Tinkanivac (41), indigenous people had begun encroaching Ciampivac (42), Si ivac (43), Sovpac (44), on these Paiute lands. Kakarimpac (45), and Sovap (46). People called Mose’s father, A piganti, meaning After Mormon settlers usurped these lands ‘Horn’. A piganti came from the Ninkuip from its Southern Paiute inhabitants, the people; those who were named in memory new arrivals established farms and ranches of the people killed in an Apache raid. A upon these lands. Gregory (1951) notes that piganti lived with his wife Kiaci (Mouth the Anglo ranches constructed in “Swallow Open) at a camp located at Sovpac (Cotton- Park . . . Podunk, Bullrush, Lick, Willis, wood Water, 44). Sheep, and other valleys along the south base of the Paunsaugunt Plateau. By 1951 They lived with two sons, of whom one these sites had either been completely aban- acted as Kelly’s consultant (Mose). In addi- doned or were only “used during the grazing tion, the unmarried brother of A piganti, season.” lived with the family. He was reportedly a chief ‘but not much of one’. Perhaps as a AREA F consequence of his unsatisfactory perform- Watering Places along the Vermilion ance, his title and responsibilities were later Cliffs, Wildcat Canyon, and Kaibab transferred to another brother. Gulch (V: 35-46) For purposes of the current study we have Kelly’s consultant identified four other combined the upper portion of Area F and camps located at Sovpac (44). At the second Upper G. We call this region the Upper An- camp lived another brother of A piganti, kati. known as Tukunimpi (Wildcat Feet). Tu- kunimpi married, and reportedly lived at General Informational Status of these sites: Sovpac, though his wife reportedly resided at Ipa (Navajo Well). This information sug- • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: gests that Tukunimpi probably moved Habitat and Population residences several times over the course of • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; his life. Chapter 1: Habitat and Population • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly Kaimu (from Kaiumpuc, meaning Hawk or 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Population; Grouse) headed a third camp in this district. Chapter 4 of this report. Kaimu was also a brother of A piguanti. He • Documents: Additional information is lived with his wife and her unmarried not available at this time. brother, Saroc. At the fourth camp located at Kanarimpiku (Knoll [?], 40) lived Saiturn Specific Informational Status of these sites: (White Spots) who was also related to A piguanti, though the type of relationship is Kinship never specified. Kelly’s consultants reported The father of Kelly’s consultant, Mose, different findings regarding Saiturn’s family owned a large region encompassing sites 35- life. He may have had a wife and son, 46, and had reportedly acquired these though another consultant states that he was springs through his father-in-law. These

unmarried. These findings suggest that Sai- we detail information relating to the site of turn may have been widowed. No Man’s Mesa.

Cultural Landscape Documents The sites along the Vermilion Cliffs as well Additional information on Area F is not as the surrounding vicinities were connected available at this time. through the life giving passages of water as well as their position within the canyon as a AREA G whole. The Southern Paiute name for this Ankati: Spring at the base of Paunsau- region is Ankati, which literally translates as gunt Plateau (VI: 47-52) ‘intersection of creeks’. Ankati refers to the region comprising Kanarimpiku (40) to the For purposes of the current study we have north of the White Cliffs and Kakarimpac combined the upper portion of Area F and (Kaibab Gulch, 45), which runs southeast Upper G. We call this region the Upper An- south from the Vermilion Cliffs, and even- kati. tually intersects with the Paria River. The General Informational Status of these sites: three intersecting canyons of Ankati include Kanarimpiku (Wildcat Canyon?), Sovpac • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: (Kitchen Canyon?) and Kiabakuwak Habitat and Population (Kitchen Creek Canyon?). • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Population Ethnographic Interviews • Ethnographic Interviews: See Chapter 4 Kelly’s information strongly suggests that of this report. movements between springs along the Ver- • Documents: See Gregory 1951:84; Shaul milion Cliffs, in Wildcat Canyon, and and Senarlson 1997:42 Kaibab Gulch were very finely orchestrated affairs. The chiefs of each group frequently Specific Informational Status of these sites: directed the seasonal movements between permanent settlements. Kinship Tapunapun owned Piki-pa (Rotten Water, In addition to relegating this responsibility 47), Atavac (Sand Water, 48), Wigimpac to an officially designated leader, the people (Vulva Spring, 49), Pagari (Reservoir/Pot from particular sites regularly met up with Hole, 50), Timpiku (Rock Hole, 51), and certain groups for hunting, food procure- Kanankwicic (Willow Run, 52). At one ment, and events that enhanced group point Tapunapun lived with his brother, O cohesiveness. The shifting of settlements in oisic, but later married, and changed resi- responses to climactic changes also allowed dence. Tanpunapun knew the people from particular Paiute people to attune themselves the springs along the Vermilion Cliffs, to slight environmental changes, and thus Wildcat Canyon, and Kaibab Gulch (35-46) establish a balanced relationship with their quite well. During the winter he would usu- environments. ally move in with them or move towards the base of the White Cliffs. In the summer of 2000, additional ethnographic interviews were conducted within Cultural Landscape Area H. In Chapter 4 of the current report Tapunapun lived at permanent settlements between sites 47 and 52 during the spring,

summer and fall. During the winter he consistent with Sapir: 1931:674, who notes moved to settlements between sites 35-46. that timpi means iron, stone, or rock. The land around sites 47-52 was reportedly sparsely populated. Kelly chose to present AREA H this area as a discrete region from the water- Upper Houserock Valley (Empty Basket- ing places along the Vermilion Cliffs, Ousuk?) (VII: 54) Wildcat Canyon, and Kaibab Gulch (35-46) because the residents of this area did not General Informational Status of these sites: mention traveling to the Kaibab Plateau to hunt deer, nor to Nankoweap to gather mes- • Kinship: See Kelly, 1971; Chapter 1: cal. Habitat and Population • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; Ethnographic Interviews Chapter 1: Habitat and Population Interviews were conducted in the summer of • Ethnographic Interviews: There are no 2000 at sites within the Upper Ankati, which interviews available at this time is comprised of the upper portions of Area G • Documents: See Escalante 1854:515; and Area F. A detailed description of this Bolton 1928:69 information is available in Chapter 4 of the current report. Specific Informational Status of these sites:

Documents Kinship Interview sites (Summer 2000) and promi- The shaman Tanui lived on the eastside of nent markers within the Paunsaugunt Houserock Valley at Pagampaci (Cane Wa- Landscape are further detailed in the works ter). Three camps including Tanui, Cavuiya, of Gregory (1951). “As viewed from Rain- and Antitiav were noted at this site, and bow Point, the country [of the Pausaugunt there was reportedly no chief. region] descends southward in a orderly succession of terraces miles in width, sepa- Cultural Landscape rated by cliffs hundreds of feet high, across Kelly (1971:17) notes that virtually all the the White Cliffs and the Vermilion Cliffs to springs are located along the base of the the Kanab Plateau, 40 miles distant and Vermilion Cliffs. As a consequence this is 4,000 feet below. the place where the camps of early Southern Paiutes are heavily clustered. The terraces are trenched by deep gorges, and from their floors rise small mesas, plat- Those from District VI tended to spend the forms, and towers, and such prominent winter at Pagampaci, and the spring and fall erosion remnants as No Mans Mesa and along the lower slopes of the Kaibab Pla- White Cone (Tabetimp). Tabetimp or White teau. Here they hunted deer and procured Cone (Gregory 1951:84) represents the geo- roots. In the summer, they harvest seeds logical formation known today as Mollies around Pagampaci. Nipple. Ethnographic Interviews According to a Paiute dictionary assembled There are no interviews available at this by Shaul and Senarlson (1997:42), ta’api time. signifies milk, and tempi refers to stone, rock, iron, and money. This interpretation is

Documents Tavinwawici (Sun Slope) living at a fourth Kelly (1971) notes that Escalante recorded a site with his wife and several children. After sighting of an encampment strongly resem- the death of Tasiaci, the ownership of bling descriptions of [Ousuk] (Documentos: (Ousuck) transferred to Kwaganti and the 1854: 515 in Kelly 1971:17). Escalante shaman, Keno (Crooked Elbow). came across this settlement after crossing the northern stretch of the Kaibab Plateau. A man called Sakic (Crackling Step) owned Furthermore, Escalante called the indige- Mukuvac (56), which Kelly estimates nous people of this region “Paganpache” housed the largest number of occupants next (Bolton 1928:69 in Kelly 1971:17) which to Sovinokwicic (Soap Creek, 65). Some of derives from the name of the spring, Pa- the residents of this spring included: Sakic, gampaci. his wife and many children, of whom only one daughter survived. AREA I: Lower Houserock Valley, and Cane Next, the consultant remembered an elder Ranch to the South, at the eastern base of named Kan annapin, or ‘Root Man’ who Kaibab Plateau (VIII: 55-59) was a distant relative of Sakic. Kanannapin lived with his wife, as well as her two sis- General Informational Status of these sites: ters, and several brothers. Another distant relative of Sakic’s, Tukmic (Wildcat Whisk- • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: ers) lived with his wife, their children, Habitat and Population Tukumic’s two sisters, their husbands, and • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; their children. Tavinwawici (Sun Slope) and Chapter 1: Habitat and Population his family also resided at least part of the • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly time at Mukuvac. 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Population • Documents: See Dellenbaugh 1909:362n After Sakic died, Mukuvac became the property of Kwaganti, whose mother was Sakic’s Specific Informational Status of these sites: younger sister. The property passed to Kwa- ganti because all of Sakic’s children except Kinship one married daughter had died. Kwaganti There were approximately ten camps at also came into possession of Oarinkanivac Kankwi (Water Singing/Houserock Spring, (59) and jointly owned Kankwi (55) along 55). Kelly’s consultants identified Tasiaci with Keno. During this period the following (Early Morning) as the owner of these people lived in two camps at Mukuvac (56): springs. Kwaganti, his brother Anikwitu, Anikwitu’s wife, and three children. Later Kwaganti He lived with his mother, Miapi-magugui married Na anoi i. At the second camp lived (Little Woman) and his wife. At a second Winituic and her son, Stavi. camp lived Sagwoarokovac (Blue Tattoo), his wife, an older son known as Kwaganti or Cultural Landscape quiet man, and several other children. At a Those who lived at Kankwi had extensive third camp lived Winituic (Setting Post) and connections to other springs, regions, and her unmarried son Stavi who was the first communities. Each winter the residents of cousin of Mose of Kwaganti. Finally, the Kankwi moved to Mukuvac (56). After win- consultant remembered a man known as ter passed, they would sometimes go with

the people from Mukuvac to Oarinkanivac account, Kwaganti’s father allegedly gave (Salt-Cave Water, Cane Ranch 59). From this land to Powell. Oarinkanivac they traveled along the flats of the Vermilion Cliffs and Pagampiaganti AREA J (Cane Ranch) gathering seeds. When deer Springs on Marble Platform, at the base hunting they would camp at the springs of of Vermilion Cliffs, at Cane Ranch, and Tasiaci on both the east and north sides of at the eastern base of the Kaibab Plateau the lake. (IX: 60-62, 64, 67, 68)

These springs were known respectively as General Informational Status of these sites: Tamavac and Kwitipac. They continued traveling through the fall through the Paria • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: Plateau where they gathered pinenuts, camp- Habitat and Population ing at the spring known as Wiivac. After • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; gathering and harvesting resources for the Chapter 1: Habitat and Population winter, they returned to Mukuvac, where • Ethnographic Interviews: See Kelly they remained until spring. Only in summer 1971; Chapter 1: Habitat and Population did they finally return to Kankwi. • Documents: There is no other information available at this time. The residents of Mukuvac (56) wintered in a cave at Oarinkanivac, while storing most of Specific Informational Status of these sites: their food caches in Mukuvac. They developed a system of settlement, movement, and Kinship resource procurement that allowed them to The shaman Niwarimpi (Snow Heel) owned optimize the resources made available to Tumaranpaganti (whose name derives from them through their environment. During the the plant timari, 60) and Winorumpac (Ar- summer they gathered Chenopodium, Epi- rowhead Water, 61). He lived with his wife. campes, and Oryzopsis in Mukuvac. His three married sons, three married daugh- Towards the end of summer they went to the ters, and all of their children lived at Kaibab Plateau, and sometimes the Paria separate camps within the area. When the Plateau to hunt deer and gather pinenuts. elder Niwarimpi died, “all the children When resources were scarce, they also gath- moved away and nobody owned the spring.” ered mescal in the Colorado Canyon. One family later occupied Sovinokwicic Ethnographic Interviews (Cottonwood Running, 65). This family was Kelly reports that occupants of Mukuvac headed by Sina atan (Sinarin, Coyote Teeth) (56), Tumaranpaganti (60), and Winorum- who lived with his wife and two children. pac (61) used Sikiava (Fissure, 58). Kelly notes that Naragowoci of Sinavac (76) However, Sikiava was not permanently in- owned Ogontinava (69), Paiyampagati (70), habited due to a lack of sufficient water. Pagwuiacpikanti (71), Piacampipkwitic (72), Ankapi (73), and Mo onticivac (74). Documents Although he owned these lands, he spent Kelly (1971:19) reports that Powell (Del- most of his time in Sinavac (76). Kisaici lenbaugh 1909: 362n) renamed Kwaganti’s (Mouth Open) owned Pagampiaganti (Cane land ‘Kwagunt Valley’. According to this Ranch, 67) and lived alone. Several other camps at Pagampiaganti housed the brother

shamans, Saitimpi (White Spot Mouth) and AREA K Kwiuinimpi (Crooked Feet) as well as Springs at the western base of Kaibab Saitimpi’s daughter. Plateau (X: 75-77)

An important chief known as Kwinivac General Informational Status of these sites: (Stands Straight) owned the springs called Kwiavac (Oak Water, 68). Kwinivac served • Kinship: See Kelly 1971; Chapter 1: as chief for the people of Tumaranpaganti Habitat and Population (60), Winorumpac (61), and Kwiavac (68). • Cultural Landscape: See Kelly 1971; Three camps are noted at Kwiavac: At the Chapter 1: Habitat and Population first camp Kwinivac lived with his brother, • Ethnographic Interviews: There are no both whom eventually married two sisters. additional interviews available at this Other residents included Niaku u (Chest) time. and his wife Capw uiuvi, (Wrinkled Eyes), • Documents: There are no additional who was the sister of Kwinivac, and Muiait documents at this time. (No Nose) and her husband. Specific Informational Status of these sites: Cultural Landscape Niwarimpi and his family moved to Wi- Kinship norumpac (Arrowhead Water) during the An elderly widower, Puntuwaci (Swirl) fall in order to collect pasi and kwakwe, and owned Maavawiniti Spring (Tree in Water). pagankwakwe seeds. They also traveled to He resided there with his two daughters. The Kaibab Plateau to hunt deer, and Paria Pla- daughters both married Kanu (Sings Song), teau to gather pinenuts. a man originally from the Moccasin district. Each wife gave birth to a daughter. When The residents of Pagampiaganti also moved their father died, his daughters and Kanu to accommodate their needs to the changes became the new owners of the spring. At a in the environment. As a result they win- second camp lived Ka auc (Knees) and a tered near the rim of the Colorado Canyon woman to whom he may have been married. or even in the mouth of Kanab Canyon. The people of Kwiavac moved to the Kaibab Pla- At Sinavac (Coyote Water, 76) Kelly’s con- teau in the summer to gather seeds, and the sultants identified seven camps. 1) At the winter to hunt deer. They also wintered be- first camp lived the shaman and ‘big chief’ neath the rim of the Colorado Canyon near Naragowoci (Tattooed?). He lived with his the southeast base of Kaibab Plateau. wife, sister, and four individuals that were not identified. 2) At a second camp lived Ethnographic Interviews Uipamugaci (Creek, edge of cliffs) along Additional interviews upon Area J sites are with his wife and two children. 3) Pa antim not available at this time. (Long Penis) lived with his wife and four children at a third settlement. 4) Documents Additional documents are not available at Other camps included Anjkapii (Red Arm), this time. his wife Mu uri (Crane’s Neck) and their two sons and daughters, as well as Mu uri’s parents: Ya aicomoni (Dead Leaf) and Panagumpi (Metal Tongue). 5) Squirrel Tail

and his wife one side of face lived at camp Ethnographic Interviews five with three sons and one daughter. 6) Mu There are no additional interviews available uc, his wife Mu wiaiti, and their three chil- at this time. dren lived at camp six, and 7) Copicgaiki (Broken Ankle and Foot Turned In) lived Documents with his wife and three children at a camp There are no additional documents available somewhat distant from the others. at this time.

Oa cki (Yellow Squeeze) owned Sagwogo As the works of Kelly (1971), Sapir (1930), acpa (Tobacco Water: 77), where he lived Stewart (1941), and others demonstrate, the with his wife and three daughters. Upon perennial springs of the GSE/NM were cen- death, the came was taken over by his tral in the lives of the Southern Paiutes who younger sister’s son. resided in these portions of the Southern Paiute territories for thousands of years. Just Cultural Landscape as the Paiutes found innovating methods for On the western base of the Kaibab Plateau, living well in environments renowned for a Kelly (1971) notes three springs, Maavaw- scarcity of resources, the animals and plants initi (Tree in Water, 75), Sinavac (Coyote found means of responding to high variabil- Water, 76) and Sagwogo acpa (Tobacco ity in rainfall and available foods. Water, 77) that supported a large population. These springs are reportedly located at “the In the next chapter, we examine the preva- heads of small canyons that drain the lent geology, geography, botany, and animal Kanab.” presence at several sites within the GSE/NM identified by Southern Paiute consultants of the present as well as the 1930s (Kelly’s consultants) as being particularly significant.

CHAPTER FOUR Selected Places within the Grand Staircase/Escalante National Monument

This chapter is about selected places in implications of how cultural knowledge is GSE/NM as they are understood and have distributed. meaning to contemporary Kaibab Paiute people. As such, the main goal of the chap- Paiute Knowledge and Its Distribution ter is to assist the managers of the GSE/NM The foundations of this chapter are oral in- to recognize and understand Paiute cultural terviews conducted with members of the resources and places. Permitting the Paiute Kaibab Paiute tribe. All of these people were voice regarding these places and resources selected by the tribal government to repre- to be accurately heard is crucial to the proc- sent the cultural opinions and interests of ess of creatingculturally sensitive land their tribe. However, both elders and the management practices. tribal council recognize that the ideas they present represent only a portion of the total The Kaibab Paiute tribe and their elder rep- Paiute knowledge about these places. resentatives who participated in this study view this chapter as a beginning rather than The distribution of knowledge is intimately end. This report, and especially this elder- connected to marriage practices. Paiute peo- based interview chapter, is termed a “living ple have always intermarried with Southern document.” It is by definition not complete Paiutes from places that were traditionally and is in fact perceived by the Kaibab Paiute known as districts (see Chapter 2 for a full council as only a beginning. discussion on districts). This practice continues today. Cultural knowledge goes The value of a living document is that it can where people go. Consequently, people who be expanded by any future site visits, how- know about the GSE/NM live in many ever extensive they may be. New sites can places and are members of various Paiute be added and extant sites can be produc- tribes. Thus, full access to this ethnic (or na- tively visited. The only requirement is that tional) knowledge base needs to involve during each site visit the same elder inter- systematic site-specific ethnographic interview instrument be used and that funds be views with elder from all Southern Paiute provided to add the new elder insights into tribes. latter versions of the report. Before proceed- ing with a site-by-site discussion, it is The 14 contemporary tribes of the Southern important to consider the methodological Paiute Nation are identified in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1.Contemporary Southern Paiute Tribes Kaibab Paiute Tribe Fredonia, Arizona Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Cedar City, Utah Kanosh Band Cedar City, Utah Koosharum Band Cedar City, Utah Cedar City Band Cedar City, Utah Indian Peaks Band Cedar City, Utah Shivwits Band Cedar City, Utah San Juan Southern Paiute Tribe Tuba City, Arizona Moapa Paiute Tribe Moapa, Nevada Pahrump Paiute Tribe (seeking recognition) Pahrump, Nevada Chemehuevi Paiute Tribe Havasu Lake, California Colorado River Indian Tribes Parker, Arizona Chemehuevi Band Havasu Lake, California Twenty-Nine Palms Paiute Tribe Coachela, California

It should be noted that the Twenty-Nine the places where such resources could be Palms Paiute Tribe (Trafzer, Madrigal, and found. For example, members of the re- Madrigal 1997) is currently seeking official search time would decide to study recognition as a member of the Southern archaeology sites. Consequently, places Paiute Nation. To date, they have received noted for particular types of archaeology this recognition from Colorado River Indian were selected. Tribes (CRIT) comprised of Chemehuevi, Mojave, Hopi and Navajo members and the Under this arrangement, the tribal councils Chemehuevi Paiute Tribe. would send people who knew about archaeology sites. A similar research design This chapter is based on elder interviews occurred if the study focused on plants or guided by instruments developed in con- animals. A particular instrument would be junction with the Kaibab Paiute tribe and developed for each resource. Having twelve other Southern Paiute peoples. The Site- pages of resource specific questions was not Specific instrument was developed during uncommon. In the Zion-Pipe Spring study, the 1995 study of Paiute cultural resources researchers departed from this approach. in Zion National Park and Pipe Spring Na- The National Park Service (NPS) viewed tional Monument (Stoffle, Austin, Halmo, this study as being an initial exploration to and Banks 1996). That study challenged the be conducted at a variety of places. Accord- UofA research team to construct a data- ingly, some of places and types of investions gathering instrument that would permit in- would be decided on during the study itself. terviews to occur on any topic that may arise during visits to different sites. The UofA team made an interview instrument that would permit elders and Utilization of this instrument signifies a de- researchers to visit any place and interview parture from earlier cultural resource on any aspect of that place that the visiting studies. Previously, each study was directed elder viewed as culturally important to the towards investigating a specific resource and Paiute people. Out of a group of six elders

100

visiting a place during the Zion-Pipe Spring vides direct research and statistical evidence study some consultants would express inter- that, ests in plants and animals, while others 1. Southern Paiute people as an would share thoughts on the archaeology or ethnic group retain vast funds geology of the place. The currently used site of knowledge regarding tradi- form is very flexible in this respect, but tional plants, even though sometimes limited in other regards. While this knowledge is dispersed the resource specific form might yield up to and unevenly distributed twelve pages of questions regarding each among individuals; plant, animal, or archaeology site, the current interview instrument generates 2. Female elders appear to be information from a more holistic stance. It is “keystone’ individuals who clear that each approach yields distinctive possess greater funds of benefits and makes special contributions knowledge regarding plants contribution to expanding knowledge of and their uses; people, places, and resources by providing a venue in which any resource that is identi- 3. Multiple interviews (up to fied by an elder can be included, or through eighteen were used in this the provision of resource-specific forms de- case) with a wide range of signed to gather a great deal of knowledge ethnic groups members may about a specific resources. be required to fully articulate the cultural significance of a The obvious questions for a Federal land particular plant at the ethnic manager and for tribal council members is, group level; and ‘When have sufficient interviews occurred in order to make an authoritative decision 4. Project-specific ICS scores about cultural places and resources?’ Cer- for a specific plant can be tainly, it is possible for one elder to visit a analyzed comparatively to location and make an identification that will derive composite values that be recognized as valid by both his tribe and approximated the ethnic per- ethnic group and the Federal land manager. ception of the cultural A good example is a widely recognized significant of particular spiritual place like Vulcan’s Anvil in the plants. middle of the Colorado River in the Grand Canyon. This ethnobotanical analysis was made possible because the UofA research team has This is a medicine rock used for curing and worked with Southern Paiute people since both Paiute and Hualapai share this under- 1972 and these Paiute people have worked standing. On the other hand, knowledge to explain their knowledge of and interest in about some things is unevenly distributed plants so that they can be properly protected and widely scattered. The recent article on by Federal land management agencies. The Southern Paiute plant knowledge, called article recognizes by name many of the Pai- “Puchuxwavaats Uapi (To Know Plants): ute elders who have shared their plant Traditional Knowledge and the Cultural knowledge. The analysis also was made Significance of Southern Paiute Plants” possible because an ethnobotanical inter- (Stoffle, Halmo, and Evans 1999:426), pro-

101

view instrument was developed and used the areas around No Man’s Mesa. Variances consistently for over a decade. in the size of these areas derive from how clearly the sites are traditionally bounded by Thus a systematical ethnobotanical database Paiute uses patterns. In general, as more in- was created from which insights regarding formation is provided by future studies the the distribution of plant knowledge can be sites under analysis will become spatially understood. Therefore, unlike the commonly smaller. All sites discussed are directly cul- held recognition among Paiute people that turally connected to the GSE/NM, but two Vulcan’s Anvil is a medicine place, plant are at the edge and extend beyond the knowledge is unevenly distributed among boundary of GSE/NM. people, between males and females, and between the young and the old. To return to The analysis is based on interviews with the original question, ‘When can we feel that Kaibab Paiute elders. Each site description sufficient elder interviews have occurred?’ describes its the geological characteristics, the answer is ‘When the tribal councils and plant and animals, whether or not these their elders from all Southern Paiute tribes plants were used by Paiute people, and what agree that the findings are complete’. elders think of this area and the resources it contains. Sites that are discussed in other Site-By-Site Analysis chapters of this report are cross-referenced. The following portion of the chapter presents a site-by-site analysis of the cultural Skutumpah – Rabbitbrush Water importance of various places in GSE/NM. [See Chapter 3 – Designated Area E., 21. The spatial size of the place under analysis Skumpac (Rabbit-Brush Water; Rigg varies from a rather narrow description of Spring) (Kelly1971:9)]. Navajo Spring to a rather large analysis of

Figure 4.1. Skutumpah, Rabbitbrush Water Viewscape

102

Site Description This study area is located in Johnson Can- Route 89, Skutumpah Creek traverses Sku- yon, east of Kanab Creek approximately 22 tumpah Terrace- a broad belt of flat land kilometers southeast of Alton, Kane County, crossed by south-flowing streams that origi- Utah at the junction of Johnson Canyon nate and terminate within canyons (Gregory Road, Glendale Bench Road, and Skutum- 1963:13) northwest of Timber Mountain. pah Road at an elevation of 1775 meters The Skutumpah Terrace extends from the above sea level, 37º 13' 828" N latitude, and Parunuweap Valley northeastward to the 112º 22' 171" W longitude Within this study Paria River, a distance of approximately 40 area, which is 25 kilometers north of U.S. miles.

Figure 4.2. Skutumpah Creek in Johnson Canyon

The southern edge of the terrace is sharply ion Cliffs and the Pink Cliffs (Gregory outlined by the White Cliffs (Gregory 1951:102). 1950:7). It is one of the great rock steps that lead from the Colorado River to the crest of The legal location of the site is T41S R5W the High Plateaus (Gregory 1951:101). His- Sec. 7 NE4. Running for approximately 46 torically, the Skutumpah Terrace and the miles between Johnson Canyon and Ko- adjoining highlands have been heavily dachrome Basin, the rugged and graded dirt grazed. surfaced Skutumpah Road traverses some remarkable country that has been carved by The Skutumpah Terrace is the site of streams and canyons. This route provides ranches and cultivated fields. In the 1950s, it access to Deer Springs Wash, Bull Valley provided one of the only east-west routes Gorge and some steps and terraces of the accessible for wagons through the rugged Grand Staircase. Within the area, riparian precipices and canyons between the Vermil- ecosystems serve as corridors for neo- tropical migratory birds and local fauna.

103

Johnson Creek and its tributaries provide settlers arrived with their stock, Johnson habitat, which supports the movement and Wash was lushly covered with meadow hence, the long-term viability of native ani- grasses. One year in the 1880s, the meadows mal populations. were so wet that they could not be cut. As a response to the precipitation, a man by the Botanical inventory and photodocumenta- name of Shumway plowed a furrow through tion were executed along both sides of the center of the Johnson Valley to drain off Johnson Canyon Road, adjacent to private the excess moisture. ranches within Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument. The road is the ap- As a result, the protective and stabilizing proximate boundary between the Great cover of sod was destroyed and from that Basin Conifer Woodland (Pinyon-Juniper) day forth, severe erosion and irreparable vegetation upslope and Great Basin Desert damage occurred after every rainstorm Shrub (Big sagebrush, Artemisia tridentata) (Webb, Smith and McCord 1991:29). The across the floodplain of Kanab Creek at Ce- farming towns of Skutumpah and Johnson dar Flats. were founded in the 1870s, but were abandoned by the 1920s because of extensive Much of the valley floor has been severely erosion to Johnson Wash and its tributaries impacted by chaining, which has been used (Webb, Smith and McCord 1991:18). in the past to remove pinyon and juniper prior to reseeding with perennial grasses Powell designated the great pile of sedi- (Bureau of Land Management 1999:26). ments rising above the Grand Canyon Livestock grazing is permitted on public platform the Chocolate Cliffs, Vermilion land within the study area. Overgrazing has Cliffs, White Cliffs, Gray Cliffs, and Pink further devastated the natural vegetation in Cliffs. These cliffs provide a colorful record this location, thus contributing to the erosion of the age and origin of 10,000 feet of of Johnson Wash. Currently and historically, Mesozoic and Eocene strata (Gregory the valley floor has been used for the culti- 1950:46). The White Cliffs, belonging to the vation of alfalfa, Medicago sativa. The Navajo Sandstone Formation of the Jurassic dense growth of sagebrush is an indication can be viewed from within the study area. of the successful colonization of this shrub Soils along the valley floor are of alluvial as a result of disturbance by grazing, chain- origin from Kanab Creek. They are deep ing and cultivation. Incised channels soils, consisting of sand and silt. developed after farmers tried to divert runoff from the center of the valley toward the val- On the slopes, soils are a heavy, dark gray ley margin (Webb, Smith and McCord clay-shale with sandstone and rocks of vol- 1991:5). canic origin embedded. The slopes alternate between rounded ridges and shallow, Farming also has had a significant impact on steep-sided drainages. Kanab Creek and its the hydrology of the region because on pri- principal tributary, Johnson Creek rise at the vate land, water is diverted out of the rim of the High Plateaus and flow southward channels to irrigate the farmland and the across Tertiary, Jurassic, and Triassic beds runoff returns to the creek beds. When the along their course through canyons, terraced water returns, it may carry remnants of river flats, and meadowlands. Such features chemicals used to spray the fields (Bureau reflect the relative resistance to erosion of of Land Management 1999:101). Before the the various formations (Gregory 1950:164).

104

Table 4.2 Associated Plants Scientific Name Common Name Amelanchier utahensis Utah serviceberry Arctium minus Burdock Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Berberis repens Creeping barberry Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Cercocarpus montanus Alder-leaf mountain-mahogany Chrysothamnus nauseosus Rubber rabbitbrush Chrysothamnus viscidiflorus Viscid rabbitbrush Juniperus osteosperma Utah juniper Juniperus scopulorum Rocky Mountain juniper Lepidium sp. Peppergrass Malcomia africana African mustard Pedicularis centranthera Pinyon-juniper lousewort Penstemon linarioides Siler's penstemon Phlox austromontana Desert phlox Physaria newberryi Newberry twinpod Pinus edulis Two-needle pinyon Plantago major Common plantain Populus alba White poplar Prunus americana American plum Purshia tridentata Bitterbrush Quercus gambelii Gambel’s oak Ribes cereum Wax or squaw currant Rosa woodsii Woods wild rose Senecio multilobatus Uinta groundsel Symphoricarpos longiflorus Long-flower snowberry Taraxacum officinale Common dandelion Zigadenus paniculatus Foothills death camas

Botanical Interpretation The great diversity of substrates spanning Within the study area at approximately 2376 several life zones within the study area re- meters above sea level, the slopes are domi- sults in a high level of plant endemism. nated by Colorado pinyon, Utah juniper, and Warm and cold desert floras are represented groves of Gambel oak (Quercus gambelii). within the Skutumpah area within Grand Buckbrush (Purshia tridentata), snowberry Staircase-Escalante National Monument, (Symphoricarpos longiflora) and American which is considered one of the richest floris- plum (Prunus americana), an escaped culti- tic regions in the Intermountain West vated shrub, are important shrubby plants in (Bureau of Land Management 1999:22). the understory. Herbaceous ground cover is Paiute plants are listed in bold print along scattered, and there is much bare soil be- with other plants observed at this location. tween trees and shrubs. See Tables 4.2 and 4.3.

105

Table 4.3 Associated Plants Scientific Name Common Name Agropyron cristatum Crested wheatgrass Argemone munita Armed prickly-poppy Artemisia filifolia Sand Sagebrush Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Camissonia sp. Camissonia Chrysothamnus nauseosus Rubber rabbitbrush Convolvulus arvensis Bindweed Descurainia pinnata Pinnate tansy-mustard Descurainia sophia Flixweed Gutierrezia sarothrae Broom snakeweed Halogeton glomeratus Halogeton Juniperus osteosperma Utah juniper Juniperus scopulorum Rocky Mountain juniper Medicago sativa Alfalfa Melilotus officinalis Yellow sweet-clover Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass Pinus edulis Two-needle pinyon Purshia tridentata Bitterbrush Quercus gambelii Gambel’s oak Salsola tragus Russian-thistle Sisymbrium altissimum Tumbling mustard Sphaeralcea coccinea Common globemallow Tragopogon dubius Yellow salsify Verbascum thapsus Woolly mullein

One elder recognized twinpod (Physaria grazed during late spring through fall. As a newberryi), a perennial herb of the Mustard result, damage to and consequent reduction family, as having cultural significance of palatable grasses and shrubs has been se- within the study area. This species had not vere. been noted previously. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along with other By the year 1956, a mere 41 hectares of a plants observed within the study area at total 695 hectares of irrigable land remained 2376 meters above sea levelAt the junction in native vegetation. Less desirable plants, of Johnson Canyon Road, Glendale Bench such as Four-wing saltbush (Atriplex canes- Road, and Skutumpah Road at an elevation cens) replaced more palatable species. of 1775 meters, the following plant species Agricultural activities such as dam and ditch were observed in a disturbed area adjacent construction, and draining of meadows for to private ranches within GSE/NM. Histori- the cultivation of exotic grasses and alfalfa, cally, the headwaters of Johnson Wash were have had a significant impact on channel

106

erosion within Johnson Canyon (Webb, utes preferred well-watered higher elevation Smith and McCord 1991:21). locations for their summer residences.

Southern Paiute Interpretation Kelly (1971:14) noted that Southern Paiutes At one time many Southern Paiutes resided from Kanab, Johnson Canyon and Navajo upon the Upper Kanab Creek for the dura- Well sometimes visited Alton from summer tion of each summer. While living at this to fall to collect berries and highland seeds location, Paiute people cultivated gardens (Artemisia sp. and Balsamorrhiza sagittata). that were irrigated with water from the Such areas provided a rich diversity of plant Kanab Creek. In addition, Paiute people col- and animal resources. From this location, lected plant resources and hunted animals people would travel to Indian Peak to collect that lived in the vicinity. In addition,when pinenuts for winter storage and provision. people from Orderville and Johnson Canyon Locations such as these were used not only migrated back and forth to the lakes, the for resource harvesting purposes, but also Upper Kanab Creek environs served as part for religious and social activities, including of their transhumant adaptive strategy. Pai- exchange and reciprocal use rights between intermarried groups or district members.

Figure 4.3. Tribal Elders in Consultation

Networks would have extended through this rial, and in return they would also area from Kaibab in the south to Richfield in trade them for something else. That the north. Trade was also conducted be- way they would bring things to other tween Paiute residents at this spot and people and sharing it, you know they kinsmen from the west. One elder noted: were together like in sharing the land. They were doing that in the old Whoever was passing by could tell days, they would move to Kaibab them where to go next [to hunt or Mountains. It was mostly the Kaibab gather. They would] collect certain people who went down there to willows in spring before sap came, gather elderberries, and pinyon nuts, and clay...[They would] share it with and cactus fruit, all kinds of cactus people who didn’t have that mate- fruit they gathered on Kaibab. And

107

in the winter when they traded with cussed other native plants and farming in the people that had different kind[s] of area: [food], like that choke cherries, the people from the west brought that Sage roots have good fiber. The ce- over towards Kaibab, so they could dar and sage were used for healing. trade with them for whatever kind of There was some farming by the fruit they had and it seemed that they creeks and washes. They would farm lived such a good life, they had vege- plants they could use…such as corn. tables, and they had everything they wanted… Animals. This location provided a diversity of large and small game. Deer, elk, moun- Features tain lion, wolf, sage hen, rabbit, and Water. The waters of Kanab Creek were cottontail were mentioned as being hunted pointed out as being important for irrigation for food and clothing within this area. Deer all through Johnson Canyon and for human parts were also used in ceremonies. While and animal consumption. Water pockets conducting interviews, elders observed a may also have been important sources of pair of golden eagles (Aquila chrysaetos) water. The water from Kanab Creek was flying over a rock-writing site within the also used in ceremonies held at the location. Skutumpah region. Several peregrine falcon A Kaibab elder discussed the springs in the (Falco peregrinus) were also sighted within area: the study area. One elder commented on the Southern Paiute hunting ethic: The white people had occupied the springs in the region. Now, you can’t Those were the things that they were get into them because they have been really protecting at the time when padlocked. There are a lot of springs they had plenty of meat, they didn’t throughout the whole area…So when want them to be killed just for the joy our people traveled the foothills, they of killing animals, people weren’t al- knew where the water holes were. lowed to do that...and I think that rule was provided by our chief, and Plants. Squawbush, pinenut, acorns, yucca, it’s been carried on throughout the and gooseberries were mentioned as being years...it was their land, but then the used for food and manufacture. Medicinal Mormons come and...come and they plants in the area were sagebrush, which was have to do away with some of the brewed for colds, and buckbrush. The newly animals...they kill them, they poison identified Newberry twinpod, a member of them... the mustard family, was pointed out as having a useful bright yellow flower, which was Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupa- used in the coloring of baskets. Tansy mus- tion/Use. One elder noted, "Where there's tard, Descurainia seeds were made into a water, there's artifacts". The elder believed mush and sometimes mixed with snow as a there was probably evidence of food proc- confection (Kelly 1971:42). The seeds were essing (grinding stones), pottery, and also ground into flour for bread, mixed with arrowpoints present in the area of Kanab other seeds and used as a good condiment. Creek. In the Skutumpah area, which has The plants were also cooked as a potherb. been used extensively by Southern Paiute (Bye 1972:93). Kaibab representatives dis- people, there are rock-writing sites. These

108

places are highly valued by Kaibab Paiute increased risk of flooding. Irrigated farming people who have intrinsic cultural ties to the on a large scale could lead to the drying up area. A Kaibab elder discussed the area: of Kanab Creek.

There were Paiute villages in John- I think, people make homes in the son Canyon. This area was one of the area...too many roads too, and that main part of where they roamed. A has never been there and I think lot of the people were born here. that’s what spoils the scenery and There are a lot of petroglyphs in the conditions of the land. Johnson Canyon and they were destroyed. Recommendations Paiute people believe they should have the Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains right of free access for seasonal use and har- were mentioned as places of worship and vesting of resources at this location. ceremony. Caves in the area would have Currently, permission is required as much of been used for the same purposes. A Kaibab the property is either privately owned or is elder spoke about his travels in the region: state and Federal land (e.g., BLM land) that may be leased. According to one elder, Doc Brown owned a place up in property rights, laws, and licenses make it Johnson Canyon, up by Nephi…We difficult to protect an area such as this. Still, would take a trip on horseback up by efforts should be made to protect the area. Johnson Lakes. They had some Paiute people would return to hunt, gather grandmas… mean ones! It was a plants, and teach younger people about tra- country road, not a good road. I have ditional land use practices. been out through here a long time ago. Stanley, Warren and I worked One elder noted that contemporary Indian here. We were in the movies up in life is too confined to reservations because Johnson Canyon. In Johnson Can- there are too many restrictions on land use yon, there were western movies for beyond reservation boundaries. A Kaibab the Lone Ranger. They made a lot of Paiute elder discussed the Bulrush Massa- movies here. cre:

Perceived Impacts I wrote a book once in 1974 about The primary impacts to this location have the Bulrush Massacre, which oc- been increased non-Indian settlement, cattle curred in the Kanab area. The book and sheep grazing, establishment of farms, was entitled “My People.” I took the corporate cattle ranches and roadbuilding. book to the people in Cedar City and Rock-writing sites have become increasingly made copies of it there. The Mor- more vulnerable because of road accessibil- mons poisoned the flour in this area ity and they need protection. in a place north of Kanab. They poisoned the flour and a person was Elders perceive these processes as having killed. There have been so many adverse impacts on plants, animal popula- changes because of the roads and all tions, and the quality of the environment in of the ranching. general, especially, the water in Kanab Creek. Too much development could lead to

109

Upper Ankati – No Mans Mesa Area Ankati comprises the area between [See Chapter 3 – designated Area G. This Kanarimpiku (Spring 40) and Kakarimpac area is referred to as VI: 47-52, Springs at (Spring 45). Its axis was Kaibab Gulch and the base of Paunsaugunt Plateau. This in- the upstream continuation of the gulch, is cludes the district known to participants as known as Wildcat Canyon (Kelly 1971:37).] Ankati (Kelly 1971:16).]

Figure 4.4. Upper Ankati, No Man’s Mesa

Study Area Description neath a large shade-bearing two-needled This study area is located within in the pinyon (Pinus edulis). From this location is Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monu- an excellent vista for viewing Kaivacuwac, ment on the north flank of the Grand Mollies Nipple, (Kelly 1971:15), which is an Canyon. At an elevation of approximatedly outstanding 2716-meter mountain with wa- 1877 meters above sea level, this area is terless gulches. noted for its Pinyon-juniper plant communities. The study area can be found at 37° 19' Kavaicuwac, the prominent erosion forma- 984" N latitude and 112° 03' 394" W longi- tion formerly known as White Cone, tude within the County of Kane,Utah. The (Tabetimp) is an isolated remnant of Navajo legal location of the interview site is T40S sandstone impregnated with iron (Gregory R2W Sec. 28. 1951:84). Tabetimp is translated in the Southern Paiute language as ‘milk’, ‘rock’, The interview site presents itself along the or ‘iron’ (Shaul and Senarslan 1997:42). west side of a rugged back-country four- The topography descends southward in a wheel-drive dirt road, east of No Mans Mesa succession of terraces that are several miles and Potter’s Butte in the North and West in width, separated by cliffs that are hun- Swag area, and north of Nipple Lake be- dreds of feet wide. The terraces are trenched

110

by deep gorges, and from their floors in the lower have a low resistance to, and emerge mesas, platforms and towers with slow recovery from disturbance. prominent erosional remnants such as No Mans Mesa and Kavaicuwac, Mollies Nip- Diverse soils within the Pinyon-juniper ple or Tabetimp, White Cone (Gregory communities support trees that are as old as 1951:84). 1400 years. These soil types are critical for sustaining the ecosystems, which are vulner- Dense pinyon-juniper forests cover the able to degradation from a number of higher benchlands in this region and the impacts. Fragile cryptobiotic crusts often wider valleys and washes contain Gambel’s referred to as cryptogamic crusts, stabilize oak, serviceberry and Ponderosa pine the highly erodible desert soils where water groves. Most of the flora in this location of sources are scarce. They are responsible for the Outback Zone is natural vegetation, atmospheric nitrogen fixation, nutrient con- however in the Nipple Lake region, there is tributions for plants, soil-plant water a parcel that is under private ownership. relations, seedling germination and plant Currently, this gated wetland area remains growth and development. inaccessible to elders as well as the general population. These microbiotic crusts, also termed cyanobacterial-lichen soil crusts are com- The area is altered in other ways as well. posed of lichens, mosses, green algae, The practice of chaining has disturbed the microfungi and bacteria bound within a ma- vegetation in and surrounding the Nipple trix of clay, silt and sand. Living organisms Lakes region. Chaining has been used to re- and their by-products form biological soil move pinyon and juniper prior to reseeding crusts whereby a surface crust of soil parti- with perennial grasses. Livestock grazing cles is created and bound together by has impacted native vegetation and pro- organic materials (Bureau of Land Man- moted the establishment of exotic, invasive agement 1999:21). species that have become highly successful, particularly in wetland ecosystems. Botanical Interpretation The slopes within the study area predomi- By contrast, the prominent erosion remnant nantly contain Pinyon pine, Utah juniper, No Mans Mesa is both remote and solitary. groves of Gambel oak and Big sagebrush. As an outlier of the White Cliffs of Navajo Cheatgrass and other non-native annual sandstone, it is capped by limestone of the brome grasses are threatening native plant Carmel Formation (Gregory 1951:85). This communities within the Grand Stair- 2000-acre island encircled by 1000-foot case/Escalante National Monument. These cliffs. It is a pristine plant ecosystem com- exotic grasses invade roadside ditches and posed of relict grassland and other relict agricultural areas, greatly reducing habitat vegetation that have existed since the Pleis- for native species. tocene. In this semi-arid region of red sandstone This mesa has never been grazed by cattle earth, on the route to the interior, Palmer’s nor disturbed by agriculture or mining. penstemon, (Penstemon palmeri) a robust These ecological communities, including the perennial (Welsh et al.1993:677) was grow- Pinyon-juniper forests, which cover most of ing along the roadside beside a pictograph the high elevations grading into Desert shrub site, which was a large red boulder that was

111

split in two. Kaibab elders informed us that brush (Kearney and Peebles 1960:226). The toxo’awatsip, (Palmer’s penstemon) was elders pointed out that yucca roots were used for aches and pains. The long taproot used for shampoo and for keeping the hair was chewed and taken internally. The leaves black. The stems were used for soap and the were also applied for healing cuts to prevent leaves provided fiber. The fruits were eaten scarring. both fresh and dry (Bye 1972:90). Yucca buds were roasted and baked and eaten, and Elders told us that the fruits of squawbush the seeds were pounded and eaten raw (Bye (Rhus aromatica var. trilobata), are dried 1972:91). A Southern Paiute elder discussed and made into a drink, and cradleboards the uses of Yucca, uus: were made from the straight young flexible branches. Banana yucca shoots and buds are used. The buds are harvested in the At a significant site with a large pinyon pine fall and dried. It tastes like and smooth sandstone rock outcrops, bastard candy…they are naturally sweet. toadflax (Comandra umbellata var. pallida), Yucca leaves and roots are used to a perennial root parasitic herb in the San- wash baskets with… they become dalwood Family (Santalaceae), was real sudsy. You can dry the leaves frequently found in association with sage- and tie them in a knot outside.

Figure 4.5. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, Illa Bullets and Ethnographer Alex K. Carroll

112

Figure 4.6. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, Gevene Savala

Paiute plants are listed in bold print along with other plants observed at these locations.

Table 4.4 Associated Plants Scientific Name Common Name Amelanchier utahensis Utah serviceberry Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Astragalus sp. Milkvetch Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Chrysothamnus nauseosus Rubber rabbitbrush Cleome lutea Yellow beeplant Comandra umbellata var. pallida Bastard toadflax Cryptantha sp. Cryptanth Descurainia pinnata Pinnate tansy-mustard Descurainia sophia Flixweed Ephedra torreyana Torrey’s ephedra Ephedra viridis Indian tea Fraxinus anomala Singleleaf ash Gutierrezia microcephala Thread snakeweed Juniperus osteosperma Utah juniper Juniperus scopulorum Rocky Mountain juniper Nicotiana attenuata Coyote tobacco Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass Penstemon palmeri Palmer’s penstemon Phoradendron juniperinum Juniper mistletoe Pinus edulis Two-needle pinyon Pinus ponderosa Ponderosa pine

113

Table 4.4 Associated Plants Continued Scientific Name Common Name Plantago patagonica Purshes’ plantain Purshia mexicana Cliff-rose Purshia tridentata Bitterbrush Quercus gambelii Gambel’s oak Rhus aromatica var. trilobata Squawbush Salsola tragus Russian-thistle Sisymbrium altissiimum Tumbling mustard Sphaeralcea coccinea Common globemallow Symphoricarpos longiflorus Long-flower snowberry Verbascum thapsus Woolly mullein Yucca angustissima Narrow-leaved yucca Zigadenus paniculatus Foothills death camas

Southern Paiute Interpretation Kavaicuwac (Mollies Nipple) as an orienta- According to the Kaibab (Mountain-lying tion landmark. One elder remarked: down people) elders who were interviewed during this project, Ankati was a place for I felt humbled by the whole area, hunting deer and rabbit, dry farming, and humbled in the way I usually feel af- gathering pine nuts, pine pitch, seeds, fiber, ter a sweat. There’s tall sage, when berries and roots. The black seeds of wa’iv you enter here. It used to be like that (Indian ricegrass) were gathered and con- in Kaibab. The people used to move sumed. They were harvested by cutting off around a lot… In the hot seasons, the tops. The seeds were hulled and parched they’d go up to higher elevations. with charcoal (Kelly 1971:41). Bows were This place is connected to others be- constructed from the oak tree, deer cords cause of the people… There were a were used to make bowstrings and squaw- lot of Southern Paiutes, our people bush, su’uv was used for arrows. Kaibab who roamed in these areas. They elders noted that rock tanks and springs such were all over this area. It is a good as Wildcat Spring, (Sovpac) (Kelly 1971:9), place for pine nuts and they could were good cold-water springs. Up canyon gather some yucca and acorns from these springs is a rock hole that water too…Later they’d move to where it came out of, and up north near Tank Canyon was cooler, at a higher eleva- is a great rock tank or Poh that has water in tion…The roads here are on Indian it all year long. The rock-writings illustrated paths. the things that people see and the use of

114

Figure 4.7. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, Willis Mayo

Features put barrels of water in the wagon. Water. The waters of Nipple Lake and the Before that time, they would camp springs were used for farming. It was near springs, not next to springs. pointed out that this location is currently They used to carry water in a big very dry and that the ranchers are using the basket made of willows covered with water. One Paiute elder reported that this pine pitch. We traveled to get seeds area used to be less dry and there were more and to hunt. We knew many places. plants. Water is considered a precious re- There are springs and rock tanks – source in this region. The Kaibab camped Some springs are alkaline and are near springs and they used to carry water in not good to drink. Wildcat Spring is a big basket made of willow, kanav covered good water but not too much. Cot- with pine pitch, sahn-a-pah. A Kaibab elder tonwood Spring is good water…Up discussed the springs in the area: canyon from it is a rock that water comes out of. Up north is a great big My folks had a lot of water with them rock tank (Poh) that has water in it so they could camp out anyway. They all year long.

115

gathering (Gregory and Moore 1931:28). A Kaibab Paiute elder commented on impacts to their cultural resources:

Squawbush was fenced off from us, and they leveled the ground for cultivation. To us, we have always been environmentalists…We always save things and try not to destroy them. We are entwined in it and have grown up with this. When they blocked off the people from these lands, one of the main things was Figure 4.8. Southern Paiute Tribal Consultant, taken from us. From Kanab, by the Geneve Savala and BARA ethnographer, Amy foot of the mountains and all the way Eisenberg from Kaibab on through, the white people have occupied these places Plants. The fleshy cones of juniper (wap) …they are padlocked and we cannot were eaten and used for medicine and the get into them. seeds were used for making beads. Shampoo was made from the roots of rabbitbrush, (si- Animals. Deer and rabbit were hunted in the kump). Yucca, (uus) roots were used for area for food, clothing, tools and ceremony. shampoo and for keeping the hair black Its String was made from deer sinew. A Paiute fiber was made into rope and the buds were representative noted that the animal habitat roasted and consumed. The Paiutes made is drying up because ranches and cattle are chewing gum from the rubbery parts of the here. A Kaibab elder recommended: sagebrush and the crystal pitch of the pinyon pine. Arrows were constructed from the Don’t put poison on the plants and kill the straight branches of serviceberry, (tu-ab) rabbits. and cradleboards were made from the straight branches of squawbush. The fruits Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation or of squawbush (i’is) were dried and used in a Use. During this site visit, people observed drink. Pinyon pine pitch was taken internally an Indian granary in a cliff face north of the for sore throats, colds, and coughs. Coman- pictograph site. Elders and researchers also dra umbellata var. pallida, bastard toadflax came upon ceramic shards and worked lithic fruits were eaten raw, although excessive scatters near a large pinyon pine and in the were knonwn to cause nausea (Bye vicinity of the smooth sandstone rock out- 1972:95). Yucca, sage, pinyon pine seeds, crops. A Paiute representative expressed Indian ricegrass and acorns were collected concern over access to this site. She ex- and utilized in the area. plained that the road affected the condition of these elements. People had vandalized the The great numbers of domestic animals that pictographs by writing over them with graf- were brought into the area by settlers, rap- fiti. It is important that these traditional idly devoured most of the vegetation, which features be protected. A Paiute elder in- produced nutritious seeds, on which the formed us: Southern Paiutes depended for their subsistence. Cattle soon devastated places for seed

116

There were Paiute villages in this area. It was one of the main places where they roamed. A lot of the people were born here. My grandma was born in Cannonville, my father was born in Bryce Canyon and his father was born in Henrieville. Grandma was called “Cannonball Sally” because she was a strict and bossy lady…There have been so many changes because of the new roads Figure 4.9 Kavaicuwc, also known as Mollie’s and all the ranching. The Indian peo- Nipple ple traveled these trails because they knew where to go for winter sup- Rock-writing sites have been vandalized plies, for the different types of fruit with graffiti because of their proximity to that ripened at different times…they the roads, which rendered them highly ac- would harvest them for winter cessible, and therefore vulnerable. Gated, use…There were always ceremonial private property within Grand Staircase- songs. Escalante National Monument also creates an obstacle to the continuity of traditional Geological Features. Standing 2716 meters Paiute practices such as the sustainable high, Kavaicuwac, (Mollies Nipple or Tabe- gathering of wild fruits, seeds, and plant ma- timp) is a striking mountain that was terials used for manufacturing tools, cradles reportedly used as a landmark for orienta- and baskets. Water resources have been de- tion. There are a number of springs and pleted and this adversely affects the plants. permanent landmarks with Indian names A Paiute elder discussed this point noting: that were utilized. When the people traveled, they knew where the water sources were, It is really dry here. I don’t know Kaibab elders stated. At the interview site, where the water is going…maybe the within the pinyon pine and Utah juniper ranchers are using it. It used to be plant community were striking examples of less dry. There were more plants. It black slabs of iron in various shapes and un- is drying up here because people are usual formations. A Kaibab elder discussed building their ranches and cattle are landmarks: Landmarkers are permanent fea- here. tures with Indian names. We use them to tell where we are. Recommendations Paiute people maintain that it is essential Perceived Impacts that the water sources be protected and that The primary impacts to this area have been poison not be applied to the plants, which increased non-Indian settlement, cattle, kills the rabbits. It was recommended that sheep and goat grazing, the establishment of hunting be prohibited and that traditional use ranches and the building of roads. Paiute locations be monitored and safeguarded. In elders perceived these processes as having addtion, damage caused by vandalism adverse effects on the ecosystem and the should be repaired. traditional use features of these locations.

117

It was suggested that keeping people out of The rocks of the Vermilion Cliffs are repre- significant traditional use areas would re- sentative of the Chinle formation of the duce their accessibility and hence Triassic age. The hard limestone and sand- vulnerability. Paiute people believe that they stones that make up the Vermilion Cliffs are should have the right of free access for sea- worn down slowly (Gregory 1963:19). The sonal use and sustainable harvesting of Ipa - Navajo Well interview site’s location is resources in this location. Much of the prop- on the southern border of Grand Staircase- erty is either privately owned or is state and Escalante National Monument 1.5 miles Federal land that may be leased. The elders west of the old bridge over the dry and deep stated that efforts should be made to protect precipice of White Sage Wash. the area, for keeping these places open to Paiute people for teaching the young about There are several private ranches, wells and traditional land use practices. As one elder corrals within this locality characterized by recommended: “Keep it open for my grand- sandy soils and water scarcity. Navajo Well children.” has been critically impacted by the mechani- cal removal of approximately 5-10 yards of Ipa – Navajo Well earth from the spring. A large mound of [See Chapter 3- designated Area D. This earth containing lithics, ceramic shards, pet- area is referred to as 34. Ipa (Old Water; rified wood and historical and current trash Navajo Well; about 1 mile south of Vermil- is situated beside the spring, which is now a ion Cliffs) (Kelly 1971:9).] hollowed out muddy ditch covered with an algal bloom, where cattle have left their hoof marks and bees and horseflies find moisture.

Botanical Interpretation The area is significantly depauperate of native vegetation because of severe overgrazing by cattle and the general mis- management of resources. In this highly disturbed Sand Desert Shrub plant community with Juniperus osteosperma, Utah juniper, spring waters of Navajo Well are utilized for watering cattle. Exotic species Figure 4.10, Consultation in the Field such as Ailanthus altissima, Tree-of-heaven in the Simaroubaceae or Quassia Family Site Description have opportunistically colonized the water This study site is situated approximately 1 source thereby creating a canopy amid an mile south of U.S. Route 89 and .5 miles otherwise almost shadeless environment. west of Pioneer Gap at 37° 01' 933" N lati- Ailanthus is a malodorous tree with gray tude and 112° 16' 101" W longitude. It is bark, large odd-pinnately compound leaves 1642 meters above sea level, and is located and winged fruits called samaras. Tree-of- in Kane County, Utah. Navajo Well, or Ipa heaven was introduced from China and is which means ‘Old Water’ in the Paiute lan- considered weedy. The samaras are distrib- guage (Kelly 1971:9), is located about 2 uted by wind, resulting in thickets miles south of Flag Point in the deep red surrounding the parent tree (Welsh et al. Moenave Sandstone of the Vermilion Cliffs. 1993:687).

118

were not planted and plots were neither watered nor weeded. Tobacco was gathered in the fall; the entire plant was pulled and dried near fire (Kelly 1971:46).

Artemisia filifolia, Sand sagebrush was used in treating swellings and bruises. Artemisia tridentata, sah-wahb or Big sagebrush was used as a dye as well as a medicine, which was taken internally as a tea to remedy headaches, colds and worms, and as a stimu- lant (Bye 1972:93). This useful shrub was Figure 4.11 Escarpment with Petrified Wood also a source of fiber and fuel for the South- ern Paiute people. Along the confluence of the spring and above, is an extensive sandy bedrock es- The fleshy cones of the xeric Juniperus os- carpment with embedded petrified wood, teosperma, Utah juniper were gathered in which supports populations of crustose li- the winter and spring; crushed and eaten raw chens, Utah juniper, wap, pricklypear (Kelly 1971:43). Some trees produce sweet, cactus, Four-wing saltbush, several species fleshy cones while other trees bear strong of sagebrush, rabbitbrush, buckbrush, thistle and resinous ones. Utah juniper increases and other highly successful exotics. Indian under grazing and has spread from the thin tobacco, (tsaw-wap) was observed growing substrates of ridges and mountain slopes into on the large mound of earth containing deeper valley soils (Welsh et al. 1993:28). It lithics, ceramic shards and petrified wood has been determined that trees of this spe- that was removed from Navajo Well.A Kai- cies may be older than 1275 years. bab elder indicated that tobacco grew plentifully where it was previously burned. Paiute plants are listed in bold print along Kelly (1971:46) recorded that tobacco plots with other plants that were observed at this were burned in the fall and in the following location. spring, it grew in abundance. The seeds

119

Table 4.5 Associated Plants Scientific Name Common Name Ailanthus altissima Tree-of-heaven Aristida purpurea Purple three-awn Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Chrysothamnus depressus Dwarf rabbitbrush Chrysothamnus nauseosus Rubberrabbitbrush Cirsium arvense Creeping thistle Cleome lutea Yellow beeplant Erodium cicutarium Storksbill Gutierrezia sarothrae Broom snakeweed Hordeum jubatum Foxtail barley Juniperus osteosperma Utah juniper Nicotiana attenuata Coyote tobacco Opuntia polyacantha Central pricklypear Opuntia erinacea Common pricklypear Phoradendron juniperinum Juniper mistletoe

Polypogon monspeliensis Rabbitfoot grass Purshia tridentata Bitterbrush Salsola tragus Russian-thistle Tedradymia canescens Gray horsebrush Tragopogon dubius Yellow salsify Verbascum thapsus Woolly mullein Xanthium strumarium Cocklebur

This is Old Water. We used it all my Southern Paiute Interpretation life. There’s a good view from here. In the arid environment of the lower eleva- It’s pretty country, dry country. It’s tions, the availability of water was a primary a good place. The deer all come to factor in controlling the location of settle- this place. We used to hunt there. I ments and campsites. A series of springs worked here in the mid-1940’s as a were found along the base of the Vermilion cowboy for a rancher who kept his Cliffs where, intermittently during the year, racing horses near here. I slept in most of the population was concentrated. his barn, which was located just to Sites were strategically located near water, the southwest of the spring. I used for hunting and gathering (Kelly 1971:7). A to haul water for the racehorses at Kaibab elder discussed his work at Navajo Navajo Spring. We used to cut post Well, Ipa (Old Water) in the 1940’s: up through here and there was an old road to the barn… I haven’t

120

been through here in a long time. ing deer, gathering pinenuts and yucca fruit This spring has been here a long (Kelly 1971:7). Owl Eye reportedly owned time. It is an old water hole. All Navajo Well (Kelly 1971:14). Occupants of year round there was water, like at nearby watering places shared the same sea- Wolf Spring. Deer drink from it. It sonal cycle, thus forming local groups that looks like they have mostly drained were primarily economic in character (Kelly the spring, so the water is not avail- 1971:8). Kaibab elders discussed Southern able for the deer. They have dug up Paiute sustainable practices of spring man- the soil around the spring and agement: drained it into a pond near the corrals. They have fenced the spring Different families took care of each from the deer. spring so they were always well cared for. There was always a cup there for people to drink from. Now, this spring suffers from neglect. The area has become overrun by people and their animals… and that has destroyed it. It looks like they tried to develop the spring and dug it out with a backhoe.

Plants. Settlement, cattle grazing, and other poor land-use practices have had a negative effect on this significant archaeological site. The degradation of the native plant communities and the consequent reduction of palatable herbs and shrubs have been severe. A Southern Paiute elder spoke about the significance of the plants in the area:

Grandma said that if you see a great big squirrel nest, you can know where the good places are to get your good pine nuts…Indian people give offerings wherever they go, even if they stop for lunch. Maybe the In- dian tobacco here was one of the Figure 4.12. Southern Paiute Consultant, Willis offerings they gave and it kept on Mayo growing. Every site where Indian tobacco was found…maybe that was Features an offering. Water. Navajo Well was an important water source for Southern Paiute people. With Animals. An Ord’s kangaroo rat, Dipodo- drinking water at hand, the rolling slopes of mys ordii was observed near a crevice at the juniper provided fuel, the desert flats were foot of a shelf-like rock projection within nearby for rabbit hunting and seed collecting the eroded bedrock foundation of the site, and the higher plateaus were visited for hunt-

121

where small Utah juniper trees dot the gentle Black-on-black pottery shards and an old slope. A Kaibab elder discussed the animals chipping station appear to be the site of a that are native to the area: camp. Beside it was a collection pile from an arrowhead hunter. Beyond the dirt road from Pioneer Gap is the location of an old camp. Interspersed with Utah junipers, some black-on-white pottery and black-on-black pottery shards were found. A Kaibab elder commented on evidence of previous Paiute occupation at Ipa:

There are signs of the old people here. There were arrowheads but we are not allowed to pick them though . . People come out and pick them up. These potteries and rock chippings show that my folks lived here for a long time.

Figure 4.13. Southern Paiute Consultant, Illa Bullets

There are antelope, deer and a few elk within the area…now people are building everywhere so it pushes the animal to get killed on the road.

Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation or Figure 4.14. Evidence of Previous Occupation Use. Grayware, redware, Kanab black-on- white, and back-on-black ceramic shards Physical/Geological Features. Navajo Well, with distinctive markings were found at Ipa. Ipa is approximately 2 miles south of the A number of places with significant lithic Vermilion Cliffs of the Moenave and Kay- scatters were observed at this site, which has enta Formations of the Jurassic. Powell been severely picked over by arrowhead noted the brightly banded wall composed of hunters. However, there is virtually no orange and vermilion sandstones along the stratigraphy of materials because of distur- south face of Moccasin Terrace. bance due to earth removal at the spring and in other locations. Within this area some cut He enjoyed seeing the morning sun shining trees and burn scars on rocks were also on “their painted faces; the salient angles on noted. fire” (Gregory 1950:21). The distinctive formations of the Vermillion Cliffs continue to hold significance for contemporary tribal

122

members. Elders talked about the landscape horses destroyed the site but it is by and how the people traveled the trails for man. People and roads are affecting winter and summer camps within the area: the plants. They plowed a lot of the site and its artifacts, and destroyed it. Man destroys a lot of stuff. All of these places are closed to Indian people.

Figure 4.15. Vermillion Cliffs

The pretty red hills…In the winter- time when the sun goes down, it Figure 4.16. Vermillion Cliffs brings out the red. It’s beautiful in the fall. I remember when I came up Recommendation in summertimes to stay with my Kaibab elders wish to have continued access grandma. Our people gathered to places within their traditional cultural seeds, prickly pear fruit, Indian to- landscape. They made recommendations for bacco, pine nuts and hunted deer protecting this significant site: and rabbit in this area. My grandma used to come up here to the red hills Keeping the animals out of the area and pick pine nuts. Grandpa would would improve it for one. If they tell about traveling and stopping in cleaned the spring up, the water certain areas from Kaibab to Cedar. could be used again for drinking. In- Older people used to travel here. Be- dian people would come here if they fore the ranchers came, it was were allowed to and protect this site different. and clean it up. Don’t just let it go…not let animals and people run Perceived Impacts over the plants, not let cars run over The major impacts to Ipa include the de- them…Not let people pick up the ar- struction of the spring, overgrazing, tifacts. Put back the dirt and take unsustainable land use, removal of archaeo- down the fences by the spring. Give logical materials and disturbance to the the water back to the deer. We say Indian camps sites in the area. Kaibab elders when you are picking stuff, always discussed these impacts: give back something. Give offering. When we go camping, we stop and They drained the water from the give an offering. spring and dug up the dirt and fenced the spring from the deer. The area is overrun by people. Cows and

123

Tupac (Black Water) - Seaman Spring [See Chapter 3 –Area F: Watering Places To this great wall, terminating the along the Vermilion Cliffs, Wildcat Canyon, Triassic terrace and stretching from and Kaibab Gulch (V:35-46). Tupac (Black the Hurricane Ledge to the Paria, Water; about 3 miles east of Ipa (Old Water; Powell has given the name of the Navajo Well: about 1 mile south of Vermil- Vermilion Cliffs. Their great altitude, ion Cliffs). This includes the district known the remarkable length of their line of to informants as Ankati (Kelly 1971:16).] frontage, the persistence with which their proportions are sustained throughout the entire interval, their ornate sculpture and rich coloring, might justify very exalted language of description…The Vermilion Cliffs send off buttes…and giant buttes they verily are, rearing their unas- sailable summits into the domain of the clouds, rich with the aspiring forms of Gothic type, and flinging back in red and purple the intense sunlight poured over them.

Could the imagination blanch those colors, it might compare them with Figure 4.17. Overview of Tupac (Seaman Spring) vast icebergs, rent from the front of a

glacier and floating majestically out Site Description to sea…Beyond and in the far dis- Tupac, Black Water or Seaman Spring is tance rise these towering fronts, located approximately 7 miles northeast of ablaze with red light from the sinking Ipa, Navajo Well at 37º 06' 960" N latitude sun. To the eastward they stretch and 112º 15' 004" W longitude, 2050 meters into illimitable distance, growing above sea level at the base of the Vermilion paler but more refined in color until Cliffs, 8 miles north of Pioneer Gap. The the last visible promontory seems to two springs are culturally connected and in merge its purple into the azure of the many respects the same place. evening sky…(Dutton 1882:54).

The interview site at Tupac is less than 1 Springs are found in an almost continuous mile north of Seaman Point and 6 miles line along the base of the Vermilion Cliffs. north of U.S. Route 89 by dirt road to Sea- Most of the Kaibab population concentrated man Wash. Tupac is a one of the small at these sites intermittently throughout the canyons that dissects the bright red sand- year. Springs provided water, junipers pro- stone scarp of the Vermillion Cliffs. The vided fuel, and the nearby desert flats were deep red Moenave Sandstone, with banded used for rabbit and deer hunting as well as red, gray and white Chinle badlands at their seed gathering. The Paiutes used the high- base add to the beauty of this striking geo- land terraces for deer hunting, pine nut logical feature. Clarence E. Dutton collecting and the gathering of yucca fruit. described this massive south-facing rock face in 1881:

124

Watering places such as the springs in the stock tanks below Seaman Canyon. In other Vermilion Cliffs were the controlling factor wetland ecosystem within the Paria Canyon- in the location of Kaibab Paiute settlements Vermilion Cliffs Wilderness, overgrazing (Kelly 1971:7). Fresh water springs and has allegedly caused the loss of an entire age seeps bubbling from the Navajo sandstone structure of cottonwood trees within the ri- of the Vermilion Cliffs have provided pota- parian communities in lower Paria Canyon. ble drinking water for the Southern Paiute The revised grazing system of the Bureau of Indians for centuries. About three-fourths of Land Management is designed to promote the springs and seeps within the Paria Can- and support the establishment of new cot- yon-Vermilion Cliffs Wilderness, are in the tonwoods and the restoration of the riparian Vermilion Cliffs. The springs below the ecosystem within impacted areas (U.S. De- Vermilion Cliffs are in poor condition as a partment of the Interior 1986:14). consequence of development for livestock use or domestic water (U.S. Department of Botanical Interpretation the Interior 1986:13). Along the dirt road to Seaman Spring, within a moist depression are viable stands of young Coyote willow, kanav (Salix exigua) within a recovering riparian community. Kaibab elders were pleased to see this culturally significant plant, a source of valuable weaving material for basket making. Tamarisk (Tamarix chinensis) is competing with the native willows for the scarce water resources within the canyon.

This highly aggressive and successful species has become naturalized along seeps, Figure 4.18, Southern Paiute Consultant Willis springs and waterways. It reached southern Mayo and Ethnographer, Alex K. Carroll Utah by the turn of the century and by the 1920’s it became well established along the Tupac, in Seaman Canyon contains a rich Colorado River and its tributaries. Tamarisk diversity of biological, archaeological and occupies many of the lacustrine and riparian geological features. This area has a long his- habitats of southern Utah and there is little tory of Southern Paiute habitation. hope of eradicating it (Welsh et al. Prehistoric and historic trails traverse the 1993:694). canyon, Indian camps sites and other cultural properties attest to the value of the Palmer’s penstemon, toxo’awatsip (Penste- spring as an important water source for mon palmeri) was observed along the dry American Indian people. Tupac has signifi- bank of the road in decomposed red Navajo cant wildlife habitat within a dynamic sandstone soil. Kaibab elders discussed its riparian ecosystem. use, as a medicine for aches and pains. The handsome perennial, Blue flax (Linum per- Historic yearlong livestock grazing within enne) was growing along the roadside beside the canyon has altered the native vegetation, Palmer’s penstemon. It resembles the culti- which is now recovering after stock re- vated flax, an annual, which is the source of moval. Tupac, Seaman Spring was drained quality fibers and linseed oil. It is stated that to provide water for the aqueduct and for

125

the Indians of some of the Western states The butt of the branch was placed within hot used the long fibers of the slender stems of ashes to soften it and it was bent and tied Blue flax for making cordage (Kearney and with buckskin. The point of the stick was Peebles 1960:489). Rubber rabbitbrush sharpened with a stone knife to fire harden it (Chrysothamnus nauseosus), sikomp was (Kelly 1971:154). The fruits were dried and observed growing on the roadside and elders ground on a metate, and the pulp was stirred noted that the roots were used as a source of into water and drunk (Kelly 1971:42). shampoo. Broad-leaved cattail (Typha latifolia), to-oiv The deciduous Gambel’s oak (Quercus was growing in the slow-moving water of gambelii), tuav or kwiav form arborescent the spring. In summer, Southern Paiutes ate thickets along the road to Seaman spring, the nutritious root of cattail and the brown and provide forage for deer within the can- spikes or seed heads were also consumed yon. (Kelly 1971:46). Paiute plants found in this location are listed in bold print below along The Southern Paiutes gathered acorns of with other plants observed at this site. Gambel’s oak in the fall, when they turned black and ripened. They were shelled and Southern Paiute Interpretation roasted in ashes, and brushed with leaves to Southern Paiute people traditionally used remove the ashes (Kelly 1971:44). The ex- Tupac, Black water, as well as the other otic robust biennial, Woolly mullein springs along the Vermilion Cliffs. These (Verbascum thapsus) was seen growing in valuable water sources within a semiarid an open site in disturbed soil along the road environment were important settlement near the spring. places for the Kaibab, (Mountain lying down people). A number of canyons with Its presence is an indication of unnatural springs and seeps dissect the Vermilion impact to an ecosystem such as earth re- Cliffs in Grand Staircase-Escalante National moval, grazing or road building. The xeric Monument, within the study area. and unusual Singleleaf ash (Fraxinus anomala) was growing in decomposed sand- There were Southern Paiute winter and stone in this red rock canyon. This small tree spring camps at the foot of the cliffs, often at species was an important fuel for the South- Tupac, and there was a directed seasonal ern Paiutes in their winter camps (Kelly movement of camps, moving in unison. 1971:150). Silver buffaloberry (Shepherdia Food was cached in caves within the Ver- argentea), a shrub that is often found associ- milion Cliffs for winter, and fall was a time ated with water, was growing on the sandy for gathering pinyon seeds on top of the slopes of Seaman Canyon. The red fruits cliffs. In summer the people moved up can- were eaten fresh, dried and ground by yons toward the White Cliffs where they Southern Paiute people (Kelly 1971:153). gathered various seeds such as aki, tansy mustard (Descurainia), pasi, wormwood and A Kaibab elder stated that Utah serviceberry sagebrush species (Artemisia), ciciganti, (Amelanchier utahensis), tu-ab branches balsamroot (Balsamorhiza) and on top of the were used for making arrows. Digging sticks cliffs, sigo’o (Kelly 1971:16) Sego lily bulbs were made from the wood of serviceberry. (Calochortus nuttallii).

126

Table 4.6. Associated Plants Scientific Name Common Name Amelanchier utahensis Utah serviceberry Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Castilleja sp. Indian paintbrush Chrysothamnus nauseosus Rubber rabbitbrush Chrysothamnus viscidiflorus Viscid rabbitbrush Cirsium arizonicum Arizona thistle Clematis ligusticifolia White virgins bower Elaeagnus angustifolia Russian olive Fraxinus anomala Singleleaf ash Hordeum jubatum Foxtail barley Juncus longistylis Longstyle rush Juniperus osteosperma Utah juniper Juniperus scopulorum Rocky Mountain juniper Melilotus officinalis Yellow sweet-clover Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass Penstemon eatonii Eaton’s penstemon Penstemon palmeri Palmer’s penstemon Pinus edulis Two-needle pinyon Polypogon monspeliensis Rabbitfoot grass Polypogon viridis Fremont’s cottonwood Purshia mexicana Cliff-rose Purshia tridentata Bitterbrush Quercus gambelii Gambel’s oak Ranunculus sp. Buttercup Rhus aromatica var. trilobata Squawbush Ribes sp. Gooseberry Salix exigua Coyote willow Scirpus pungens Common threesquare Shepherdia argentea Silver buffaloberry Swertia albomarginata White-margined swertia Tamarix chinensis Tamarisk Typha latifolia Broad-leaved cattail Verbascum thapsus Woolly mullein Yucca angustissima Narrow-leaved yucca

127

Figure 4.19. Sumac

Features The spring, numerous plants, animals, trails and geological features were identified as being traditionally used by Kaibab people. The elders were pleased to see the hydrological system of the canyon and its vital plant resources recovering, after stock removal. A large overhanging ledge beside the spring served as a shaded place for resting. Up canyon from the spring were large boul- Figure 4.20. Southern Paiute Consultant ders and rocky outcrops, which support such plants as the robust perennial and scarlet- Plants. Narrow-leaved yucca (Yucca angus- flowered Eaton’s penstemon (Penstemon tissima) with its deeply constricted capsules eatonii), the trailing woody vine, White vir- was growing in the decomposed red sand- gins-bower (Clematis ligusticifolia) and the stone by the roadside, within the canyon. carmine-flowered Arizona thistle (Cirsium Indian people used this important plant as a arizonicum). source of fiber for cordage and textiles (Welsh et al. 1993:737). Water. Southern Paiute people used Tupac, like many other springs in the Vermilion Southern Paiute people are committed to Cliffs. Here they set up camps that were protecting their cultural and natural re- permanently used upon their seasonal migra- sources within Grand Staircase-Escalante tion through the area. One Kaibab elder National Monument. Elders expressed great commented: interest in the sustainable harvesting of traditional plant materials and the conservation There is something like this at Sand and management of the wetland ecosystem, Wash. Follow it up and you come to which supports many culturally significant a place with willows and lots of wa- plants that are used by Southern Paiute peo- ter. It’s good water to drink…Just ple. They would like to continue utilizing like Kaibab water-It’s good water. these plant species as their grandparents Cattle have been drinking in the wa- taught them. Continued access to the places water here. The animals drink here where their people lived and traveled within too. They go a long ways to drink their cultural landscape is highly valued by water the Southern Paiutes. They wish to share these places with the young, to pass on this

128

intergenerational knowledge to their grand- children. A Kaibab elder spoke about how her mother prepared the willow for use as a weaving material and how her grandma used su-uv, squawbush:

The antlers of the deer were hollowed out and used to scrape the willows…to thin them. The willows are used to make cradleboards. My grandma wove baskets with su-uv,

and squawbush berries make really Figure 4.21, Ethnographers interviewing South- good punch, i‘isi punch. ern Paiute Consultants

A Kaibab elder discussed Paiute plant Animals. One of the project participants medicine: found a dead Little Brown Myotis bat (Myotis lucifugus) by the road near the A long time ago, the people never got spring. A Northern Plateau Lizard (Sclero- sick. They lived a long time and they pus undulatus elongatus) was seen perched didn’t have no doctor to go to. They upon a large boulder on the edge of the used Indian medicine, like sagebrush spring within the study area. This reptile for colds. They’d smash it down… seeks shelter under rocks and eats insects, and it was good for the little kids dur- spiders, ticks, millipedes, snails and small ing the night inside the cradleboard. lizards (Stebbins 1985:132). I’ve used Indian medicine a lot of times. A wandering Garter Snake (Thamnophis elegans vagrans) was observed moving Elders expressed concern about impact to swiftly through the meadow alongside the the native vegetation by livestock, within the spring in the shade beneath the rock ledge. area. A Kaibab elder who was interviewed This species is often found in damp envi- commented on the abundance of Foxtail bar- ronments near water. When frightened, they ley (Hordeum jubatum) growing in the tend to seek shelter in dense plant growth or canyon. He informed us that cows and deer they usually enter water. This snake eats don’t eat this native plant that moves into snails, slugs, leeches, frogs, toads, tadpoles, disturbed areas in the manner of an intro- lizards, snakes, small mammals, some birds, duced weed. Mature fruiting heads cause insects and carrion (Stebbins 1985:201). injury to eyes and mouthparts of all grazing animals (Welsh et al. 1993:834). Within the moist but almost waterless mud below the spring, numerous Canyon treefrog This aggressive weed pierces mouths and (Hyla arenicolor) tadpoles struggled for ex- nostrils and gets into the wool, causing sores istence in the dewatered environment. when they penetrate the skin (Kearney and Several adult Canyon treefrogs were seen in Peebles 1960:96). the spring with the tadpoles and around the periphery of the water. Several Black Swal- lowtail butterflies were sited within the

129

canyon by the water. Kaibab elders dis- Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupa- cussed this creature: tion/Use: Lithics, pottery shards and stone chippings were found in the canyon near the Don’t chase the butterflies. My spring, and on the rim of the canyon were grandmother always told us not to large lithic scatters of various ceramic types. follow them. There is an old saying Tupac and Seaman Canyon within the Ver- about the butterfly… Don’t ever fol- milion Cliffs is a place that is rich in Paiute low them or they will lead you to the history. The people farmed by the creeks rattlesnake. There are a lot of butter- and washes, had meetings and played hand flies at Kaibab. games in the area. Kaibab elders who were interviewed discussed the seasonal transhumant strategy of the Southern Paiutes:

They were always on the move. They knew where they were going. Even at nighttime, they had the stars to guide them and they stayed to the same trails. They never had a permanent residence, so they would stop on the way to wherever they were going because of the water and the plants, for

Figure 4.22. Local Resident hunting and gathering food. I think that all of the Indian tribes did a lot of The Kaibab elders who were interviewed hunting, exchange and trade and stated that Southern Paiutes hunted in the were involved in social gather- area: ings…They gave songs when they traveled. They used to hunt deer, antelope, jackrabbits and squirrels long ago in There were social dances like the the area. They killed them with bow Round Dance and the Bear Dance. and arrows. It’s hard to break. Go They had a lot of those dances wher- up the mountain…They used oak as a ever they went. We used to go picking bow. From out of the deer, they used pine nuts on Kaibab Mountain with the sinew as a bowstring. My my grandma. There are a lot of grandpa used this kind… He found springs along this area where people feathers for the bow and arrow. The stopped on their hunting, medicinal deer would go on the mountain. gathering and living. They’ve been here a long time. People from here A Kaibab elder informed us that there were were mostly from Kaibab. Captain Bear Dance Songs, hunting songs and other George was my Uncle’s Dad. ceremonial songs performed in the area. The Bear Dance Song took place after the bear Physical/Geological Features. The moun- came out of hibernation in the spring. When tains, rock formations and the spring are the people were going out to hunt, they used important in ceremony for Southern Paiute to sing. There were ceremonies conducted people. There are ceremonies and ceremo- all over the area. nial songs associated with this locality.

130

Elders spoke about how this place is con- Bryce Canyon is Awvo’uv or nected to other areas within the Southern Semi-Circle Paiute cultural landscape: Panguitch is Pawguh uts or fish Skutumpah in Johnson Canyon is Rabbitbrush Water Cedar Breaks is Ungkaw Pe- konump or Red Cove By Cedar Mountain is Brian Head, which is Too-Kweeckoovunt or Black Peak Figure 4.23. Pottery Fragments Kanab is Kanav or Willow There were ceremonial songs in this Navajo Mountain was formerly area such as the Salt Song and the Bird Song from the Mohave Valley. called Paiute Mountain before the The Salt Song helps the person who Navajos came. There are Paiute died, to help them across to get to where they need to go and each one farms up by Paiute Mountain. They of those songs tells a story. They sing farmed corn, squash and water- the songs for everybody. It just helps their spirits in their travels wherever melon. they’re going. When Aunt Yetta was alive, she went down the Colorado River…She said there are some places that I want you to see…Yetta said she would show me the spiritual places that she wanted me to see.

A Kaibab elder explained the Southern Pai- ute place names in the region and their significance:

Paria is Pawtuhee or Elk Water Figure 4.23. Ethnographer Richard Stoffle and Kaiparowits is OawKaidoowe or Southern Paiute Consultant, Illa Bullets Mountain Sun Perceived Impacts Yellow Canyon is Waweep The development of roads, livestock grazing The red, white and orange of the and the draining of the spring have significantly altered this site. There is a history of earth are for medicines, for livestock grazing and ranching including prayers. cattle, horses and sheep, as an extensive

131

open range within the area. The plant com- Recommendations munities have been severely impacted by Southern Paiute people wish to have contin- these activities. ued access to their traditional places within Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monu- In the past, Southern Paiute people sustaina- ment. As natural and cultural resource bly managed the plants and the water consultants and managers, Southern Paiute resources within this locality. Plants such as people possess a vast and significant tradi- squawbush and willows benefit from selec- tional knowledge and understanding of the tive pruning to encourage strong, resilient region. Because of their spiritual ties to the branch growth the following season. Basket area, their practical and wise conservation and cradleboard makers understand the ne- ethic and expertise bespeak their love and cessity of sustainable pruning methods. respect for the land. As an integral part of this locality, which is within their ancestral The discontinuity of American Indian re- cultural landscape, Southern Paiute people source management in this area is notable. are a valuable asset to the Grand Staircase- The lack of access to their ancestral lands Escalante National Monument. Kaibab rep- has been a detriment to the environment and resentatives expressed: to the cultural longevity and integrity of the Southern Paiute Indian Nation. Water is Southern Paiute people want to come highly regarded and treated with reverence to the area…to know that we were and respect by Southern Paiute people. They here before…Beside knowing where recognize that wild animals are dependent they are from and that they were on the springs for survival in this semiarid here…Our people need to environment. A Kaibab representative ex- know…The place needs to be more plained: accessible. If we were allowed, we would come here and protect the All the things we didn’t have as spring and the plants… kids…we want to give this to our children.

132

CHAPTER FIVE Cultural Landscape Responses

This chapter presents opinions expressed by opportunity to discuss whether or not the Indian people regarding the relationship of GSE/NM area is connected in any way with the GSE/NM area to places and cultural re- larger cultural landscapes. sources found in the surrounding region. This is a direct effort to explain the central- American Indian Cultural Landscapes: ity of the GSE/NM area, which is being Technical Term #2: Cultural Landscapes discussed as a cultural ecoscape, within in- American Indian people typically want to creasingly larger cultural landscapes such as provide the fullest protection possible for a regional landscape, a storyscape, and a their cultural resources found beyond the holy land. These concepts are first defined bounds of tribal reservations. Federal and and described in a model and theory of cul- state land managers also want to protect tural landscapes, and operationalized in these cultural resources, thus complying American Indian terms for the GSE/NM with relevant and related laws. Since the ecoscape. This chapter concludes with a dis- mid-1970s, when Indian concerns began to cussion of places specially mentioned as part be formally incorporated into cultural stud- of these American Indian cultural land- ies, there has been a major gap between scapes and an ethnographic summary of the what Indian people want to protect and how findings. much protection managers of nonreserved land are willing and able to provide. Within the model of American Indian cultural landscapes discussed below and used to In general, Indian people desire holistic con- frame the analysis of this chapter, it is pos- servation, which means, "these are our sible for specific places to be a part of one or lands, even if others control them, and we more types of cultural landscapes. Any place wish no further development or damage to can be connected to other places through the occur here" (Stoffle and Evans 1990). Un- occupation and use of a common geophysi- fortunately, from an Indian perspective, few cal space such as a watershed. This type of land managers are able to follow this ex- relationship is being termed an ecoscape pressed desire. Often federal and state lands cultural landscape. Any place may also be are required by law to permit and even en- connected to other places through larger di- courage development and open public rect connections, thus making it an integral access to the land. When development can- portion of a regional cultural landscape. Fi- not be eliminated, Indian people are faced nally, any place can be connected with other with a forced-choice situation; they can ei- places by being a part of a storyscape or an ther recommend certain places for protection eventscape. or withdraw from participation and have projects proceed without their input. This chapter is based on data from a cultural landscape interview instrument that provides This forced-choice decision results in what each Indian person being interviewed the has been called cultural triage (Stoffle and

133

Evans 1990); that is, making a recommenda- broadened to protect archaeological or his- tion to protect some cultural resources or torical districts composed of multiple areas before others. Cultural triage places in properties. the hands of Indian people the right to choose what to protect first and to make this Most recently, the concept of traditional choice based on their own criteria. Today, cultural property (TCP) has been offered as many Indian people and tribes have selected a tool for identifying and protecting places places for special protection, and land man- and objects that have special cultural signifi- agers have used these recommendations to cance to American Indian or other U.S. minimize adverse impacts to these cultural ethnic groups (Parker and King 1990). The resources. TCP concept is a logical extension of the NHPA, which was initially designed to pro- A number of scientific procedures have been tect individual buildings and historic objects. developed to help translate the cultural con- Although the TCP concept has been effec- cerns of Indian people so that land managers tive in protecting small places of extreme can make culturally appropriate decisions. cultural significance, Indian people and One such procedure is calculating the cul- scholars alike have questioned whether or tural significance of Indian plants, animals, not TCP is the best way to conceptualize and and artifacts and using these numeric values protect geographically larger American In- to select places having the highest values for dian cultural resources. protection (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olm- sted 1990). Calculating values for cultural We maintain that American Indian percep- resources and the places they reside does not tions of land and its resources can be replace Indian styles of expression, but it is represented as cultural landscapes, which instead a parallel approach to the common are culturally and geographically unique ar- goal of providing maximum cultural re- eas. American Indian cultural resources source protection to the most culturally (plants, animals, artifacts, minerals, air, and significant resources and places. water) tend to be viewed by scientists and land managers according to inherent criteria Cultural resource protection laws are an- defined by Western scientific concepts. other driving force behind the need to triage cultural resources and the places where they Western scientists tend to study plants, ani- occur. Historically, these laws have begun mals, archaeology, and rock art without with the premise that some things and places reference to other cultural resources found in are more important than others are, and only the area under study. This isolation of cul- the most significant places should be af- tural resources by their perceived inherent forded protection. Once this premise is characteristics has the advantage of provid- established, then determining the criteria for ing an information-rich discussion about a assigning significance logically follows. In single type of cultural resource. For exam- general, significance derives from some ob- ple, a complete study of plants significant to vious value to the society at large or to Native Americans is conducted and docu- science. mented in a separate report that includes specific recommendations for protecting Initially, these laws were focused on protect- plants. Most Federal preservation laws ad- ing single properties such as a house or a dress a single type of cultural resource, and historic site. The laws eventually were this piecemeal-approach procedure is useful

134

to managers because it provides recommen- components of their culture so that the full- dations for resource management and est native cultural meanings associated with preservation according to the predefined re- things and places are recognized and pro- source types. tected.

Despite the legal basis for and widespread The idea that American Indian cultural re- use of resource-specific studies, these pro- sources can be viewed, evaluated, and cedures for classifying and managing protected in new categories is more than re- American Indian cultural resources do not fit packaging. Employing a holistic analytical and in some cases are quite meaningless in perspective is an attempt to seek to under- terms of how many American Indian people stand culturally distinct understandings of view cultural resources. environment, history, and place. There is a growing scientific literature that demon- To illustrate this cross-cultural reality, strates the importance of different culturally Southern Paiute people tend to view cultural derived understandings of the environment. resources as being bound together in broad categories based on functional interdepen- Greider's (1994:79) analysis demonstrated dency and proximity rather than being that one Native American medicine woman defined by inherent resource characteristics. transforms the same plants into Indian and Most places where Indian people lived and non-Indian medicine, each requiring differ- visited contained the diverse necessities of ent culturally expected practices for the life: plants and animals for food, medicinal medicine to be effective. Winthrop plants for continued health; paintings and (1994:27-28) explained disputes over where peckings on rock walls telling about historic to include Indian concerns in the EIS of a events and blessing the area where the peo- proposed ski area by contrasting a U.S. ple gathered; and water to drink and use in regulatory agency definition of nature as a ceremonies of all kinds. Indian people per- wilderness lacking humans, with an Ameri- ceive places and the things associated with can Indian definition of nature as oikumene them as interrelated. For example, some ar- or inhabited world. chaeological sites were plant-gathering areas, and some animals appear in rock The Indian people involved in the ski as- paintings and peckings that depict the rela- sessment believed that their cultural tionship between Indian people and animals. concerns belonged in all sections of the report and should not be restricted to a human The key question that confronts Indian peo- impact section. Howell (1994:130-131) ple, the scientists assisting them with pointed out that the conquerors' conceptual cultural resource studies, and agencies that removal of native peoples from the natural must use the information to make land use environment has had adverse impacts on policies is, "How can we best conceptualize how effectively U.S. national parks have Native American cultural resources?" Indian been managed. Consequently, a reconceptu- people contribute to resource-specific stud- alization of nature as human ecology is ies because they recognize that doing so has essential before realistic ecosystem man- been the best way to protect the resource in agement can occur. Treitler (1994:22-23) a given cultural resource assessment situa- suggested that three Indian tribes have cho- tion. On the other hand, Indian people desire sen different strategies for interacting with a to reassemble the artificially disassociated federal environmental regulatory agency

135

based on their differing cultural perceptions (Parker and King 1990). In most instances, of the environment and the implications of however, the place is set aside to protect the sharing sacred information about the natural cultural resources it contains. Given the real- landscape being studied. Greider and Gark- ity of contemporary land management ovitch (1994:8) concluded that: practice in the U.S, cultural resources ultimately must be studied and managed as Cultural groups socially construct geographically coherent units. A key ques- landscapes as reflections of them- tion is "how big do these geographically selves. In the process, the social, coherent units have to be to afford accept- cultural, and natural environments able protection to the cultural resources they are meshed and become part of the contain?" shared symbols and beliefs of members of the groups. Thus the natural Both Native Americans and scholars of Na- environment and changes in it take tive culture propose a number of terms to on different meanings depending on discuss these geographically coherent units: the social and cultural symbols af- sacred geography (Walker 1991), spiritual filiated with it. geography (Griffith 1992) sacred landscapes (Carmichael 1994), symbolic Kelley and Francis' (1993) research with landscapes (Grieder 1993) and cultural Navajo people suggested that the latter view landscapes (Kelley and Francis 1993, 1994; places as a part of larger landscapes and that NPS 1994). Each of these terms convey it is ethically wrong to refuse to adopt the similar key elements of what Native peoples culturally appropriate categories that people often express when they talk about their tra- use in their understandings of the environ- ditional conceptualization of a holistic view ment. According to Kelley and Francis of the land and its cultural resources (Stoffle (1994:101), even the Navajo Nation's His- and Evans 1990). toric Preservation Department (HPD), when forced to do so by Federal laws, uses a We chose not to use the terms sacred and piecemeal approach instead of the culturally spiritual here, even though these labels re- appropriate landscape approach of its own flect the intensity of attachment Indian people. The Navajo HPD argues (Downer et people have for their landscapes. Unfortu- al. 1994), however, that the HPD is working nately, the terms sacred and spiritual imply within U.S. Federal regulations while at- in Western epistemology the concept secu- tempting to broaden overly constraining lar, thus limiting cultural resource concepts such as history so that data derived discussions to what non-Indians perceive to from what is called traditional history can be strictly religious activities. Religious be used in the preservation of culturally im- terms are appropriate if a study is only about portant places. ceremonial resources, but usually the terms sacred and spiritual cause many Indian cul- Land management agencies manage places. tural resource concerns to be eliminated If there are objects, plants, or animals to be from the discussion of landscapes. protected, the place where the objects are located, the plants grow, or the animals live The term symbolic was not selected for use is assigned special status. Sometimes the in this essay because it is not commonly un- place is the cultural resource, and thus it is derstood, and thus requires technical termed a traditional cultural property explication before being useful. Actually,

136

the term symbolic does reflect how land- types of structures that are built in a place scapes are created by humans and why it is play an important role in defining a land- so difficult to find common terms to discuss scape. them. Greider and Garkovich (1994:6), who have a theoretical discussion of how land- The NPS stipulates that a cultural landscape scapes are created, conclude that human is a geographic area, including both natural beings, in essence “...construct a landscape and cultural resources, associated with a his- from nature and the environment through toric event, activity, or person (NPS culturally meaningful symbols and then 1994:94). Using these criteria, the NPS rec- reif(y) it." Thus, any specific landscape ex- ognizes four cultural landscape categories: ists and lives only in the minds of social (1) historic designed landscapes, which are groups. deliberate artistic creations reflecting recognized styles; (2) historic vernacular Competing views of landscapes develop landscapes, which illustrate peoples' values when more than one social group occupies and attitudes toward the land and reflect pat- or otherwise has some reason to establish a terns of settlement, use, and development cultural perception of a landscape. When over time; (3) historic sites, which are im- developmental changes to the landscape are portant for their associations with important discussed, the assessment of these changes events, activities, and persons; and (4) eth- will be affected by which symbolic land- nographic landscapes, which are associated scape is being considered. The consequences with contemporary groups and typically are of planned environmental change can only used or valued in traditional ways. Rural his- be understood with reference to a people and toric landscapes are discussed in Bulletin 30 their symbolic construction of the landscape. (McClellan et al. 1990).

The term cultural landscape is meaningful The NPS definition of cultural landscapes is because it is widely understood without fur- both similar and dissimilar to definitions of- ther explanation and has official standing in ten expressed by Native Americans. Both a number of U.S. Federal laws, regulations, definitions include the land, its natural com- and guidelines. Perhaps the most detailed ponents, places touched by prehuman federal policy statement on cultural land- spiritual beings, and objects left there by In- scapes appears in the National Park Service dian people as these are conceived within Cultural Resource Management Guidelines the cultural system of the people. Both con- (NPS 1994). There, the agency defines cul- ceptualizations of cultural landscapes reflect tural landscapes as complex resources that the full range of human activities, all of range from rural tracts to formal gardens which are perceived of as being a part of life (NPS 1994:93). The natural features such as and thus culturally significant. landforms, soils, and vegetation provide the framework within which the cultural land- Native American landscapes, however, are scape evolves. much larger in geographic space than are those considered by the NPS guidelines. The In its broadest sense, a cultural landscape is latter suggests that tracts of several thousand a reflection of human adaptation to and use acres are the upper size limit for cultural of natural resources. A cultural landscape is landscapes (NPS 1994:94). By simply defined by the way the land is organized and broadening the spatial parameters of cultural divided, settled and used. In addition, the landscapes, the NPS and Native American

137

conceptualizations of these cultural resource relationship between a people and their holy units can be united. land cannot be broken, even by a diaspora. Forced relocation by another ethnic group Levels of Cultural Landscapes will not break a relationship created by the We now outline the major types of cultural supernatural, so holy land ties tend to be landscapes as they are perceived by many viewed similarly by contemporary occupants American Indian people. In terms of both and those who have moved away. size and function, there are six types of Na- tive American cultural landscapes: (1) Although the term "holy land" conveys eventscapes, (2) holy landscapes, (3) story- many similar features between land concep- scapes, (4) regional landscapes, (5) tions held by American Indians and those of ecoscapes, and (6) landmarks. people from other societies, there are also distinctions. Holy lands tend to be where a Eventscapes people were created by the supernatural, but Eventscapes occur when people within and the location of this place in real and spiritual between ethnic groups jointly participate in space may differ. Middle Eastern religions, an activity. By participating in this activity for example, view the surface of the earth as they tie together in special ways themselves the only existing surface, while many Native and the places where these events occur. Americans perceive of living surfaces above One such event that occurred in the region and below this one. The holy land on this surrounding Hoover Dam was the Ghost earth surface may have been produced when Dance. Both Paiute and Hualapai people the people emerged from another earth sur- jointly danced in 1890 in order to restore the face below this one where they were world as it was traditionally. This originally created. The center of the Zuni eventscape has been fully documented in a Indian Pueblo is such a place. recent article (Stoffle, Loendorf, Halmo, Austin, Bulletts 2000) and is available on a The term "holy land" never exactly fits web page at American Indian views of ethnic origin http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/CA/. lands, but many Indian people have accepted this as a gloss for their perception of crea- Holy Lands tion lands and have agreed to assign a term Edward Spicer (1957) used the term holy to it. These terms tend not to exist in the In- lands to explain one of the broadest and dian language, probably because the concept most fundamental connections between is foreign. The Navajo Nation, for example, American Indian people and the land. "Holy officially uses the English language term land" is a term that seeks a common land Navajoland when referring to an area perception in order to convey to non-Indian bounded by the four sacred mountains (Kel- people the cultural significance of Native ley and Francis 1993). The Pima-speaking American land perceptions. A holy land is people of southern Arizona and northern created by a supernatural being who estab- Sonora Mexico refer to their creation land lishes a birthright relationship between a by the Spanish language term Pimería Alta people (however defined) and that portion of (Griffith 1992:xix). The use of foreign terms the earth where they were created. This rela- to refer to Indian places is common; after tionship provides the people with special all, the term Navajo is a Spanish label for a rights to use and obligations to protect re- people who call themselves Dine, and the sources on that portion of the earth. The

138

term Pima is a Hispanicized mislabel for graphic references tend to emphasize the people who call themselves O'odham. movement and vivacity of the hero. The mythic text cares little for the products of Storyscapes heroism; instead it sings the praises the he- The term storyscape refers to a portion of a roic journey, setting an example for the holy land that is delineated by Native patient to be healed by the Chantway and American stories or songs. Storyscapes may thereby become restored in health through even exist outside of holy lands, a point that his own motion. raises questions about whether storyscapes can serve to integrate humankind as well as In general, Indian myths, like those of the the Indian people who hold them. Navajo, occur along a storyscape that topographically represents what the story conveys. The structure and meaning of the story land- A hole in a sandstone cliff may be where a scape or storyscape derives only from where mythic being shot an arrow at an opponent, the story or song occurs. The storyscape is and a stain of color in a rock may represent held together neither by common topogra- an eagle frozen in flight. phy nor common plant and animal ecology. Quite the contrary, the story or song pro- Were one to pass along the path of the story, ceeds from place to place based on the the landscape would be marked with story or activity it is conveying. Often the story is song points. Moving from point to point about spiritual beings that can move without permits a living person to physically reenact reference to topography; that is, they can fly, and directly experience the story or song. A swim along underground rivers, pass Lillooet person told Romanoff (1992:227) through mountains, or even move telekineti- that the Lillooet Coyote story is marked by cally. places where it occurred and that such landmarks are memorably named and ar- A great variety of storyscapes crisscross the ranged by the myth, so that a child hearing landscape of American Indian holy lands. the myth acquired an internal map that he Many of these involve a time before today's could follow on the ground. Generally, spe- humans existed, what some would call a cifically noted story or song landscape mythic time. It is important to note that the points are not more important than the less term "mythic" implies only another time be- specific physical space between them, before present time; however it does not imply cause they all constitute the geographical that either that time or the stories were ficti- path of the storyscape. tious. Regional Landscapes A story about the movements of mythic be- Regional landscapes are components of Na- ings conveys the sense of purpose in the tive American holy lands. Like other behavior of the mythic beings, but the story cultural landscapes, they are defined in itself also is tied to places where either terms of both geography and culture. Typi- events occurred or the mythic being specifically, regional landscapes are spatially cally established some relationship with the expansive, involving hundreds, perhaps landscape (Kelley and Francis 1994). thousands, of square miles. A major geo- Vecsey (1988:145) concludes that in Navajo graphical feature often defines a regional myth, physical place is as important as what landscape. Examples include the Black Hills is happening in the story because the geo- of South Dakota or the Grand Canyon of

139

Arizona. A major river like the Columbia The term ecoscape refers to a portion of a may define a regional landscape, as can a regional landscape that is clearly defined by desert like the Mohave. A regional land- an unusual or distinct local geography and scape is the first level of cultural abstraction its unique cultural relationship to an Ameri- that can be expected to correspond with an can Indian group or groups. The ecoscape ecoregion (such as the Mohave Desert) that tends to be recognizable terrain that has al- is defined as somewhat unique by its biotic ready been named by both Indian and non- and abiotic characteristics (Golley 1993). Indian people. It may be a mountain range, a long canyon, or an area with many hot Usually, with a regional cultural landscape springs. The ecoscape is, by definition, there are somewhat unique natural resources smaller than the regional landscape in which that are generally bounded by a major geo- it is found, but the two are directly related. graphical feature. For example, there are certain types of plants and animals found in The geographical structure and cultural the Black Hills, the Grand Canyon, and the meaning of a regional landscape derives in Sonoran Desert. When American Indian large part from the structures and meanings people used the natural resources of a re- of the many ecoscapes it contains. For ex- gional landscape over long periods, then ample, the Mohave Desert is composed of specific adaptive strategies developed and great expanses of dry lake beds and their were incorporated into their overall cultural surrounding mountains, a massive unique system. valley called Death Valley, and dramatic areas defined by volcanic cinder cones, Human adaptive strategies reflect, but are magma tube tunnels, and mesas capped by not determined by, their environment. Envi- surface lava flows. Each has the potential of ronmental deterministic theories have long becoming an ecoscape due to its own since been set aside because studies demon- physiological components, the unique plant strate that ultimately people can live and animal communities it supports, and the anywhere and do so largely on their own special relationships it has with Indian peo- terms (Moran 1990, Vayda 1969). There are ple. Together, these ecoscapes become the many dynamics between people and their Mohave Desert as a regional landscape. environment (Ness, Drake, Brechin 1993), and these special relationships tend to be Indian people ultimately define an ecoscape criteria in defining cultural landscapes, in- when they specially incorporate this local cluding regional landscapes. geography into their culture. The ecoscape may be viewed as a power place or a series Ecoscapes of connected power places. It may have the Some new terms are necessary to clarify shape of a creation being that is lying down, past discussions with greater conceptual like Kuuchamaa, the Kumeyaay sacred specificity. One of these, storyscapes, and it mountain (Shipek 1985). It may provide has already been discussed. Another new mineral waters for healing. It may be of spe- term, ecological landscapes or ecoscapes, cial historic importance. Each ecoscape will points to the special relationship between serve a special role in the history and culture American Indian cultural landscapes and the of an Indian group and it will contain nu- well-defined natural ecosystems they en- merous places of specific cultural compass. significance.

140

Landmarks Shasta has recently received the TCP desig- The term landmark refers to a discrete nation making it the largest TCP. In fact, physical place within a cultural landscape most cultural resource protection laws in the (Kelley and Francis 1993:158). A landmark U.S. are designed to protect landmarks. tends to be a small part of the local geogra- However, a few laws are designed to protect phy that is topographically and culturally larger geographic units like ecoscapes. unique. Landmarks are easily defined both in terms of their physical boundaries and the American Indian Cultural Ecoscapes in reasons why they are culturally important. A Riverine Ecosystems: landmark may be a salt cave, which is the A Model and a Theory source of an essential natural element, the object of numerous pilgrimages, and the end The idea of developing a model and theory of a storyscape. A landmark may be a deep of riverine ecosystems was initially con- spring in the desert that is surrounded by ceived and presented at the 1997 Society for pictographs from past ceremonies, plants for Applied Anthropology (SfAA) meeting in food and medicine, and water for the irriga- Seattle, Washington. Then, as now, the driv- tion of gardens. A landmark may be a power ing observation was that from an American rock that will heal sick people if they can Indian cultural perspective there is some- talk to it in an Indian language and perform thing special about rivers and the valleys the proper ceremony. that contain them. That initial session on this topic laid out ideas regarding the importance Landmarks tend to be obvious places that of water, watersheds, rivers, and cultural seem to demand the focus of intense cultural resources near rivers. Participating in that interest. The residual volcanic core standing session were representatives from three on the high plains of Wyoming, for exam- American Indian ethnic groups who shared ple, called by Lakota people Mato Tepee ideas on this topic: the Skokomish, who live (Bear's Lodge) and by other people Devil's on the Skokomish River as it runs into the Tower, became the focus of cultural interest southern end of Puget Sound; the Wanapum, of at least ten American Indian groups as who live on the middle Columbia River at well as the federal government which made the junction of the Snake and Umatilla Riv- it a national monument (Evans, Dobyns, ers; and the Southern Paiutes who live along Stoffle, Austin, and Krause 1994:73-79). more than 500 miles of the Colorado River. The central natural springs that gave Las Vegas (the Meadows in Spanish) its name Each of these ethnic groups sent elders to are such a landscape. that SfAA session to explain their cultural attachments to these rivers and the surround- Because of what might be termed inherently ing valleys. This model and theory builds on interesting features, it is relatively simple to those cultural perspectives as well as on the convey the cultural importance of such interactions our team have had with Mohave landmarks to people belonging to another and Hualapai elders since then. This portion culture. As easily identifiable places whose of the chapter is viewed as yet another step meaning is readily conveyed to others, towards what may be a model and eventu- landmarks are ideal subjects for cultural pro- ally become a theory for understanding why tection and management. Except for Mt. rivers and their valleys are so important to Shasta, most TCPs are defined as land- Indian people. marks; however, the upper portion of Mt.

141

The General Model time. At the largest currently modeled spa- Since 1997 our University of Arizona re- tial level11, American Indian landscapes in search team has published four articles10 the GSE/NM region involve the following and a number of reports that address the is- manifestations of cultural landscapes: sue of what are American Indian cultural landscapes. These studies present what we (1) Eventscapes – interethnic connec- believe to be the first stages in developing a tions produced by joint participation general model of landscapes and an initial in culturally critically and persistent theory (based on the concept of Puha or events such as the Ghost Dance of power) regarding how the model works. 1890,

The first point is that there are regular ele- (2) Holy Lands – are that geographic ments of the riverine model – which are both area where a people were created natural and human conceived. These ele- thus given their birthright attachments, singularly or in combination, produce ments and responsibilities to their a cultural cognition of places and the land; spaces between them. The second point is that these places are related to other places (3) Song- and Story-Scapes which forming a higher level of complexity and identify rather narrow but often very abstraction, which we call place networks. long strings of places connected by a The third point is that place networks are in combination of spiritual or physical turn related to one another at increasingly trails; higher levels of complexity and abstraction until reaching the spatial and temporal limits (4) Regional Landscapes which gener- of ethnic group’s cultural cognitions. It is ally define broad area of activities important to pause and realize that these and spirituality that reflect broad cognitive limits may exceed, and are certain ecological areas like the Mohave De- to be different than, those perceived by non- sert and sociocultural interactions Indians and may reach spatially outward to reflected in social subdivisions like a interplanetary and interstellar relationships district, as well to spatially otherworldly plains of existence. All of these spatial relations will (5) Ecoscapes (the focus of this chapter have real time and other time (mythic time) and the GSE/NM EIS) which are dimensions. Is it any wonder that we anthro- unique and interactive biotic and pologists have taken so long to piece abiotic systems that are somewhat together the story of American Indian cul- bounded by a topographically unique tural landscapes. area such as a canyon, mountain range, or watershed, and Briefly and simply, cultural landscapes are geographically referenced units of human (6) Finally, the smallest unit is a culture that are both spatially nested within Landmark – a highly unusual to- one another and vertically layered through

11 At this time we have not modeled landscape con- 10 Stoffle, Austin, and Halmo 1997; Zedeno, Austin, nections to other temporal and spatial dimensions but and Stoffle; Dewey-Hefley, Zedeno, Stoffle, Pitta- these are real elements of the whole cognitive system luga; and Stoffle, Loendorf, Austin, Halmo, and and may be critical for understanding access to and Bulletts 2000. use of puha – power.

142

pographic feature that tends to attract (especially those people chosen by the Crea- the attention of people – such as a tor to be in this holy land) and nature. hot spring, big cave, jagged mountain peak, or volcanic neck sticking Natural Elements up out of the Colorado River. What are the key natural elements that define a riverine ecoscape and the landmarks Riverine Ecoscapes within it as culturally important? [See Figure When we focus on riverine cultural land- 1: Natural Elements of a Riverine Eco- scape, we begin by talking about ecoscapes. scape]. Riverine ecoscapes that become Riverine ecoscapes are cultural constructs central in the lives of Indian people have the (by this we mean they clearly are only following elements (1) a river, (2) volcanic known through the minds of humans), but flows, (3) hot springs, (4) caves, (5) medici- they have both natural and human elements. nal plants and animals, (6) paint source, and Some would say that both the natural and (7) geographic features like a mountain peak human elements are in fact human artifacts. or big rock. There are interesting relation- From this perspective there are no inherent ships between these elements. meanings in nature, thus when common constructs are made about similar natural It is important to begin this discussion of elements it is strictly because the people will these natural elements with the river – a it so, rather than because there is some char- power force that carves canyons and brings acteristic of the natural elements that caused life to the region. Then there are volcanic the common response. lava flows – these arise at the edges of the river often flowing directly into it, only to be A recent book called How the Canyon Be- carved out again by the primary force of wa- came Grand by Stephen Pyne maintains that ter erosion. Hot springs form as an offspring the Grand Canyon was made into a nation- of volcanic activity and water and tend to be ally valued area by the work of a handfull of near both – sometimes actually at the edge powerful white men. This is what may be of the river. Caves – are a product of erosion called the “there is nothing out” theory. In but more importantly are imbedded en- contrast, there is a book called Reinventing trances into a mountain. Nature: Responses to Postmodern Decon- struction by Michael Soulé and Gary Lease Medicine plants are always useful but gain that take this position to task. They maintain strength when they live at the edge of a river that nature does exist and influences human or near volcanic flows. Medicine animals cognition whether we know it our not. also derive and share the special powers of a specific area. Many types of paint (espe- From a Native American standpoint, nature cially red ochre and yellow ochre) are found is alive, willful, and talks. Nature is interac- near lava flows because they can be pro- tive and responsive to the behavior of duced at the contact point between previous humans, healing sometimes and punishing at earth and a volcanic lava flow. And finally other time. The essential balance defined at there are geographic landmarks those highly Creation can only be achieved by a two-way nuanced protuberances – or places that flow of communication and culturally ap- speak a story of power to all people and propriate behavior between people provide a universal and dramatic setting for human activity.

143

Figure 5.1 Natural Elements of a Riverine Ecoscape.

Human Elements It seems that places of great cultural signifi- Humans respond to these natural elements cance have an origin story that explains and regularly attach certain types of mean- why they are there and what is their purpose. ings to them producing the cultural Such stories may occur at the beginning of conceptualization of the riverine ecoscape creation when the place and the people were [Figure Human Elements of a Riverine formed together, or they may Ecoscape]. Riverine ecoscapes commonly happen later during what some call “mythic have the following human elements: (1) an time” when things are not just as they are origin story, (2) an identification of compo- today. In mythic time animals can talk to nent places as having special purposes, (3) a strange beings and great deeds can be ac- connection between places derived from se- complished by rabbits. quential ceremony, (4) rock peckings and paintings, and (5) historic event layers.

144

• Hot Springs •Cave •Paint • Lava Flow •Plants • Mountain •River • Rock Painting - Pecking

Figure 5.2. Human Elements of a Riverine Ecoscape . Within the riverine ecoscape are places that than the symbols is the center. The pecked have special purposes. Examples include or painted places marked often indicate caves where one can receive medicines or where power moves into and out of the songs, places of curing such as a rounded earth, and may be a place where a vision can mountaintop, and places that are portals for be received or where a qualified person can travel to other worlds. These special purpose prepare to go into a more powerful area like places tend to be associated with the differ- a cave or curing landmark. ent natural elements discussed above, but can exist where there are no unusual natural Places within a riverine ecoscape that are resources. identified in the culture are often connected though sequential ceremonial activity. When two kinds of natural elements come This network of place connections is the together, like a river and a volcanic lava foundation of the riverine cultural land- flow or the narrowing of space along a well scapes. It should be noted that a single traveled trail by canyon walls, a special network of connected places (itself a cultural place is formed that may elicit the formation unit) is connected with other similar cultural of rock peckings and paintings. These marks units. The entire spider web of relationships on rocks are either made by powerful hu- between places and networks of places is the mans or by tiny anthropomorphic beings. foundation and ultimately the definition of The peckings are symbols indicating that the all cultural landscapes. This spider web of place is powerful. As such, the place, rather place and network relationships extends

145

outward spatially and back in time tempo- help solve the problems confronted by the rally thus becoming the world where an Ghost Dance. ethnic groups lives. As such, this spider web of places and networks is the foundation for Disastrous social and environmental changes understanding, predicting, and managing were occurring to thousands of Indian peo- how life will be for this ethnic group in the ple in North America and together they future. Breaks in the spider web threaten the chose this healing event to solve these mas- cultural cohesion of the people; and, given sive problems. The Indian peoples who their perceptions of the web, the existence of danced the ceremony of renewal potentially the earth. (it has yet to be documented every where) created a network of relationships between Once the human dimensions of riverine eco- themselves, the other dancers, and the scapes are created they and the places so placed danced. conceived operate as places of power used by people again and again. Though time, A new cultural landscape layer potentially new meanings are attached. Historic events was added to each place it was practiced. can add a layer – such as when an isolated For the Kaibab Paiute people this involved canyon that once served as a spiritual retreat Kanab Creek, the Grand Canyon regional for medicine people becomes a region of landscape, their holy land, the lands of the refuge for all people hiding from an aggres- Hualapai with whom they directly dance, sor. Both meanings (place for medicine and to hundreds of other distant places be- people and place to hide) still exist but do so yond Paiute lands where the dance was as separate landscape layers. Through time, performed according to the prophet Wo- such historic events create what we voka’s vision. By performing the Ghost eventscapes and together with previous Dance ceremony all of these people and landscape meaning can create at one place places were tied together into what we call “cultural landscape layering.” an eventscape.

A new landscape layer, such as an Puha As Theory eventscape, can be created when a people It is beyond the scope of this chapter to ex- face a great crisis and they use their place of plain why Puha is the most likely balance and power to solve the problem. If epistemological candidate to explain the cul- the crisis is massive, the balancing cere- tural significance of places and cultural mony itself becomes a cultural landscape landscapes in riverine ecoscapes. However, layer that is attached to this riverine eco- a few ideas are presented here to begin this scape. For example, amongst the Southern argument that is the subject of another Paiute, the Ghost Dance of 1889-1890 was longer essay. This short section is specifi- practiced in places that had been relied on cally focussed on the culture of Numic and for seeking balance. Yuman speakers and should only be extended as an explanation in other Indian We maintained that the Southern Paiutes cultures with the addition of epistemological were not only dancing in Kanab Creek – an support evidence from those cultures. riverine ecoscape that itself was then being used as a region of refuge, but they were The presence of power is viewed by Ameri- Ghost Dancing the Grand Canyon itself - can Indian people in the western United asking this special region to use its power to States as the most robust explanation for

146

why things are culturally significant, how and confidential (thus not to be explained to these things are related to one another, and outsiders or Indian persons who may not ultimately how they are intellectually inte- used the knowledge of power in a culturally grated. According to Liljeblad (1986:643- appropriate way). Miller (1983: 68) esti- 644) supernatural power …was everywhere mates that only about 20% of an Indian a source of individual competence, mental ethnic group possesses information about and physical ability, health, and success; for power, and less than 5% has a systematic this concept the Numic languages use cog- overview (see Stoffle, Halmo, and Evans nate forms of a single term: Mono and 1999 regarding the distribution of Numic Northern Paiute puha, Shoshone puha and plant knowledge). poha, Kawaiisu puhwa, Southern Paiute pua-, Ute puwavi. Similarly, Tilley (1994:26) maintains that places are not equally shared and experi- According to Lamphere (1983: 744), many enced by all people and in human society the general characteristics of North American ability to control access to and manipulate shamanic religion were apparent in the prac- particular settings for action (that is power tices of the Yuman peoples of the Colorado places) is a fundamental feature of the op- River…For example, the shaman who has eration of power as domination. In other the power to cure acquires it through a words, knowledge about power (and visits to dream experience. The connection between power places) is shared on a need to know dreaming and power can be seen in the basis and only with those who should have Maricopa work Kwstma’s “one who has cultural access whether the person asking power,” literally “the one who dreams.” The about it is an Indian person or a federal land Maricopa words for dream and spirit are the manager. same: sma’k Spier 1933: 237-238, cited in Lamphere 1983). The best way to understand how the world is connected in Numic and Yuman culture is to The dream is usually one in which the sha- begin with the concept of a “living uni- man travels to a sacred mountain place; verse.” This is an epistemological where he encounters either a spirit of the foundation of Numic and Yuman culture, or mountain, a bird, or an animal who teaches what Rappapport (1999:263-271; 446) calls him songs, gives him the opportunity to cure Ultimate Sacred Postulates. These terms a sick person, or in some other way gives simply mean that the concept of a living him the power to cure…Among the Walapai universe is so basic in Numic and Yuman (Kroeber 1935: 188, cited in Lamphere culture that you cannot understand many 1983) a man may actually go to a mountain, other aspects of culture without first fully build a fire in a cave, and spend four nights, recognizing this concept. during which time he dreams and acquires power from a spirit. A living universe is alive in the same way that humans are alive. It has most of the Power is a highly abstract concept that has same characteristics as humans. The uni- largely been overlooked by scholars who verse has physically discrete components have studied the culture of American Indian that we will call elements and something people in the west. This has occurred be- like energy that we will call power. These cause it is both esoteric (thus not fully are a few general statements that we can understood by all members of the society) make about power:

147

• Power exists thoughout the universe, but Summary like differences in human strength, This portion of the chapter has focussed on power will vary in intensity from ele- presenting a descriptive model and a theory ment to element. of riverine ecoscapes. The writings of Tuan, Greider, Feld, Basso, Strang, Tilley and oth- • Power varies in what it can be used for ers are leading us towards an understanding and so determines what different ele- of just how essential cultural landscapes are ments can do. to humans.

• Power is networked, so that different This line of investigation needs to proceed, elements are connected, disconnected, because it can help explain why Indian peo- and reconnected in different ways, and ple (and others with long standing traditional this occurs largely at the will of the ele- ties to the land) express such grief when riv- ments that have the power. erine cultural landscapes are impacted by projects and it can provide arguments for • Power originally derived from Creation protecting cultural landscapes. In riverine and permeates the universe like spider ecoscapes, water makes a central contribu- webs in a thin scattering and in definite tion to ecoscape including being a source of concentrations with currents, generally life, creating spectacular geology, becoming where life is also clustered. a source of demonstrated power, and carving water-canyons that serve as regions of ref- • Power exists and can move between the uge for Indian people. Special places occur three levels of the universe upper (where along rivers when a combination of natural powerful anthropomorphic beings live), elements also occurs, thus producing the middle (where people now live), and necessary foundation for complex ceremo- lower (where super-ordinary beings with nial activity. reptilian or distorted humanoid appear- ance live).

148

CHAPTER SIX Concerns and Recommendations for Ethnographic Research, Resource Preservation and Management

General Concerns day. In order to facilitate the development of This report represents the first stage of eth- policies that reflect these concerns, we rec- nographic assessment of Kaibab Paiute ommend the following: Cultural Resources in the Grand Staircase- Escalante/National Monument. Through Renewed Site Visits consultations with representatives of the At present, some Kaibab elders have visited Kaibab Paiutes, site visitations, and multid- four of the major sites identified by Kelly’s isciplinary research strategies, we have (1971) consultants. In a second round of determined that the Kaibab Southern Paiutes studies it would be beneficial for other Kai- have enduring ancestral, historical, and con- bab Southern Paiute elders to visit temporary cultural attachments to those Skutumpah (Rabbitbrush Water), the Upper portions of the Grand Staircase- Ankati (No Mans Mesa Area), Ipa (Navajo Escalante/National Monument that overlap Well), and Tupac (Black Water). Through with the Eastern Yanawant Territories of the these visitations and further collaboration, Southern Paiutes. we can more clearly articulate the nature of previous Southern Paiute occupations as The Kaibab Southern Paiute continue to ex- well as the interconnections between these perience strong attachments to the sites of sites and present day descendents. Skutumpah (Rabbitbrush Water), the Upper Ankati (No Mans Mesa Area), Ipa (Navajo Expanded Site Visitations Well), and Tupac (Black Water), which are Due to the extensive prehistorical and his- amongst the sites identified by Isabell torical occupation of sites near multiple Kelly’s (1971) consultants in ethnographic springs within the GSE/NM, further visita- research conducted during the 1930s. The tions are necessary in order to identify the strength of current attachments reflects the medicinal plants, artifacts, and potential significance these places held for the ances- burials within these regions. As onne South- tors of the Southern Paiutes as well as ern Paiute elder noted, “Where there’s enduring relationships to the land. water, there are artifacts.”

In part, these sentiments are expressed In the original round of field studies we through a sense of responsibility to ensure were able to visit only a small portion of the that people maintain ecologically sound re- sites identified by Kelly’s (1971) consultants lationships to the plants, animals, land, and as places traditionally occupied by Southern both archaeological and cultural resources Paiutes within the GSE/NM. Initial site vis- within this region. In addition, Kaibab eld- its indicated the presence of traditional ers have expressed a desire to reestablish medicinal plants, natural vegetation used for physical relations with places that have con- basket making and other types of traditional tinued to remain culturally significant material culture, lithic scatters, and certain amongst tribal members through the present plants and animals traditionally used for subsistence.

149

Co-management that enable Southern Paiutes to physically as The Kaibab consultants indicated that they well as ideologically interact with the land- are invested in ensuring the physical and scapes of their predecessors. In addition, cultural welfare of the portions of the studies that identify and describe the per- GSE/NM where aboriginal (and presumably ceived needs of diverse groups to portions of earlier) Southern Paiute sites have been the GSE/NM as well as the ways in which mapped and identified. In the role of co- they conceptualize their relationships to the managers, the Kaibab consultants could fa- land would greatly facilitate the process of cilitate the protection of medicinal plants, developing policies that reflect multiple at- artifact, and potential burial sites. In addi- tachments to this land. tion, they could serve the significant functions of representing tribal concerns, Expanding Government to Government collaborating with park representatives, and Consultations providing in-depth understandings on the The previous recommendations indicate a dynamic interplay of culture preservation growing need to expand government to gov- and contemporary land use practices. ernment consultations. Kaibab elders have expressed an interest in further developing Tribal Access collaborative working relations with repre- Access to traditional sites is necessary to sentatives of the National Park Service and permit the transmission of sacred and cul- related agencies. tural knowledge from elders to youths. At present, access to many of the sites tradi- Through the present study, we have begun to tionally occupied within the GSE/NM has identify Kaibab Southern Paiute relations to been restricted due to increased non-Indian sites within the GSE/NM. In future ethno- settlement, cattle and sheep grazing, the es- graphic studies of the GSE/NM, both San tablishment of farms and corporate cattle Juan Southern Paiutes and the Paiute Indian ranches, and road building. In order to per- Tribe of Utah should be asked to participate mit practices conducive to cultural in site visitations as well as government-to- preservation, policies need to be established government related consultations.

150

References Cited and McCord, V.Alexander S. (ACHP) Advisory Council on Historic Pres- Historic Channel Change of entation Kanab Creek: Southern Utah 1993 Consultation with Native And Northern Arizona. Americans Concerning Prop- 1991(21) Grand Canyon erties of Traditional Natural History Association Religious and Cultural Im- Monograph Number 9. portance. June 11, 1993:3-4. Bancroft, Hubert H. Aguirre Beltrani, Gonzalo 1890 History of Utah 1540-1887. 1973 Regiones of Refugio. 475-476. San Francisco: The Mexico: Insituto Nacional History Company, Publish- Indigenista. ers.

(AIRFA) American Indian Religious Free- Barron’s New Students Concise dom Act Encyclopedia 1978 August 11, 1978. PL 95-341, 1993 Second Edition Barron’s 42 USC 1996. Educational Series, Inc. 10- 39. Antiquities Act 1906 PL 209, 16 USC 431-33 Beaglehole 1937 In Ortiz, Alfonso. (editor) Arrington, Leonard J. Handbook of North Ameri- 1954 Orderville, Utah: a pioneer can Indians. Sturtevant, Mormon experiment in eco- William General Editor. nomic organization Logan: 1983:10:718. Southwest. Utah State Agricultural Col- Washington: Smithsonian In- lege. stitution.

1958 Great Basin Kingdom: An Bettinger, R.L. and M.A. Baumhoff Economic History of the Lat- 1983 Return Rates and Intensity of ter-day Saints 1830-1900. Resource Use in Numic and Cambridge, MA: Harvard Prenumic Adaptive Strate- University Press. gies. American Antiquity 48: 830-834 Bagley, J.M., Criddle, W.D., and Higginson, R.K. Bolton, Herbert E. 1959 Water supplies and their uses 1928 Escalante in Dixie and the in Iron, Washington, and Arizona Strip. New Mexico Kane Counties in Utah; Utah Historical Review, 3(1): 41- State University Agricultural 72. In Kelly, Isabel T.1971 Experiment Station Special Southern Paiute Ethnogra- Report, 13:56. In Webb, phy. Anthropological Papers Robert H., Smith, Spense S. No. 69, University of Utah.

151

New York: Johnson Reprint 232. In Webb, Robert H., Corporation. Smith, Spense S. and McCord, V. Alexander S. 1950 Pageant in the Wilderness. Historic Channel Change of Salt Lake City: Utah State Kanab Creek: Southern Utah Historical Society. and Northern Arizona. 1991:21.Grand Canyon Natu- Bradley, Martha Sonntag ral History Association 1999 A History of Kane County. Monograph Number 9. Kane County Commission. Salt Lake City: Utah State Bunte, Pamela A., and Robert J. Franklin Historical Society 1987 From the Sands to the Moun- tain: Change and Persistence Brewerton, G.D. in a Southern Paiute Com- 1848 Overland with Kit Carson, A munity. Lincoln: University Narrative of the Old Spanish of Nebraska Press. Trail in ’48. New York, 1930:56-60. In Hafen, L. & Bureau of Land Management Hafen, A. Old Spanish Trail. 1999 Grand Staircase-Escalante Santa Fe to Los Angeles. National Monument Ap- With extracts from contem- proved Management Plan. porary records and including Cedar City, Utah: Bureau of diaries of Antonio Armijo Land Management. and Orville Pratt. 1993:193. Lincoln and London: Univer- Bush, Robert D. sity of Nebraska Press. 1991 Memorandum to SHPOs and FHPOs on Information on the Brooks, Thomas W. Relationship between Section 1970 By Buckboard to Beatty: The 106 of the National Historic California-Nevada Desert in Preservation Act and the Na- 1886. Edited with introduc- tive American Graves tion and notes by Anthony Protection and Repatriation Lehman. Los Angeles: Daw- Act. July 3. Source: Advisory son’s Book Shop Coucil on Historic Preserva- tion. 1950 The Southern Indian Mission. In Under the Dixie Sun. H. Bye, Robert A. Bradshaw, ed. Pp.23-33. 1972 Ethnobotany of the Southern Panguitch, Utah: Washington Paiute Indians in the 1870’s: Country Chapter Daughters With a Note On The of the Utah Pioneers. Early Ethnobotanical Contri- butions of Dr. Edward Bryan, K. Palmer. In Great Basin Cul- 1925 Date of Channel Trenching tural Ecology: A Symposium. (arroyo-cutting) in the arid Don D. Fowler, ed. Pp. 87- Southwest: Science, 62: 338- 104. Reno: Desert Research

152

Institute Publications in the Corbett, Pearson H. Social Sciences. 1951 Jacob Hamblin: Peacmaker. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Californian Company. 1847 December 29 1847 In Hafen, LeRoy R. and Hafen Ann Crespi, Muriel W.1993:191. Old Spanish 1987 Ethnography and the NPS: A Trail. Santa Fe to Los Ange- growing partnership. Cultural les. With extracts from Resources Management Bul- contemporary records and in- letin 10(1): 1-4. cluding diaries of Antonio Armijo and Orville Pratt. Dellenbaugh, Fredrerick S. Lincoln and London: Univer- 1909 The Romance of the Colo- sity of Nebraska Press. rado River. G. P. Putman’s Sons, New York. In Kelly, Campbell, Sarah Isabel T.1971 Southern Pai- 1990 Post-Columbian Cultural ute Ethnography. Anthropo- History in the Northern Co- logical Papers No. 69, Uni- lumbia Plateau. New York: versity of Utah. New York: Garland. Johnson Reprint Corporation.

Carmichael, David L. Dobyns, Henry F. 1994 Sacred sites, sacred places 1981 From Fire to Flood: Historic London: Routledge. Human Destruction of Sono- ran Desert Riverine Oases. Carnett, Carol Socorro, NM: Ballena Press. 1991 Legal Background of Archeo- logical Resources Protection. 1983 Their Number Become Technical Brief No. 11. June. Thinned: Native American Washington, D.C.: National Population Dynamics in Park Service, USDI. Eastern North America. Knoxville: University of Carr, Stephen L. Tennessee Press. 1972 Historical Guide to Utah Ghost Towns. Salt Lake City: Dobyns, Henry F. and Robert C. Euler Western Epics. 1970 Wauba Yuma’s People: The Comparative Socio-political Clinton, William Structure of the Pai Indians 1996 Executive Order 13007. In- of Arizona. Prescott College dian Sacred Land Executive Studies in Anthropology No. Order. 3. Prescott: Prescott College Press. 1998 Executive Orders 13083 and 13084. 1971 The Havasupai People. Phoenix: Indian Tribal Series.

153

Documentos para la Historia De Mexico Euler, Robert C. 1854 Diario y Derrotero de los RR. 1964 Southern Paiute Archeology. PP. Fr. Francisco Atanasio American Antiquity 29:379- Dominguez y Fr. Silvestre 380. Velez de Escalante [1776]. Segunda serie, Vol.1, pp.375- 1972 The Paiute People. Phoenix: 558. [Ciudad de] Mexico. In Indian Tribal Commission. Kelly, Isabel T.1971 South- ern Paiute Ethnography. Evans, Joshua T. Anthropological Papers No. 1938 The Northern Shoshone Indi- 69, University of Utah. New ans under the Ecclesiastical York: Johnson Reprint Cor- Administration of The poration. Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints as Exempli- Dutton, Clarence E. fied at the Washakie Colony, 1882 Tertiary History of the Grand Utah. MA Thesis, Utah State Cañon District With Atlas. University. In Holt, Ronald Department of theInterior L. 1992:24 Beneath These Monographs of the Geologi- Red Cliffs: An Ethnohistory cal Survey Volume II. Of The Utah Paiutes. Albu- Washington, DC:Government querque: University of New Printing Office. Mexico Press.

Downer, Alan S., Alexa Roberts, Harris Evans, Michael J., Henry F. Dobyns, Rich- Francis, and Klara Kelley ard W. Stoffle, Diane Austin, and Elizabeth 1994 Identification of Historical L. Krause Resources: Traditional His- 1994 NAGPRA Consultation and tory and Alternative the National Park Service: Conceptions of the Past. In An Ethnographic Report on Reconfiguring the Cultural Pipe Spring National Monu- Mission: Issues and Case ment, Devils Tower National Studie sin Cultural Conserva- Monument, Tuzigoot Na- tion, ed. Mary Hufford. tional Monument, Champaign: University of Il- Montezuma Castle National linois Press. Monument, Western Ar- chaeological and ERT (Environmental Research and Tech- Conservation Center. Pre- nology) pared for Western 1980 Kaiparowits Coal Develop- Archaeological and Conser- ment and Transportation vation Center, National Park Study. Report submitted to Service, Tucson, Arizona: Bureau of Land Management. Bureau of Applied Research Fort Collins, Colorado: Envi- in Anthropology, The Uni- ronmental Research and versity of Arizona. Technology, Inc.

154

Farrow, E.A. Frankin, Robert J. and Pamela A. Bunte 1930 Letter to Commisioner of In- 1993a When Sacred Land is Sacred dian Affairs, August 18. to Three tribes: San Juan Pai- ute Sacred Sites and the Fenton, R.N. Hopi-Navajo-Paiute Suit to 1859 Report No. 37. In Report of Partiition the 1934 Act Ari- the Commissioner of Indian zona Navajo Reservation. In Affairs for the Year 1859: Sacred Sites, Sacred Places 203-204. Washington, D.C.: and Sites of Significance. Government Printing Office. B.O.K. Reeves, D. Carmi- chaeil, and A. Schanche, eds. (FOIA) Freedom of Information Act New York: Routledge. 1996 5 U.S.C. § 552, As Amended By Public Law No. 104-231, 1993b Review of Pia’ paxa’huipi. 110 Stat. 3048 Submitted to San Juan South- http://www.usdoj.gov/04foia/ ern Paiute Tribal Council. other_age.htm Frontier Guardian Forney, J. 1850 January 9 1850. In Arrington, 1859 Visit of the Superintendent of Leonard J. Great Basin King- Indian Affairs to Southern dom: An Economic History Utah. Deseret News (May 11, of the Latter-day Saints 1830- 1859), 9(10) 73, col.1. 1900. 1958:67. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Fowler, Catherine S. and D. D. Fowler Press. 1933 Gypsum Cave, Nevada. Southwest Museum Papers Gardner, R. No. 8. Los Angeles: South- 1879 March 25. Letter in Juanita west Museum. Brooks Indians on the Mor- mon Frontier. Utah Historical 1971a Notes on the History of the Quarterly XII:1-2:25-26. Southern Paiutes and West- January-April 1944. ern Shoshonis. Utah Historical Quarterly 39: 95- Golley, Frank B. 113. 1993 A History of the Ecosystem Concept in Ecology: More 1971b Anthropology of the Numa: than the Sum of the Parts. J.W. Powell’s Manuscripts New Haven: Yale University on the Numic Peoples of Press. Western North America, 1868-80. Smithsonian Con- Gregory, Herbert E. tributions to Anthropology, 1938 The Geology and Geography 14:110. In Holt, Ronald L. of the Pansaugunt Region. Beneath These Red Cliffs: Geological Survey Pro- 1992:35. Albuquerque: Uni- fessional Paper 226. A survey versity of New Mexico Press. of parts of Garfield and Kane

155

Counties. United States Gov- Griffith, James ernment Printing Office. 1992 Beliefs and Holy Places: The Spiritual Geography of the 1945 Southern Utah in Economic Pimeria Alta. Tucson: Uni- Geography January 1945:29- versity of Arizona Press. 57. Worcester, MA: Clark Uni Hafen, LeRoy R. and Hafen Ann W. versity. 1993 Old Spanish Trail. Santa Fe to Los Angeles. With extracts 1950 Geology and Geography of from Contemporary records the Zion Park Region, Utah and including diaries of An- and Arizona Geological Sur- tonio Armijo and Orville vey Professional Paper Pratt. Lincoln and London: 220:1-200. University of Nebraska Press.

1951 The Geology and Geography 1954a Journals of Forty-Niners. of the Paunsaugunt Region, Glendale, California: The Ar- Utah. Geological Survey Pro- thur H. Clark Company. fessional Paper 226:1-116. A survey of parts of Garfield 1954b Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fé and Kane Counties. United to Los Angeles. Glendale, States Government Printing California: The Arthur H. Office, Washington. Clark Company.

1963 Kanab Southern Gateway to Halmo, David B., R. W. Stoffle, and M. J. Utah. Utah Geological and Evans Mineralogical Survey, Bulle- 1992 Paitu Nanasuagaindu Pa- tin 49:1-24. honupi (Three Sacred Valleys): Cultural Signifi- Gregory, Herbert E., and Raymond C. cance of Gosiute, Paiute, and Moore Ute Plants. Human Organiza- 1931 The Kaiparowits Region: A tion 52(2):142-150. Geographic and Geologic Reconnaissance of Parts of Hamblin, Jacob Utah and Arizona. United 1951 Journal of Jacob Hamblin. States Geological Survey Typed transcription of origi- Professional Papers, nal, copy at Utah State No.164:1-161. Historical Society.

Herford, R. Greider, T., and L. Garkovich 1986 Modern alluvial history of the 1994 Landscapes: The Social Con- Paria River drainage basin, struction of Nature and the southern Utah: Quaternary Environment. Rural Sociol- Research, 25:293-311. In ogy 59:183-204. Webb, Robert H., Smith, Spense S. and McCord,

156

V.Alexander S. Historic Navajo Well, and Tupac- Channel Change of Kanab Seaman Spring. Creek: Southern Utah And Northern Arizona. 1991. Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada Grand Canyon Natural His- 1976 Nuwuvi: A Southern Paiute tory Association Monograph History. Inter-Tribal Council Number 9. of Nevada: University of Utah Printing Service. Historical Sites Act 1935 PL7429, 49 Stat 666 and 16 Ives, Joseph C. U.S.C. sec. 461-467 1861 Report upon the Colorado River of the West. In Powell, Hodge, Frederick W., G.P. Hammond, and Allen Kent, ed., Utah History A. Rey (translators) Encyclopedia. Salt Lake City: 1945 Fray Alonso de Benavides” Deseret News Press. In Brad- Memorial of 1634. Albu- ley, Martha Sonntag. A querque: University of New History of Kane County. Mexico Press. In Reff, Daniel 1999:40. Kane County T. Disease, Depopulation, Commission: Utah State His- Culture Change in North- torical Society. western New Spain, 1518- 1764. 1991. Salt Lake City: John, Elizabeth A.H. University of Utah Press. 1975 Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds. College Sta- Hodge, Fredrick Webb tion: Texas A&M University 1910 Handbook of American Indi- Press. ans north of Mexico Bulletin Smithsonian Institution, Bu- Jones, Sondra reau of American Ethnology 2000 The Trial of Don Pedro Leon No. 30. House Document Lujan: An Attack Against Indian (United States Congress, First Slavery and Mexican Traders in Session, No. 926) Washing- Utah. Salt Lake: The University ton: G.P.O., 1907-1910. of Utah Press. Holt, Ronald L. 1992 Beneath These Red Cliffs: Journal History of the Church of Jesus An Ethnohistory of the Utah Christ of Latter-Day Saints, located the Paiutes. Albuquerque: Uni- Church Historians Office, Salt Lake City versity of New Mexico 1987 October 10. In Arrington, L.J. Press. Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Lat- Interview Sites ter-Day Saints 1830-1900. 2000 Sites visited by Kaibab elders 1958. Cambridge, MA: Har- in the summer of 2000, in- vard University Press. cluding: Skutumpah- Rabbit Brush Water, Upper Ankati- Kearney, Thomas H., and Robert H. Peebles No Man’s Mesa area, Ipa-

157

1960 Arizona Flora. Second Edi- Kroeber, Alfred L. tion with Supplement by John 1908 Origin Tradition of the Che- Thomas Howell and Elizabeth mehuevi Indians. In Journal McClintock.Berkeley: University of American Folk-Lore of California Press. 21(81-82) 240-269.

Kelley, Klara and Harris Francis 1935 Walapai Ethnography, by 1993 Places Important to Navajo Fred Kniffen, Gordon Mac- People. American Indian Gregor, Robert McKennan, Quarterly 17(2):151-169. Scudder Mekeel and Maurice Mook. Memoirs of the 1994 Navajo Sacred Places. Indi- American Anthropological ana University Press, Association 42. Menasha, Bloomington. WI.

Kelly, Isabel T. 1970 Handbook of the Indians of 1932 Ethnography of the Surprise California. Bureau of Ameri- Valley Paiute. University of can Ethnology Bulletin 78. California Publications in Washington, D.C.: Govern- American Archaeology and ment Printing Office Ethnology. 31(3) 67-210. [originally published 1925].

1934 Southern Paiute Bands. 1974 Mohave Indians: Report on American Anthropologist n.s. Aboriginal Territory and Oc- 36:548-560. cupancy of the Mohave Tribe. David Agee Horr, ed. New 1939 Southern Paiute Shamanism York: Garland Publishing Paiute Shamanism. Univer- Inc. sity of California Anthro- pological Records. 2:151-67. Laird, Carobeth 1976 The Chemehuevis, Banning, 1971 Southern Paiute Ethnogra- CA: Malki Museum, Inc. phy. Anthropological Papers No. 69, University of Utah. Lamphere, Louise New York: Johnson Reprint 1983 Ceremonialism. In Southwest, Corporation. Originally pub- Handbook of North American lished in 1964. Indians, Volume 10. Warren L. D’Azevedo (ed) Pp. 743- Kelly, Isabel T., and C.S. Fowler 763. Washington, D.C.: 1986 “Southern Paiute,” Handbook Smithsonian Institution. of North American Indians. Volume 11: Great Basin. Liljeblad, Sven Warren L. D’Azevedo, ed. 1986 Oral Tradition: Content and Washington, D.C.: Smith- Style of Verbal Arts. In Great sonian Institution. pp. 368- Basin, Handbook of North 397. American Indians. Volume

158

11 Warren L. D’Azevedo McPherson, Robert S. (ed). pp. 641-659. Washing- 1988 The Northern Navajo Fron- ton, D.C.: Smithsonian tier 1860-1900: Expansion Institution. through Adversity. Albu- querque: University of New Little, James Mexico Press. 1881 Jacob Hamblin. Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor Of- fice (reprinted 1951 and Miller, David H. 1969). 1983 Ghost Dance. New York: Duell, Sloon, and Pierce. Lowie, Robert 1924 Shoshonean Tales. Journal of American Folklore 37(143- Miller, Jay 144):1-242. 1983 Basin Religion and Theol- May, Dean ogy: A Comparative Study of 1987 A People’s History of Utah, Power (Puha). Journal of no.8: Colonizizing the West: California and Great Basin Territory of Utah, 1850. Salt Anthropology 5(1,2): 66-86. lake City: KUED Media So- lutions: University of Utah. Miller, Wick R. 1983 Numic Languages. In Great May, Jacques M. Basin, Handbook of North 1958 The Ecology of Human Dis- American Indians, Volume ease. MD Publications, New 11. Warren L. D’Azevedo York. In Reff, Daniel T. Dis- (ed.) Pp. 98-106. Washing- ease, Depopulation, Culture ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Change in Northwestern New Institution. Spain, 1518-1764. 1991. Salt Moorhead, Max Lake City: University of Utah 1933 New Mexico’s Royal Road. Press. Norman: University of Okla- McClelland, L.F., J.T. Keller, G.P. Keller, homa Press. In Reff, Daniel and R.Z. Melnick T. Disease, Depopulation, 1990 Guidelines for Evaluating Culture Change in North- and Documenting Rural His- western New Spain, 1518- toric Landscapes. National 1764. 1991. Salt Lake City: Register Bulletin 30. U.S. University of Utah Press. National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, Moran, Emilio F., ed. Government Printing Office, 1990 The Ecosystem Approach in Washington, D.C. Anthropology: From Concept to Practice. Ann Arbor: McCracken Robert D. University of Michigan Press. 1991 A History of Pahrump Ne- vada. Tonopah, NV: Nye County Press.

159

Nabokov, Peter Pratt. Lincoln and London: 1981 Indian Running: Native University of Nebraska Press. American History and Tradi- tion. Santa Fe, NM: Ancient (NHPA) National Historic Preservation Act City Press. 1966 PL89-665, 80 Stat 915 16 USC 470 et seq; PL 96-515, (NAGPRA) Native American Graves Pro- 94 Stat. 2989, 16 USC 470 tection and Repatriation Act http://www.achp.gov/NHPA. 1990 NAGPRA, PL 101-601, 104 pdf Stat 3048) (NPS) National Park Service National Register Bulletin 1994 Cultural Resource Manage- 1990 Bulletin 29, Guidelines for ment Guidelines NPS 28 Registering Information on 1994:93.http://www.cr.nps.go the Location of National Reg- v/history/online_books/nps28 ister Properties. /28contents.htm http://www.cr.nps.gov/histor y/online_books/nps28/28appe Ortiz, Alfonso nh.htm 1983 Handbook of North Ameri- can Indians. Sturtevant, (NEPA) National Environmental Policy Act William General Editor. 1969 PL190, 42USC, 4371,40 Vol.10 Southwest. Washing- CFR 1500 et seq (Pub. L. 91- ton: Smithsonian Institution. 190, 42 U.S.C. 4321-4347, January 1, 1970, as amended Palmer, William R. by Pub. L. 94-52, July 3, 1928a Utah Indians Past and Pre- 1975, Pub. L. 94-83, August sent. In Utah Historical 9, 1975, and Pub. L. 97-258, Quarterly. 1(2) 35-52. § 4(b), Sept. 13, 1982) 1933 Pahute Indian Homelands. Ness, Gayl D., William Drake, and Steven Cedar City, Utah. In Utah Brechen Historical Quarterly July 1993 Population-Environment Dy- 1933. 6:3:88-102. namics. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1936 Journal (untitled). Unpub- lished Manuscript, Special New York Tribune Collections, Southern Utah 1853 Colonel Benton and the Pa- State College, Cedar City, cific Railroad. March 16, Utah. 1853. In Hafen, LeRoy R. and Hafen Ann W. 1993:198. 1973 (1946) Why the North Star Old Spanish Trail. Santa Fe Stands Still and Other Indian to Los Angeles. With extracts Legends. Springdale, Utah: from contemporary records Zion Natural History Asso- and including diaries of An- ciation, Zion National Park. tonio Armijo and Orville

160

Parker, Patricia L. County. 1999:43-45. Utah 1993 Traditional Cultural Pro- State Historical Society: perties: What You Do and Kane County Commission. How We Think. Cultural Re- source Management 16 Powell, J.W. and G.W. Ingalls (special issue). Washington 1874 Report of J.W. Powell and D.C.: National Park Service. G.W. Ingalls, Special Com- missioners to enumerate Indians in Nevada and adja- Parker, Patricia L. and Thomas F. King cent places. Annual Report of 1990 Guidelines for Evaluating the Commissioner of the Inte- and Documenting Traditional rior for the Year 1873. Pp. Cultural Properties. National 41-58. Washington, D.C.: Register Bulletin 38. Wash- Government Printing Office. ington D.C.: Interagency Resources Division, National Presnall, C.C. Park Service. 1936 Zion-Bryce Nature Notes 7- 8:1-20. Polzer, Charles W. 1972 The Evolution of the Jesuit Price, H. Marcus III Mission System in North- 1991 Disputing the Dead: U.S. western New Spain, 1600- Law on Aboriginal Remains 1767. Pp. 234-239. Disserta- and Grave Goods. Columbia: tion, Tucson: University of University of Missouri Press. Arizona. In Reff, Daniel T. Disease, Depopulation, Cul- Rappaport, Roy A. ture Change in Northwestern 1999 Ritual and Religion in the New Spain, 1518-1764. 1991. Making of Humanity Cam- Salt Lake City: University of bridge Studies in Social and Utah Press. Cultural Anthropology 110 Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- Powell, Allen Kent (editor) versity Press. 1994 Utah History Encyclopedia P. 179 Salt Lake City: Univer- Reff, Daniel T. sity of Utah Press. In 1991 Disease, Depopulation, and Bradley, Martha Sonntag. A Cultural Change in North- History of Kane County. western New Spain, 1999:40. Utah State Histori- 1518-1764. Salt Lake City: cal Society: Kane County University of Utah Press. Commission. Registro Oficial del Gobierno de los Esta- Powell, John Wesley dos-Unidos Mexicansos. Hemeroteca 1875 Report on the Explorations of National. the Colorado River of the 1830 April 28. “Route Discovered West. In Bradley, Martha From the Village Of Abiquiu Sonntag. A History of Kane In Territory of New Mexico

161

to Upper California” In Sapir, Edward Hafen LeRoy R. and Hafen 1910 Kaibab Paiute Linguistic and Ann W. Old Spanish Trail. Ethnologic Fieldnotes. Santa Fe to Los Angeles. Manuscript No.2643 in With extracts from Contem- American Philosophical Li- porary records including brary, Philadelphia. diaries of Antonio Armijo and Orville Pratt 1994. Lin- 1930 The Southern Paiute Lan- coln and London: University guage. Proceedings of the of Nebraska Press. American Academy of Arts and Sciences 65(1-3). Bos- Robinson, A.F. ton. 1972 Romance of a church farm- house, Kane County, Utah. Scholes, France V. Salt Lake City: The Utah 1931 The Supply Services of the Printing Company. In Webb, New Mexican Missions in the Robert H., Smith, Spense S. Seventeenth Century, 1663- and McCord, V.Alexander S. 1680. New Mexico Historical Historic Channel Change of Review 5:186-210. In Reff, Kanab Creek: Southern Utah Daniel T. Disease, Depopula- And Northern Arizona. tion, Culture Change in 1991:21. Grand Canyon Northwestern New Spain, Natural History Association 1518-1764. 1991. Salt Lake Monograph Number 9. City: University of Utah Press. Romanoff, Steven 1992 The Cultural Ecology of Scovill, Douglas H. Hunting and Potlatches 1987 Cultural Diversity and Na- Among the Lillooet Indians. tives Peoples. Cultural In A Complex Culture of the Resouces Management Bulle- British Columbia Plateau: tin 10(1):1, 4, 13. Traditional Stl’aatl’imx Re- source Use. B. Hayden, ed. Shaul, David pp. 470-505. Vancouver: 1986 Linguistic Adaptation and the University of British Colum- Great Basin. American An- bia Press. tiquity 51: 415-416

Sanchez, Joseph P. Shaul, David L., and Onur Senarslan 1997 Explorers, Traders, and Slav- 1997 A Working Southern Paiute ers: Forging the Old Spanish Dictionary. Pipe Springs, Ari- Trail 1678-1850. Salt Lake zona: The Southern Paiute City: University of Utah Consortium-Kaibab Band of Pai- Press. ute Indians.

162

Shipek, Florence C. Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1985 Kuuchamaa: The Kumeyaay Company. Sacred Mountain. Journal of California and Great Basin Steward, Julian H. Anthropology 7(1): 67-74. 1938 Basin Plateau Aboriginal So- ciopolitical Groups. Bureau Shutler, Richard Jr. of American Ethnology. Bul- 1961 Lost City: Pueblo Grande de letin 120. Washington, D.C.: Nevada. Nevada State Mu- Smithsonian Institution. seum Anthropological Papers 5. Carson City. Stewart, Omer C. 1941 Cultural Element Distribu- Smith, S.S. tions: XVIII. Nevada 1990 Relationship of large floods Shoshone. University of Cali- and rapid entrenchment of fornia Anthropological Kanab Creek, southern Utah Records 4(2) 209-39. [MS thesis]: Tucson, Univer- sity of Arizona. In Webb, 1942 Culture Element Distribu- Robert H., Smith, Spense S. tions: XVIII--Ute-Southern and McCord, V.Alexander S. Paiute. Anthropological Re- Historic Channel Change of cords. 6(4). Berkeley: Kanab Creek: Southern Utah University of California. And Northern Arizona. 1991:24. Grand Canyon Stoffle, Richard W. Natural History Association 1992 Interview with San Juan Monograph Number 9. Southern Paiute Elder about the Colorado River. Inter- Spicer, Edward H. view conducted at Willow 1957 Worlds Apart: Cultural Dif- Springs September 27, 1993. ferences in the Modern Southwest. Arizona Quar- Stoffle, Richard W., Diane Austin, David terly 13(3) 197-203. Halmo and Arthur Phillips III 1997 Ethnographic Overview and 1971 Persistent Cultural Systems. Assessment: Zion National Science 174:795:800. Park, Utah and Pipe Spring National Monument, Ari- Spier, Leslie zona: 187-200. 1933 Yuman Tribes of the Gila River. Chicago: University of Stoffle, Richard W., Diane Austin, David Chicago Press. (Reprinted: Halmo and Maria Banks Cooper Square Press, New 1996 Southern Paiute Ecoscape York, 1970.) Perspectives: Applied Ethno- graphic Study of Cultural Stebbins, Robert C. Resources at Zion National 1985 A Field Guide to Western Park, Utah and Pipe Spring Reptiles and Amphibians. National Monument, Arizona.

163

Tucson: Bureau of Applied agement, August 1980. Fort Research in Anthropology, Collins, Colorado: Environ- University of Arizona. mental Research & Technology, Inc. (Stoffle Stoffle, Richard W. and Hank Dobyns subcontractor Ethnology Sec- 1982 Puaxant Tuvip: Utah Indians tion and Tourism Section). Comment on the Intermoun- tain Power Project, Utah 1990 Holistic Conservation and Section of Intermountain- Cultural Triage: American Adelanto Bipole I Proposal. Indian Perspectives on Cul- Kenosha, Wisconsin: Univer- tural Resources. Human sity of Wisconsin-Parkside, Organization 49(2): 91-99. Applied Urban Field School. Stoffle, Richard W., M. Evans, and C. 1983 Ntvagantt: Nevada Indians Harshbarger Comment on the Intermoun- 1988 Native American Interpreta- tain Power Project. Cultural tion of Cultural Resources in Resource Series, Monograph the Area of Yucca Mountain, No. 7. Reno: Bureau of Land Nevada (Interim Report). Las Management. Vegas: Department of En- Stoffle, Richard W., H. Dobyns, and M. Ev- ergy, Nevada Operations ans, eds. Office. 1983 Nungwu-uakapi: Southern Paiute Indians Comment on Stoffle, Richard W., D. Halmo, M. Evans, the Intermountain Power and J. Olmsted Project. Revised Intermoun- 1990 Calculating the Cultural Sig- tain-Adelanto Bipole I nificance of American Indian Proposal. Kenosha, Wiscon- Plants: Paiute and Shoshone sin: University of Wisconsin- Ethnobotany at Yucca Moun- Parkside. tain, Nevada. American Anthropologist 92(2): 416- Stoffle, Richard W. and M. Evans 432. 1976 Resource Competition and Population Change: A Kai- 1999 Puchuxwavaat Uapi (To bab Paiute Ethnohistorical Know About Plants): Tradi- Case. Ethnohistory 23(2) tional Knowledge and the 173-197. Cultural Significance of Southern Paiute Plants. Hu- 1978 Kaibab Paiute History: The man Organization 58(4): Early Years. Fredonia, Ari- 416-429.(With D. Halmo and zona: Kaibab Paiute Tribe. M. Evans).

1980 Kaiparowits Coal Develop- Stoffle, Richard W., F. Jensen, and D. Rasch ment and Transportation 1986 "Cultural Basis for Sport An- Study. Final report submitted glers' Response to reduced to the Bureau of land Man- Lake Trout Catch Limits."

164

Transactions of the American prepared for U.S. Department Fisheries Society 116(3): 503- of Energy, Nevada Opera- 509. tions Office under contract no. DE-AC08-87NV10576. Stoffle, Richard W., Jones, Kristine L., and Ann Arbor: Institute for So- Dobyns, Henry F. cial Research, University of 1994 Direct European Transmis- Michigan. sion of Old World Pathogens In American Indian Quarterly Stuart, David R. Spring 1995:192). 1979 Non-artifactual Cultural Re- sources and NPS Planning. Stoffle, Richard W., K. Jones, and H. Cultural Resources Dobyns Management Bulletin. 2(2): 11-12. 1995 Direct European Immigrant Transmission of Old World Sutton, Imre Pathogens to Numic Indians 1984 Irredeemable America. Uni- During the Nineteenth Cen- versity of New Mexico Press, tury. American Indian Albuquerque. Quarterly 19(2) 1-23. Thorton, Russell Stoffle, Richard W., Lawrence Loendorf, 1987 American Indian Holocaust Diane Austin, David Halmo, and Angelita and Survival: A Population Bullets History Since 1492. Norman: 2000 Ghost Dancing the Grand University of Oklahoma Canyon. Current Anthropology Press. 41(1): 11-38. Tilley, Christopher Stoffle, Richard W., J. Olmsted, H. Dobyns, 1994 A phenomenology of land- and D. Halmo scape: places, paths, and 1991 Utah (Fields Where We Plant monuments Oxford: Berg. All the Time): Shivwits Southern Paiute Water Use Tonopah Daily Times and Bonanza Along Tunakwint, the Santa 1933 Pitues Install New Chieftan at Clara River. Manuscript. Tribe Ceremonial. In Ann Arbor: Institute for So- Tonopah Daily Times and cial Research, University of Bonanza, October 4, 1933, Michigan. p.4, col.1.

Stoffle, Richard W., J. Olmsted, and M. Torgler, Kim J. Evans 1985 Continuous Artifact Tradition 1990 Yucca Mountain Project. from the Middle Archaic to Literature Review and Eth- the Historical Present: Analy- nohistory of Native American ses of Lithics and Pottery Occupancy and Use of the from Selected Sites in South- Yucca Mountain Region, In- east Idaho. Tebiwa 25: 80- terim Report. Report 107.

165

Trafzer, Clifford, Luke Madrigal and Garden City, N.Y: American Anthony Madrigal Museum of Natural History – 1997 Chemehuevi People of the Natural History Press. Coachella Valley: A Short History of the Sovereign Na- Vecsey, Christopher tion of the Twenty-Nine 1987 Imagine Ourselves Richly. Palms Band of Mission Indi- New York: Crossroad. ans. Coachella, California: Chemehuevi Press, Twenty- Vetancurt, Fray Augustin de Nine Palms Band of Mission 1961 Teatro Mexicano: Des- Indians. criptcion Breve del los Suces- sos Esemplares de la Nueva- Trimble, Stephanie Espana en el Mundo Occi- 1993 The People: Indians dental de la India: III. of the American (Cornice de la Province Del Southwest. Santa Fe: Santo Evangelic) 1697. Jose SAR Press. Pore Truants, Madrid. In Reff, Daniel T. Disease, De- Turner, Allen population, Culture Change 1985 Adaptive Continuity and Cul- in Northwestern New Spain, tural Development Among 1518-1764. 1991. Salt Lake the Paiute Indians of the City: University of Utah Grand Canyon’s North Rim. Press. Tebiwa: The Journal of the Idaho Museum of Natural Warner, J.J., Benjamin Hayes, and J.P. History 22:28-53. Widney 1936 An Historical Sketch of Los Turner, Allen C. and Robert C. Euler Angeles County, California. 1983 A Short History of the San 33. In Hafen, LeRoy R. and Juan Paiute Tribe. Journal of Hafen Ann W. Old Spanish California and Great Basin Trail. Santa Fe to Los Ange- Anthropology. les. With extracts from Contemporary records and U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of including diaries of Antonio Land Management Armijo and Orville Pratt. 1986 Paria Canyon-Vermilion 1993:171. Lincoln and Lon- Cliffs Wilderness, Wilderness don: University of Nebraska Management Plan. St. Press. George, Utah: Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Walker, D.E. Management. 1991 Protection of American In- dian Sacred Geography. In Vayda, Andrew P. Handbook of American In- 1969 Environment and Cultural dian Religious Freedom, Behavior; Ecological Studies edited by C. Vecsey, pp. 100- in Cultural Anthropology. 115. Crossroad, New York.

166

Webb, Robert H. Rock Art Research, eds. 1988 Occurrence and geomorphic David Whitley and Lawrence effects of streamflow and de- Loendorf. Institute of Arche- bris flow floods in northern ology, University of Arizona and southern Utah In California, Los Angeles. Mayer, L. and Nash, D., edi- tors, Catastrophic flooding. 1994b By the Hunter, for the Gath- Boston: Allen and Unwin. erer: Art, Social Relations Also in Webb, Robert H., and Subsistence Change in Smith, Spense S. and the Prehistoric Great Basin. McCord, V. Alexander S. World Archeology, vol. 25(3) Historic Channel Change of Kanab Creek: Southern Utah Woolsey, Nethella And Northern Arizona. 1964 The Escalante Story. Spring- 1991:20. Grand Canyon ville, Utah: Art City Natural History Association Publishing. In Holt, Ronald Monograph Number 9. L. Beneath These Red Cliffs: Webb, Robert H., Spence S. Smith, and V. An Ethnohistory Of The Utah Alexander S. McCord Paiutes.1992:50. Albuquer- 1992 Historic Channel Change of que: University of New Mex- Kanab Creek, Southern Utah ico Press. and Northern Arizona. Monograph No. 9. Arizona: Grand Canyon Natural His- tory Association.

Welsh, Stanley L., N. Duane Atwood, Sherel Goodrich, and Larry C. Higgins, eds. 1993 A Utah Flora. Second Edi- tion, revised. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University.

Wheeler, George M 1875 Preliminary Report upon a Reconnaissance through Southern and Southeastern Nevada, Made in 1869. Washington, D.C.: Govern- ment Printing Office.

Whitley, D. S. 1994a Ethnography and Rock Art in the Far West: Some Archeo- logical Implications. New Light on Old Art: Recent Ad- vances in Hunter-Gatherer

167