Rethinking Liberal Political Thought: John Locke, Religious Forms of Reasoning, and Institutional Participation in Democratic Discourse Matthew R
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
John Dryden and the Late 17Th Century Dramatic Experience Lecture 16 (C) by Asher Ashkar Gohar 1 Credit Hr
JOHN DRYDEN AND THE LATE 17TH CENTURY DRAMATIC EXPERIENCE LECTURE 16 (C) BY ASHER ASHKAR GOHAR 1 CREDIT HR. JOHN DRYDEN (1631 – 1700) HIS LIFE: John Dryden was an English poet, literary critic, translator, and playwright who was made England's first Poet Laureate in 1668. He is seen as dominating the literary life of Restoration England to such a point that the period came to be known in literary circles as the “Age of Dryden”. The son of a country gentleman, Dryden grew up in the country. When he was 11 years old the Civil War broke out. Both his father’s and mother’s families sided with Parliament against the king, but Dryden’s own sympathies in his youth are unknown. About 1644 Dryden was admitted to Westminster School, where he received a predominantly classical education under the celebrated Richard Busby. His easy and lifelong familiarity with classical literature begun at Westminster later resulted in idiomatic English translations. In 1650 he entered Trinity College, Cambridge, where he took his B.A. degree in 1654. What Dryden did between leaving the university in 1654 and the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 is not known with certainty. In 1659 his contribution to a memorial volume for Oliver Cromwell marked him as a poet worth watching. His “heroic stanzas” were mature, considered, sonorous, and sprinkled with those classical and scientific allusions that characterized his later verse. This kind of public poetry was always one of the things Dryden did best. On December 1, 1663, he married Elizabeth Howard, the youngest daughter of Thomas Howard, 1st earl of Berkshire. -
The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6). -
The Many Sides of John Stuart M I L L ' S Political and Ethical Thought Howard Brian Cohen a Thesis Submitted I N Conformity
The Many Sides of John Stuart Mill's Political and Ethical Thought Howard Brian Cohen A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctorate Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto O Copyright by Howard Brian Cohen 2000 Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bbliogmphïc Services services bibiiimphiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une Iicence non exclusive licence allowïng the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distriiute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfonn, vendre des copies de cetté thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownefship of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. This study is an attempt to account for the presence of discordant themes within the political and ethical writings of John Stuart Mill. It is argued that no existing account has adequately addressed the question of what possible function can be ascribed to conflict and contradiction within Mill's system of thought. It is argued that conflict and contradiction, are built into the -
John Locke (1632–1704)
The following text was originally published in PROSPECTS: the quarterly review of education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. 24, no. 1/2, 1994, p. 61–76. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 1999 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. JOHN LOCKE (1632–1704) Richard Aldrich John Locke was a great educator on several counts. In an immediate sense he was himself a practitioner and publicist of good education. This profile is concerned with his life in education, his theory of knowledge, his advice to parents on the upbringing of their children, and his educational priorities with specific reference to the curriculum. But Locke also made significant contributions to human understanding in such fields as theology, economics, medicine and science, and particularly political philosophy. This dual prominence places Locke, arguably the most significant educationist in English history, in a long and honourable tradition. As Nathan Tarcov observed: ‘philosophers have been able to stand out in the realms of both educational theory and political theory ever since the two fields of thought first flowed from their common fountainhead, the Republic of Plato’ (Tarcov, 1984, p. 1–2). Seventeenth-century England In the seventeenth century England experienced two revolutions. In 1649, after years of civil war, the first culminated in the execution of King Charles I of the Stuart family and the establishment of a Commonwealth, replaced in 1653 by a Protectorate under Oliver Cromwell. In 1660 the monarchy was restored under Charles II and, on his death in 1685, the throne passed peaceably enough to his younger brother, James. -
The History Group’S Silver Jubilee
History of Meteorology and Physical Oceanography Special Interest Group Newsletter 2, 2010 WORKING FOR YOU: CONTENTS THE HISTORY GROUP COMMITTEE Working for you........................................ 1 by Martin Kidds Starting blocks of scientific meteorology... 2 Hon Secretary of the History Group Weather in the diary of Samuel Pepys ..... 9 Here is a short note to give members an insight Howard Oliver meets Oliver Howard ........ 9 into the running of the History Group on their Comment ................................................. 9 behalf and to give early notice of some The What-house Effect?..........................10 forthcoming events. Recommended books .............................10 Throughout the year, your committee works British Antarctic Expedition......................10 hard to put together an interesting and varied In the Archive ..........................................11 programme for the Group’s members, and this British Rainfall Organization meeting.......12 forms the core of our discussions when we Pictures of a rain-gauge ..........................13 meet, which we do three times a year. Planning Weather and the performance envelope..14 for meetings, including consideration of suitable Clarification .............................................16 venues and potential speakers, typically begins Newly-published must-have book............16 about two years before the event itself. Closer to Jehuda Neumann Prize nominations.......17 the time, attention is paid to the details of the Thought for the day .................................17 -
1901 Matthew Henry 0.Pdf
' . MATTHEW HENRY AND HIS CHAPEL H. D. ROBERTS LIVERPOOL THE LIVERPOOL BOOKSELLERS' COMPANY, LTD., 70, LORD STREET PREFACE 7%ALL CONCERNED:- c' The oldest NOnconfor?~iStChapel in Chester celebrates this year a two hundredth Anniversary ;for the foundation stone was laid in the i~zonthof September, 1699 . lC Those who wonhi$ in this Chafed hold it as a trust fj,, the men and women of two hundredyears ago. It is their dzcty to see to it that the House pf God, at all times, is seem& for His Worshe. " Is it too wuch to hope, at this epoch, for yet another Celztury of existence, for our old historic 'Meeting House ' .? " (Calendar, Jan. I 899.) " The present Congregation, wishing to reltew the Chapelfor another and vzkorous Century of dzye, called in Messrs. T. M. Lockwood, F.R.I.B.A., and Sons, to make a thoroagh examination of the old structure. They declared the roof dangerous, and instead of the amenities of a Bi-Centenary, we found ourselves confronted,flnaldy, with the raisingof L9oo. Towavds this we have raised L700 ;and on work actual& comjkted we are L100 in &bt. A new roof is on, and in place of the old ceiling-, lying $at on the arches, is a tu$le-coved ceiling. This, 4F iii in thorough keeping with the architecture, has greatly receipt of £70 tn donations. One hulzdved pounds iwoved the ChapeC, adding hezght and giving grace: would loose an earnest and worthy congregation fro?lz Dry rot was found in the vestry and gallevy ;both have Ziabilities creeping on towads A~,ooo. -
Age of Dryden Summary
AGE OF DRYDEN SUMMARY John Dryden, (born August 9 [August 19, New Style], 1631, Aldwinkle, Northamptonshire, England—died May 1 [May 12], 1700, London), English poet, dramatist, and literary critic who so dominated the literary scene of his day that it came to be known as the Age of Dryden. The son of a country gentleman, Dryden grew up in the country. When he was 11 years old the Civil War broke out. Both his father’s and mother’s families sided with Parliament against the king, but Dryden’s own sympathies in his youth are unknown. About 1644 Dryden was admitted to Westminster School, where he received a predominantly classical education under the celebrated Richard Busby. His easy and lifelong familiarity with classical literature begun at Westminster later resulted in idiomatic English translations. In 1650 he entered Trinity College, Cambridge, where he took his B.A. degree in 1654. What Dryden did between leaving the university in 1654 and the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 is not known with certainty. In 1659 his contribution to a memorial volume for Oliver Cromwell marked him as a poet worth watching. His “heroic stanzas” were mature, considered, sonorous, and sprinkled with those classical and scientific allusions that characterized his later verse. This kind of public poetry was always one of the things Dryden did best. When in May 1660 Charles II was restored to the throne, Dryden joined the poets of the day in welcoming him, publishing in June Astraea Redux, a poem of more than 300 lines in rhymed couplets. -
The Crisis of Representation: the Limits of Liberal Democracy in the Global Era Alessandro Bonanno Department of Sociology, Sam Houston State University, P.O
Journal of Rural Studies 16 (2000) 305}323 The crisis of representation: the limits of liberal democracy in the global era Alessandro Bonanno Department of Sociology, Sam Houston State University, P.O. Box 2446, Huntsville, TX 77341-2246, USA Abstract In liberal thought, democracy is guaranteed by the unity of community and government. The community of citizens elects its government according to political preferences. The government rules over the community with powers which are limited by unalienable human, civil, and political rights. These assumptions have characterized Classical Liberalism, Revisionist Liberalism and contemporary Neo-liberal theories. However, the assumed unity of community and government becomes problematic in Global Post-Fordism. Recent research on the globalization of the economy and society has underscored the increasing inability of nation-states to exercise power over their communities which, in turn, limits the ability of communities to express their will at the nation-state level. The current phase of capitalism is characterized by socio-economic relations which transcend the jurisdictions of nation-states and local spaces. This paper addresses the issue of the fracture of the unity of community and government by introducing feature characteristics of Classical Liberalism, Revisionist Liberalism and Neo-liberalism. Moreover, it analyzes the contribution of the theory of Re#exive Modernization which represents a novel attempt to rethink democracy within the liberal tradition. The paper concludes that the inability of governments to control economic and non-economic environments creates a crisis of representation which implies serious limits to liberal democracy. This situation is particularly important for rural regions as their socio-economic development, and programs for its democratization have been historically based on the intervention of agencies of and control by the nation-state. -
Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy?
Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy? Kevin Arceneauxa, Bert N. Bakkerb, Sara B. Hoboltc, and Catherine E. De Vriesd aDepartment of Political Science, Temple University bAmsterdam School of Communication Research, University of Amsterdam cDepartment of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science dDepartment of Social and Political Sciences, Bocconi University Abstract A defining feature of liberal democracy is the respect for and protection of core civil liberties. Yet, major crises, such as wars, natural disasters and pandemics, can provide a pretext to undermine liberal democratic norms. This raises questions of whether citizens are willing to support policies that violate their civil liberties in a crisis and whether some individuals are more likely to a support such encroachments. We conducted a series well-powered preregistered conjoint and vignette experiments in the US and UK during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that people’s attitudes are relatively malleable and that endorsements by an in-group party and trusted experts can shift support for measures that erode civil liberties. However, the evidence also reveals resistance to certain illiberal policy measures, including banning protests and indefinitely postponing elections. This indicates the presence of liberal democratic norms, even when partisan elites promote illiberal policies. Keywords: :iberal democracy | COVID-19 | Public opinion | Conjoint experiments 3 Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy? Democracy is in retreat across much of the world mechkova2017much. This retreat is not the result of dramatic events, such as coups or foreign invasions from authoritarian regimes. Instead, it has arisen from the democratic process itself, as democratically elected leaders take actions that subvert constitutional limits on their power and gradually erode the foundation of democracy (Levitsky & Ziblatt, 2018). -
JS Mill's Political Thought
P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 J. S. MILL’S POLITICAL THOUGHT The year 2006 marked the two hundredth anniversary of John Stuart Mill’s birth. Although his philosophical reputation has varied greatly in the interven- ing years, it is now clear that Mill ranks among the most influential modern political thinkers. Yet despite his enduring influence, and perhaps also because of it, the breadth and complexity of Mill’s political thought is often under- appreciated. Although his writings remain a touchstone for debates over liberty and liberalism, many other important dimensions of his political philosophy have until recently been mostly ignored or neglected. This volume aims, first, to correct such neglect by illustrating the breadth and depth of Mill’s political writings. It does so by drawing togetheracollection of essays whose authors explore underappreciated elements of Mill’s political philosophy, including his democratic theory, his writings on international relations and military inter- ventions, and his treatments of socialism and despotism. Second, the volume shows how Mill’s thinking remains pertinent to our own political life in three broad areas – democratic institutions and culture, liberalism, and international politics – and offers a critical reassessment of Mill’s political philosophy in light of recent political developments and transformations. Nadia Urbinati -
Liberalism and the Discipline of Power
046508186X 01.qxd 12/27/06 9:40 AM Page 15 1 Liberalism and the Discipline of Power The charge used to be leveled by fascists and communists; now it comes chiefly from conservatives. Liberalism, they say, is a kind of weakness. If the charge were true—if liberal institutions and political leaders were unequal to the demands of national defense and personal security—it would have been a catastrophe for liberal democracy dur- ing the great crises of the twentieth century, and the world would look altogether different today. But this has not been the historical experi- ence: liberal government has repeatedly proved stronger and more durable than its adversaries expected. And therein lies a critical lesson about liberalism, at least liberalism rightly understood. The core principles of liberalism provide not only a theory of freedom, equality, and the public good, but also a discipline of power—the means of creating power as well as controlling it. This discipline has been a sin- gular achievement of constitutional liberalism, dating from the late sev- enteenth and eighteenth centuries, and of modern, democratic liberalism as it has evolved roughly since the late nineteenth century. Liberal constitutions impose constraints on the power of any single public official or branch of government as well as the state as a whole. The constraints protect citizens from tyranny, but that is not all they do. They also serve to protect the state itself from capricious, impulsive, or overreaching decisions. A central insight of liberalism is that power 15 046508186X 01.qxd 12/27/06 9:40 AM Page 16 16 FREEDOM’S POWER arbitrarily exercised is destructive not only of individual liberty but also of the rule of law. -
Manifesto for a Humane True Libertarianism
Manifesto for a Humane True Libertarianism Deirdre Nansen McCloskey July 4, 2018 The first chapters of Humane True Liberalism, forthcoming 2019, Yale University Press. All rights reserved. #1. Libertarians are liberals are democrats are good I make here the case for a new and humane version of what is often called “libertarianism.” Thus the columnist George Will at the Washington Post or David Brooks at the New York Times or Steve Chapman at the Chicago Tribune or Dave Barry at the Miami Herald or P. J . O'Rourke at the National Lampoon, Rolling Stone, and the Daily Beast. Humane libertarianism is not right wing or reactionary or some scary creature out of Dark Money. In fact, it stands in the middle of the road—recently a dangerous place to stand—being tolerant and optimistic and respectful. It’s True Liberal, anti- statist, opposing the impulse of people to push other people around. It’s not “I’ve got mine," or “Let’s be cruel.” Nor is it “I’m from the government and I’m here to help you, by force of arms if necessary.” It’s “I respect your dignity, and am willing to listen, really listen, helping you if you wish, on your own terms.” When people grasp it, many like it. Give it a try. In most of the world the word “libertarianism” is still plain "liberalism," as in the usage of the middle-of-the-road, anti-“illiberal democracy” president of France elected in 2017, Emmanuel Macron, with no “neo-” about it. That's the L-word I’ll use here.