Schumpeter Revisited Ferran REQUEJO
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The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6). -
The Many Sides of John Stuart M I L L ' S Political and Ethical Thought Howard Brian Cohen a Thesis Submitted I N Conformity
The Many Sides of John Stuart Mill's Political and Ethical Thought Howard Brian Cohen A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctorate Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto O Copyright by Howard Brian Cohen 2000 Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bbliogmphïc Services services bibiiimphiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une Iicence non exclusive licence allowïng the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distriiute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfonn, vendre des copies de cetté thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownefship of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. This study is an attempt to account for the presence of discordant themes within the political and ethical writings of John Stuart Mill. It is argued that no existing account has adequately addressed the question of what possible function can be ascribed to conflict and contradiction within Mill's system of thought. It is argued that conflict and contradiction, are built into the -
The Crisis of Representation: the Limits of Liberal Democracy in the Global Era Alessandro Bonanno Department of Sociology, Sam Houston State University, P.O
Journal of Rural Studies 16 (2000) 305}323 The crisis of representation: the limits of liberal democracy in the global era Alessandro Bonanno Department of Sociology, Sam Houston State University, P.O. Box 2446, Huntsville, TX 77341-2246, USA Abstract In liberal thought, democracy is guaranteed by the unity of community and government. The community of citizens elects its government according to political preferences. The government rules over the community with powers which are limited by unalienable human, civil, and political rights. These assumptions have characterized Classical Liberalism, Revisionist Liberalism and contemporary Neo-liberal theories. However, the assumed unity of community and government becomes problematic in Global Post-Fordism. Recent research on the globalization of the economy and society has underscored the increasing inability of nation-states to exercise power over their communities which, in turn, limits the ability of communities to express their will at the nation-state level. The current phase of capitalism is characterized by socio-economic relations which transcend the jurisdictions of nation-states and local spaces. This paper addresses the issue of the fracture of the unity of community and government by introducing feature characteristics of Classical Liberalism, Revisionist Liberalism and Neo-liberalism. Moreover, it analyzes the contribution of the theory of Re#exive Modernization which represents a novel attempt to rethink democracy within the liberal tradition. The paper concludes that the inability of governments to control economic and non-economic environments creates a crisis of representation which implies serious limits to liberal democracy. This situation is particularly important for rural regions as their socio-economic development, and programs for its democratization have been historically based on the intervention of agencies of and control by the nation-state. -
Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy?
Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy? Kevin Arceneauxa, Bert N. Bakkerb, Sara B. Hoboltc, and Catherine E. De Vriesd aDepartment of Political Science, Temple University bAmsterdam School of Communication Research, University of Amsterdam cDepartment of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science dDepartment of Social and Political Sciences, Bocconi University Abstract A defining feature of liberal democracy is the respect for and protection of core civil liberties. Yet, major crises, such as wars, natural disasters and pandemics, can provide a pretext to undermine liberal democratic norms. This raises questions of whether citizens are willing to support policies that violate their civil liberties in a crisis and whether some individuals are more likely to a support such encroachments. We conducted a series well-powered preregistered conjoint and vignette experiments in the US and UK during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that people’s attitudes are relatively malleable and that endorsements by an in-group party and trusted experts can shift support for measures that erode civil liberties. However, the evidence also reveals resistance to certain illiberal policy measures, including banning protests and indefinitely postponing elections. This indicates the presence of liberal democratic norms, even when partisan elites promote illiberal policies. Keywords: :iberal democracy | COVID-19 | Public opinion | Conjoint experiments 3 Is COVID-19 a Threat to Liberal Democracy? Democracy is in retreat across much of the world mechkova2017much. This retreat is not the result of dramatic events, such as coups or foreign invasions from authoritarian regimes. Instead, it has arisen from the democratic process itself, as democratically elected leaders take actions that subvert constitutional limits on their power and gradually erode the foundation of democracy (Levitsky & Ziblatt, 2018). -
JS Mill's Political Thought
P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 J. S. MILL’S POLITICAL THOUGHT The year 2006 marked the two hundredth anniversary of John Stuart Mill’s birth. Although his philosophical reputation has varied greatly in the interven- ing years, it is now clear that Mill ranks among the most influential modern political thinkers. Yet despite his enduring influence, and perhaps also because of it, the breadth and complexity of Mill’s political thought is often under- appreciated. Although his writings remain a touchstone for debates over liberty and liberalism, many other important dimensions of his political philosophy have until recently been mostly ignored or neglected. This volume aims, first, to correct such neglect by illustrating the breadth and depth of Mill’s political writings. It does so by drawing togetheracollection of essays whose authors explore underappreciated elements of Mill’s political philosophy, including his democratic theory, his writings on international relations and military inter- ventions, and his treatments of socialism and despotism. Second, the volume shows how Mill’s thinking remains pertinent to our own political life in three broad areas – democratic institutions and culture, liberalism, and international politics – and offers a critical reassessment of Mill’s political philosophy in light of recent political developments and transformations. Nadia Urbinati -
Liberalism and the Discipline of Power
046508186X 01.qxd 12/27/06 9:40 AM Page 15 1 Liberalism and the Discipline of Power The charge used to be leveled by fascists and communists; now it comes chiefly from conservatives. Liberalism, they say, is a kind of weakness. If the charge were true—if liberal institutions and political leaders were unequal to the demands of national defense and personal security—it would have been a catastrophe for liberal democracy dur- ing the great crises of the twentieth century, and the world would look altogether different today. But this has not been the historical experi- ence: liberal government has repeatedly proved stronger and more durable than its adversaries expected. And therein lies a critical lesson about liberalism, at least liberalism rightly understood. The core principles of liberalism provide not only a theory of freedom, equality, and the public good, but also a discipline of power—the means of creating power as well as controlling it. This discipline has been a sin- gular achievement of constitutional liberalism, dating from the late sev- enteenth and eighteenth centuries, and of modern, democratic liberalism as it has evolved roughly since the late nineteenth century. Liberal constitutions impose constraints on the power of any single public official or branch of government as well as the state as a whole. The constraints protect citizens from tyranny, but that is not all they do. They also serve to protect the state itself from capricious, impulsive, or overreaching decisions. A central insight of liberalism is that power 15 046508186X 01.qxd 12/27/06 9:40 AM Page 16 16 FREEDOM’S POWER arbitrarily exercised is destructive not only of individual liberty but also of the rule of law. -
Manifesto for a Humane True Libertarianism
Manifesto for a Humane True Libertarianism Deirdre Nansen McCloskey July 4, 2018 The first chapters of Humane True Liberalism, forthcoming 2019, Yale University Press. All rights reserved. #1. Libertarians are liberals are democrats are good I make here the case for a new and humane version of what is often called “libertarianism.” Thus the columnist George Will at the Washington Post or David Brooks at the New York Times or Steve Chapman at the Chicago Tribune or Dave Barry at the Miami Herald or P. J . O'Rourke at the National Lampoon, Rolling Stone, and the Daily Beast. Humane libertarianism is not right wing or reactionary or some scary creature out of Dark Money. In fact, it stands in the middle of the road—recently a dangerous place to stand—being tolerant and optimistic and respectful. It’s True Liberal, anti- statist, opposing the impulse of people to push other people around. It’s not “I’ve got mine," or “Let’s be cruel.” Nor is it “I’m from the government and I’m here to help you, by force of arms if necessary.” It’s “I respect your dignity, and am willing to listen, really listen, helping you if you wish, on your own terms.” When people grasp it, many like it. Give it a try. In most of the world the word “libertarianism” is still plain "liberalism," as in the usage of the middle-of-the-road, anti-“illiberal democracy” president of France elected in 2017, Emmanuel Macron, with no “neo-” about it. That's the L-word I’ll use here. -
Democracy Facing Global Challenges
INSTITUTE VARIETIES OF DEMOCRACY Democracy Facing Global Challenges V-DEM ANNUAL DEMOCRACY REPORT 2019 V-Dem is a unique approach to measuring democracy – historical, multidimensional, nuanced, and disaggregated – employing state- of-the-art methodology. Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) produces V-Dem measures hundreds of different the largest global dataset on democracy attributes of democracy. V-Dem enables with some 27 million data points for 202 new ways to study the nature, causes, and countries from 1789 to 2018. Involving over consequences of democracy embracing its 3,000 scholars and other country experts, multiple meanings. We are very grateful for our funders’ support over the years, which has made this venture possible. To learn more about our funders, please visit: https://www.v-dem.net/en/v-dem-institute/funders The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect an official position of the V-Dem Project or the V-Dem Steering Committee. Produced by the V-Dem Institute Editing/Proof-Reading: John Jennings V-Dem Institute: at the University of Gothenburg Design: Anders Wennerström, Spiro Kommunikation AB Department of Political Science Printing: Response Tryck, Borås University of Gothenburg V-Dem Annual Report Team: Anna Lührmann (Lead Author Picture credits go to: Evan Wise (cover image: Parthenon Sprängkullsgatan 19, PO 711 and Coordination), Lisa Gastaldi, Sandra Grahn, Staffan I. on Acropolis, Greece), Karin Andersson (team picture), Mika SE 405 30 Gothenburg Sweden Lindberg, Laura Maxwell, Valeriya Mechkova, Richard Morgan, Baumeister, Danielle Muscato, Lana H. Haroun, Kieran Lettrich, [email protected] Natalia Stepanova, Shreeya Pillai. -
Liberal Democracy's Crisis of Confidence
Liberal Democracy’s Crisis of Confidence Richard Wike, Janell Fetterolf Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 4, October 2018, pp. 136-150 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/705724 No institutional affiliation (18 Oct 2018 14:30 GMT) LIBERAL DEMOCRACY’S CRISIS OF CONFIDENCE Richard Wike and Janell Fetterolf Richard Wike is director of global attitudes research at the Pew Re- search Center in Washington, D.C. Janell Fetterolf is a research as- sociate at the Pew Research Center. Liberal democracy is experiencing a crisis of confidence. Scholars and pundits may disagree about the nature and depth of the problem, but few would argue that nothing is amiss. Commentators decry an increas- ingly familiar list of trends, including weakening civil liberties, erod- ing democratic norms, rising nativism, and growing support for par- ties and leaders whose commitment to democratic values and practices seems shaky. Progress toward democracy has been stalled or reversed in many emerging and developing nations, while several wealthy, sup- posedly “consolidated” democracies have experienced significant and unexpected setbacks. These anxieties are being driven not only by subjective observations of political dynamics, but also by a growing body of data. Indices de- signed to measure the health of democracy generally tell a similar and dispiriting story. Freedom House’s 2018 Freedom in the World report found democratic declines in 71 countries, while only 35 registered im- provements, marking the twelfth year in a row in which the organiza- tion has documented a deterioration in democracy around the world.1 The Economist Intelligence Unit likewise reported a global decline in democracy in 2017, with particularly worrisome trends for free speech and media freedom.2 Public-opinion data have also supplied plenty of reasons for concern. -
The Political Economy of Liberal Democracy
The Economic Journal, 130 (April), 765–792 DOI: 10.1093/ej/ueaa004 C 2020 Royal Economic Society. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions please contact [email protected]. Advance Access Publication Date: 15 January 2020 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY∗ Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ej/article-abstract/130/627/765/5706839 by Harvard Law School Library user on 15 May 2020 Sharun W. Mukand and Dani Rodrik This paper develops a taxonomy of political regimes that distinguishes between three sets of rights—property rights, political rights and civil rights. The truly distinctive nature of liberal democracy is the protection of civil rights (equal treatment by the state for all groups) in addition to the other two. The paper shows how democratic transitions that are the product of a settlement between the elite (who care mostly about property rights) and the majority (who care about political rights), generically fail to produce liberal democracy. Instead, the emergence of liberal democracy requires low levels of inequality and weak identity cleavages. Democratic rule has never been so prevalent. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the number of democracies has risen rapidly and cross-national tabulations suggest that, for the first time in history, more countries now qualify as democracies than as non-democracies (Figure 1). While the spread of democracy is something to cheer about, it is clear that this democratisation has not been accompanied by the spread of the full panoply of rights that we associate with the established democracies in the West. -
Democracy and Capitalism: the Issue Joined from Within
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 12-1991 Democracy and Capitalism: The Issue Joined from Within Christopher E. Bischoff Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Economics Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Bischoff, Christopher E., "Democracy and Capitalism: The Issue Joined from Within" (1991). Master's Theses. 942. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/942 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM: THE ISSUE JOINED FROM WITHIN by Christopher E. Bischoff A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan December 1991 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM: THE ISSUE JOINED FROM WITHIN Christopher E. Bischoff, M.A. Western Michigan University, 1991 This study utilizes contemporary and classical literature to illuminate the complexities of Western democracy. Of specific focus is American democracy and the effects that capitalism has had upon demo cracy in America. The achievement of democracy on the scale of the modern nation-state appears problematic even without the adversarial burdens posed by a capitalist economic consort. It emerges that Ameri can democracy is particularly compromised by its roots in liberal tradition. -
Rethinking Liberal Democracy: Prelude to Totalitarianism,” Journal of Liberty and International Affairs 1, No
ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 2nd Quarter 2018 Rethinking Liberal Democracy Prelude to totalitarianism ISABEL DAVID, PHD* The Theoretical Foundations of Liberal Democracy In the long course of human evolution and political experimentation, liberal democracy, especially after the events of 1989, has come to be seen as the best political system, or, at least, as Winston Churchill put it, “the worst form of gov ernment, except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”1 In fact, we seem to have reached the so-called end of history and of all ideologies. By portraying itself as the only valid way of thinking, what this language entails is, in fact, the obliteration of alternative modes of thinking, and thus the effective dominance of this particular ideology.The effect of this mechanics is self-evident: the persistence of one particular form of thinking self reproduces and, through repetition, generates its own legitimacy. Tocqueville has brilliantly described its essence: in a democratic society, where the passion for equality is the prevalent and irresistible dogma, all people have to work, which means that all live in a state of perpetual agitation.2 This state of affairs is simply incompatible with contem plation and its ultimate end—the search for truth—if by no other reason than that thinking requires time, something which is lacking in such societies. In other words, democracies have no leisure class, precisely that which has traditionally dedicated itself to these matters. In the absence of theoretical concerns, people turn to their material well-being and live for the present, a context in which sci ence comes to exist not per se, but only possesses a utilitarian rationale that merely conceives of its immediate and practical application.