DOCSLIB.ORG

China S Detention of the Uyghur

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
China S Detention of the Uyghur Policy Paper (4): China’s Detention of the Uyghur q Introduction: In 2018, a UN human rights panel stated that it had received credible reports of one million ethnic Uyghurs held in a “massive internment camp that is shrouded in secrecy” in the western Xinjiang autonomous region of China. The region of Xinjiang is a geographically strategic point to China’s development plans of investments and infrastructure in Europe, Africa, and Asia, known as the Belt and Road initiative. The Uyghur, or Uighur, is a predominantly Muslim ethnic Turkic group from the region of Central Asia with the largest population residing in Xinjiang, a region that was annexed by China in 1949 at a time in which Uyghurs comprised roughly three- fourths of the population in the region. China’s majority ethnic group the Han Chinese comprised only 6% in the Xinjiang. However, current official statistics now show a population of 42% Uyghur and 40% Han in Xinjiang today due to migration to the region. The current situation of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang include surveillance, arbitrary detention, death in custody, forced labour, and mistreatment. The case of the Uyghur appears to involve violations of the freedom of thought and expression, the freedom of religion, and the right to due process. Other apparent persecuted minorities in Xinjiang include the Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Kyrgyz and Hui.1 An estimate by a member of the U.N. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Gay McDougall cited two million Uyghurs and Muslim minorities being forced into “political camps for indoctrination” in the region. McDougall expressed “deep concern” of the apparent transformation of the Xinjiang autonomous region into an effective “massive internment camp” 1 Hayes, “Uyghur,” 2019. 1 and a “no rights zone.” McDougall’s expressed concern that human rights violations are being committed by China “in the name of combating religious extremism and maintaining social stability” with Uyghurs being treated as “enemies of the state” based on their ethnic and religious identity. Although there had previously been awareness of the situation of the Uyghurs, the documents confirmed mistreatment accusations that China had previously denied. The source of the release of the documents remain unclear.2 q Detention Camps: One out of every 10 Uyghur was estimated to be detained in the camps. The leaked documents gave details of large detention camps for the purpose of “retraining” or “re-education.” The documents furthermore accounted of family separation happening on a large scale.3 There was found to be 28 detention camps spanning across the Xinjiang region. 4The detention centers are built for the purpose with similarities to high-security jails, but they are claimed by China to be “vocational training centers,” offering voluntary education and training. However, documents leaked to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) reveal a systematic “brainwashing” taking place within the centers with a point system awarding “ideological transformation, study and training, and compliance with discipline." The documents reveal Uyghurs being jailed, indoctrinated and punished. A set of instructions reveal the intention to run the camps as high-security prison camps with no escapes and strict discipline.5 The Chinese government has also increased policing and surveillance in the region. Surveillance measures include voice and facial recognition, iris scanners, DNA sampling and 3D identification. 2 Nebehay, “Secret camps,” 2018. 3 Friedman, “Pressure,” 2019. 4 Doman, “China’s Frontier of Fear,” 2018 5 BBC, “Data leak,” 2019. 2 q International responses: Responding to the the UN panel’s findings in 2018, the U.S. Mission to the UN stated that it was “deeply troubled by reports of an ongoing crackdown on Uighurs and other Muslims in China” and called on China to “end their counterproductive policies and free all of those who have been arbitrarily detained.” In October, 2019, the U.S. announced visa restrictions for Chinese officials who may have been involved in the detention of the Uyghur. In October, 2019, 23 UN member states, the speaking through the UK ambassador to the UN Karen Pierce, came out against China’s treatment of the Uyghur community in Xinjiang. The United States, Canada, Japan, Australia and several EU members states were among those who called on China to "uphold its national and international obligations and commitments to respect human rights," and to allow international monitors access to Xinjiang in order to conduct investigations. This group urged China to follow recommendations by the independent UN experts and to call a halt to the arbitrary detention of Uyghurs. However, in a statement presented on their behalf by Belarus, 54 countries, among them Russia, Egypt, Bolivia and Serbia, expressed their approval of China’s “counter-terrorism” programme and its “de-radicalization measures” in Xinjiang. In their view, the criticism expressed through the UK amounted to a politicization of the human rights issue and consisted of "baseless accusations against China.” The Belarus statement reflected increased support for the Chinese position with regard to the detention of the Uyghurs, having reached 54 compared to the 37 countries that aligned with Beijing in July. The statement said that "safety and security have returned to Xinjiang and fundamental human rights of people of all ethnic groups there are safeguarded” and that the countries behind the statement "commend China's remarkable achievements in the field of human rights."6 In response to the UK’s statement, China’s envoy rejected the UK statement’s allegations as a "gross interference in China's internal affairs and deliberate provocation,” indicating it would not be helpful to trade talks between the countries. On an earlier occasion, China stated that the Xinjiang region was at risk of terrorist attacks from Islamist militants and separatists bent on stirring up tensions between the Uyghur minority and the ethnic Han Chinese majority in the region. Previously, China’s ambassador to the UN in Geneva Yu Jianhua had stated that they were working toward equality and communion among all ethnic groups. Defending its “domestic security programme” in Xinjiang, the government denied singling out Muslims or violating their rights, and insisted the detention centres were” hugely positive" for the region.7 6 Westcott, “Dueling statements,” 2019. 7 DW, “UN members divided,” 2019. 3 q Case Study: The Detention of Mr. Tashpolat Tiyip: On December 26, 2019, a group of independent UN experts highlighted the case of Tashpolat Tiyip, an Uyghur Muslim scholar and former President of Xinjiang University. The experts include the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions; the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief; the Special Rapporteur on minority issues; members of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances; and members of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. Tiyip’s whereabouts have been unknown since 2017, although Chinese authorities have communicated that he is facing corruption charges, has received a lawyer, and has not been sentenced to death. However, the proceedings are kept away from the scrutiny of the international community and according to the UN “reports indicate that he had already been convicted and sentenced to death.” According to the UN, a death sentence imposed under these conditions without the guarantee of a fair trial would be in violation of international human rights law and be considered arbitrary, and it would contravene the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, signed by China in 1998. The experts called for Tiyip’s right to a fair trial and due process of law and called the case an “incommunicado detention,” which along with enforced disappearances and secret trials “have no place in a country governed by the rule of law.”8 The experts have communicated with the Chinese government and have urged Chinese authorities to disclose his current detention place and allow for family visits, and the experts expressed that they will continue to seek formal and official clarification of the case of Tiyip and other detainees. The case is an example of detainees, primarily members of the Uyghur community, being held with without charge or with unknown charges in different detention facilities in the Xinjiang region. Particularly, the detention of intellectuals, such as writers, poets, journalists, and university professors, seem to serve an alarming agenda of limiting freedom of thought and expression and creating prisoners of conscience, suppressing 8 Bardwell, “Incommunicado detention,” 2019. 4 independent intellectualism to implement the goals of the “re-education” camps. Another case include the 2014 arrest of the Uyghur professor of economics Ilham Tohti, who had promoted reconciliation in Xinjiang, yet was served a life sentence over accusations of being a separatist. While in prison, Tohti won the 2019 EU’s Sakharov prize for her work. q Recommendations: ● The UN and Member States must place pressure on the Chinese government to disclose the whereabouts and conditions of Tashpolat Tiyip and other Uyghur detainees. ● The UN must help protect Uyghur intellectualism and freedom of expression against China’s oppressive “re-education” agenda. ● The international community should apply pressure via the Belt and Road initiative, threatening to suspend or withdraw from initiative-based agreements unless or until the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Trapped in a Virtual Cage: Chinese State Repression of Uyghurs Online
    Trapped in a Virtual Cage: Chinese State Repression of Uyghurs Online Table of Contents I. Executive Summary..................................................................................................................... 2 II. Methodology .............................................................................................................................. 5 III. Background............................................................................................................................... 6 IV. Legislation .............................................................................................................................. 17 V. Ten Month Shutdown............................................................................................................... 33 VI. Detentions............................................................................................................................... 44 VII. Online Freedom for Uyghurs Before and After the Shutdown ............................................ 61 VIII. Recommendations................................................................................................................ 84 IX. Acknowledgements................................................................................................................. 88 Cover image: Composite of 9 Uyghurs imprisoned for their online activity assembled by the Uyghur Human Rights Project. Image credits: Top left: Memetjan Abdullah, courtesy of Radio Free Asia Top center: Mehbube Ablesh, courtesy of
    [Show full text]
  • Resisting Chinese Linguistic Imperialism
    UYGHUR HUMAN RIGHTS PROJECT SPECIAL REPORT Resisting Chinese Linguistic Imperialism: Abduweli Ayup and the Movement for Uyghur Mother Tongue-Based Education Rustem Shir, Research Associate Logo of the Ana Til Balilar Baghchisi (Mother Tongue Children’s Garden) May 2019 Contents Acknowledgement 4 Introduction 5 1. CCP language policy on education in East Turkestan 6 Foundations of CCP ethnic minority policy 6 Eras of minority language tolerance 9 Primary and secondary school ‘bilingual’ education policy 12 The Xinjiang Class 20 Mandarin as the language of instruction at Xinjiang University 22 Preschool and kindergarten ‘bilingual’ education policy 23 Suppression of the Movement for Uyghur Mother Tongue-Based Education 26 The Hotan Prefecture and Ghulja County Department of Education directives 28 Internment camps 29 Discussion 32 2. ABduweli Ayup and the Movement for Uyghur Mother Tongue-Based Education 36 Upal: Why couldn’t we study Kashgari? 36 Toquzaq: Oyghan! (Wake Up!) 38 Beijing: Our campus felt like a minority region 41 Doletbagh: My sad history repeating in front of me 50 Urumchi: Education for assimilation 55 Lanzhou: Are you bin Laden? 60 Ankara: Ethno-nationalism and a counterbalance 67 Urumchi: For the love of community 72 Lawrence: Disconnected 77 Kashgar: Rise of the Movement for Uyghur Mother Tongue-Based Education 81 Urumchi: Just keep silent 89 Kashgar: You’re going to be arrested 93 Doletbagh Detention Center: No choice, brother 98 Urumchi Tengritagh Detention Center: Qorqma (Don’t be afraid) 104 Urumchi Liudaowan Prison: Every color had disappeared 109 Urumchi Koktagh Prison: Do you want to defend yourself? 124 2 Urumchi/Kashgar: Release and return 127 Kashgar: Open-air prison 131 Ankara: Stateless and stranded 138 Paris: A new beginning 146 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Comprehensive Encirclement
    COMPREHENSIVE ENCIRCLEMENT: THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY’S STRATEGY IN XINJIANG GARTH FALLON A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences International and Political Studies July 2018 1 THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname or Family name: FALLON First name: Garth Other name/s: Nil Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: MPhil School: Humanitiesand Social Sciences Faculty: UNSW Canberraat ADFA Title: Comprehensive encirclement: the Chinese Communist Party's strategy in Xinjiang Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASETYPE) This thesis argues that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has a strategy for securing Xinjiang - its far-flung predominantly Muslim most north-western province - through a planned program of Sinicisation. Securing Xinjiang would turna weakly defended 'back door' to China into a strategic strongpointfrom which Beijing canproject influence into Central Asia. The CCP's strategy is to comprehensively encircle Xinjiang with Han people and institutions, a Han­ dominated economy, and supporting infrastructure emanatingfrom inner China A successful program of Sinicisation would transform Xinjiang from a Turkic-language-speaking, largely Muslim, physically remote, economically under-developed region- one that is vulnerable to separation from the PRC - into one that will be substantially more culturally similar to, and physically connected with, the traditional Han-dominated heartland of inner China. Once achieved, complete Sinicisation would mean Xinjiang would be extremely difficult to separate from China. In Xinjiang, the CCP enacts policies in support of Sinication across all areas of statecraft. This thesis categorises these activities across three dimensions: the economic and demographic dimension, the political and cultural dimension, and the security and international cooperationdimension.
    [Show full text]
  • Treatment of the Uyghur Ethnic Group in the People's Republic of China
    Report for U.S. Department of Justice LL File No. 2015-011997 Treatment of the Uyghur Ethnic Group in the People’s Republic of China March 2015 The Law Library of Congress, Global Legal Research Center (202) 707-6462 (phone) • (866) 550-0442 (fax) • [email protected] • http://www.law.gov Treatment of the Uyghur Ethnic Group in the People’s Republic of China Staff of the Global Legal Research Center SUMMARY Members of the Uyghur ethnic group in China are identifiable by their Islamic religion, cultural heritage, traditional clothing, diet, language, and appearance. Uyghurs primarily reside in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of northwestern China. However, a 2010 population census found a total of 68,000 Uyghurs living in other areas of China as well. Despite legal protections for freedom of religion, speech, publication, assembly, association, procession, and demonstration, central and regional authorities are reportedly combating “religious extremism” in the XUAR as a means of maintaining stability, leading to concerns that the exercise of lawful rights is being restricted. Similarly, protections for ethnic minority languages and cultural identities are provided by the Constitution and a series of laws and regulations, and government authorities have been promoting “bilingual education” in the XUAR. However, some Uyghurs fear that the policy aims at assimilating young Uyghurs into Han Chinese society at the expense of their Uyghur identity. Violent clashes involving political or ethnic tensions in the XUAR or involving Uyghurs outside of the XUAR reportedly included attacks committed by Uyghurs, with attackers convicted in court of terror-related crimes. Rights advocates and analysts located outside of China, however, have raised concerns that authorities are using excessive force against Uyghur protesters and that officials fail to distinguish between violence and terrorism versus peaceful dissent.
    [Show full text]
  • Scholars at Risk
    Free to Think 2019 Report of the Scholars at Risk Academic Freedom Monitoring Project Acknowledgements Scholars at Risk (SAR) gratefully acknowledges the members of higher education communities worldwide who have inspired us through their courage and dedication. We acknowledge especially the researchers contributing to the Academic Freedom Monitoring Project by reporting and analyzing incidents, tracking down sources and witnesses, and helping to develop advocacy responses. We thank the Office of the Provost and New York University for hosting SAR, as well as the many other member institutions, associations, partners, and individuals that contribute to our work beyond the monitoring project. These include especially the Vivian G. Prins Foundation for core support for services for threatened and refugee scholars, the National Endowment for Democracy, the Open Society Foundations, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Charles Koch Foundation, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Winston Foundation, the Charina Endowment Fund, Stichting Polar Lights, the Fritt Ord Foundation, the AAUP Foundation, the Microsoft Corporation, Newman's Own Foundation, our anonymous donors, the members of SAR's Board and Ambassadors Council, and the many friends of Scholars at Risk who help us each day to protect more scholars. This report is the result of research conducted by the monitoring project and may not reflect the views of individual network members, institutions, or participating individuals. Scholars at Risk invites comments on this report or inquiries about our work at [email protected]. SAR depends on the generous financial support of friends inside and outside higher education communities to sustain our work. Gifts of any size are gratefully appreciated, including matching gifts and bequests.
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Update October 2019
    Coalition Update October 2019 COALITION CALENDAR REGISTER NOW! October 23-25: Science, Technology and Human Rights Conference The Coalition’s tenth anniversary conference will be held in Washington, DC, at AAAS headquarters. Join us for three days of engaging sessions with human rights leaders, academic researchers, scientists and engineers, members of impacted and vulnerable communities, and much more. • Keynote speaker Alfred Brownell, a 2019 recipient of the Goldman Environmental Award (often referred to as the “Green Nobel Peace Prize”) will share his insights on the impact of scientists on human rights from his work in Liberia defending the environment. • Sessions and workshops topics include advocacy at the United Nations, measuring academic freedom, AI and human rights, and the role of scientists and engineers in human rights advocacy in Latin America, India, and West Africa. • The inaugural Science and Human Rights Innovator recognition will be presented. • Receptions, networking sessions, and more opportunities to connect with colleagues across scientific disciplines and meet practitioners from human rights organizations. Register today! Learn more » Webinar: Scientific Collaborations with Human Rights Organizations On October 17, the Coalition’s Scientific Collaborations with Human Rights Organizations Project Team hosted its fourth webinar of its 2019 series. Anne Sprinkel, Program Director of Tipping Point at CARE, a global nonprofit dedicated to ending poverty worldwide, discussed the role of scientific collaboration in their
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and Instability in China's Xinjiang
    Report March 2014 Islam and instability in China’s Xinjiang By Nick Holdstock1 Executive summary On March 1st 2014 a knife-wielding group of ten people attacked passengers and passers-by in the railway station in Kunming, the capital of China’s south-western Yunnan province. Twenty-eight were killed and 113 injured. By the following day the government was describing the incident as a “separatist” attack perpetrated by “terrorists from Xinjiang”. The attack in Kunming is the latest in a series of violent incidents in China that the government attributes to radical Islamist organisations that aim to promote what it calls the “Three Evils” of “terrorism, separatism and religious extremism”. These acts have predominantly occurred in China’s far western Xinjiang region, most recently in January and February 2014. Incidents in other parts of China have been attributed to the same forces. However, a number of accounts from academic and non-Chinese media sources, as well as human rights organisations, have questioned the official explanation of many such incidents. Critics accuse the government of lacking transparency and failing to offer reliable evidence, and claim that it is failing to acknowledge the widespread and diverse grievances of people in Xinjiang. This report aims to reconcile these different narratives of dissent in a region of growing significance for China’s economy and energy security. Background who are geographically concentrated in Xinjiang. There are Xinjiang is China’s largest administrative region, but owing also significant cross-border Uyghur populations in to its mountainous and desert geography, is comparatively Kazakhstan (220,000), Uzbekistan (55,000) and Kyrgyzstan sparsely populated.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Minorities in Xinjiang Introduction
    A ROUTLEDGE FREEBOOK Ethnic Minorities in Xinjiang Introduction 1 - Xinjiang and the dead hand of history 2 - Language, Education, and Uyghur Identity: An Introductory Essay 3 - Xinjiang from the ?Outside-in? and the ?Inside-out' 4 - Ethnic Resurgence and State Response 5 - Xinjiang and the evolution of China?s policy on terrorism: (2009-18) 6 - Conflict in Xinjiang and its resolution 7 - Reeducation Camps READ THE LATEST ON ETHNIC MINORITIES IN XINJIANG WITH THESE KEY TITLES VISIT WWW.ROUTLEDGE.COM/ ASIANSTUDIES TO BROWSE THE FULL ASIAN STUDIES COLLECTION SAVE 20% WITH DISCOUNT CODE F003 Introduction There has been significant coverage in the media in recent years on the increase of violence towards the Xinjiang Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in China. This Freebook explores how the Uyghur language, Uyghur culture, Xinjiang geopolitics and Chinese state response have all resulted in and affected the violence in Xinjiang in the Twenty-First Century. The first chapter, by Michael Dillon, gives a brief introduction to Uyghur history including an overview of Xinjiang and its location, Uyghur language and culture, the religious restrictions imposed over the years and various occasions of violence starting from the 1900s. The next chapter, by Joanne Smith and Xiaowei Zang, explores the language and education of the Xinjiang Uyghurs and how this had a direct impact on their identity. This chapter further defines ethnic identity and questions its relationship to social, cultural and religious practices. Chapter three, by Michael Clarke, delves into the problematic nature of geopolitics and explores how Beijing and the West's geopolitical perspectives have influenced and constrained the Uyghur domain.
    [Show full text]
  • An Exploratory Case Study of Hui, Tibetan, and Uyghur
    AN EXPLORATORY CASE STUDY OF HUI, TIBETAN, AND UYGHUR COLLEGE STUDENT ACCULTURATION IN A PREDOMINANTLY HAN PUBLIC RESEARCH INSTITUTION OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN CENTRAL CHINA A Dissertation by DIEGO JOSE GARCIA Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, Yvonna S. Lincoln Co-Chair of Committee, Elsa M. Gonzalez y Gonzalez Committee Members, Christine A. Stanley Antonio C. La Pastina Head of Department, Fredrick Nafukho August 2016 Major Subject: Educational Administration Copyright 2016 Diego Jose Garcia ABSTRACT Even though the People’s Republic of China has instituted national policies to provide greater higher education access to Chinese ethnic minorities and facilitate greater maintenance of ethnic minority cultures, limited research exists that examines acculturation and stress coping processes of ethnic minority college students, particularly Hui, Tibetan, and Uyghur students, as they transition from their native communities and autonomous regions to predominantly Han public research institutions of higher education located in urban areas of Central China. The purpose of the study is to deconstruct the acculturation experiences of Hui, Tibetan, and Uyghur college students enrolled in a predominantly Han public research university in Central China. A discourse on acculturation experiences of ethnic minority college students in predominantly Han universities is critical to developing institutional policies that embrace cultural sensitivity of ethnic minority students in China; adequately represent the heritage of ethnic minorities and help them preserve their cultural integrity; link the content of the education to ethnic minorities’ values and worldviews; and ensure that ethnic minorities have the academic and social support in their institutions of higher learning.
    [Show full text]
  • European Parliament 2014-2019
    European Parliament 2014-2019 TEXTS ADOPTED P8_TA(2019)0422 China, notably the situation of religious and ethnic minorities European Parliament resolution of 18 April 2019 on China, notably the situation of religious and ethnic minorities (2019/2690(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to its previous resolutions on the situation in China, in particular those of 26 November 2009 on China: minority rights and application of the death penalty1, of 10 March 2011 on the situation and cultural heritage in Kashgar (Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region)2, of 15 December 2016 on the cases of the Larung Gar Tibetan Buddhist Academy and Ilham Tohti3, of 12 September 2018 on the state of EU-China relations4 and of 4 October 2018 on mass arbitrary detention of Uyghurs and Kazakhs in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region5, – having regard to the EU-China Strategic Partnership launched in 2003 and to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 22 June 2016 entitled ‘Elements for a new EU strategy on China’(JOIN(2016)0030), – having regard to the EU guidelines on the promotion and protection of freedom of religion or belief, adopted by the Foreign Affairs Council on 24 June 2013, – having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 12 March 2019 entitled ‘EU-China – A strategic outlook’(JOIN(2019)0005), – having regard to the ‘Joint statement of the 21st EU-China summit’ of 9 April 2019, – having regard to the EU-China dialogue on human rights, launched in 1995, and the 37th round thereof, held in Brussels on 1 and 2 April 2019, – having regard to Article 36 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, which 1 OJ C 285 E, 21.10.2010, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Present-Day Ethnic Problems in Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region: Overview and Recommendations (Complete Text)
    Present-Day Ethnic Problems in Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region: Overview and Recommendations (Complete text) By Ilham Tohti Translated by Cindy Carter ChinaChange.org Editor’s Note: This article, a total of 24,000 characters in Chinese, was first posted on the Daxiong Gonghui (大象公会) website sometime after the Uighur scholar Ilham Tohti’s arrest in January, 2014. Daxiong Gonghui described the origin of the article in a note: “This document was written by Ilham Tohti, Associate Professor of Economics at Minzu University of China (formerly Central Nationalities University), in response to a 2011 request from high-level officials in the Chinese government. Ilham Tohti made first-draft revisions to this document in October of 2013, but was unable to complete a final draft.” The post has since been censored and is only available elsewhere as reposts. Ms. Yaxue Cao, the editor of China Change was able to confirm the origin and the authenticity of the article with Mr. Huang Zhangjin (黄章晋), the editor of the online Daxiong magazine and a long-time friend of Ilham Tohti. ChinaChange.org is pleased to present a complete translation of this important article to all who are concerned about Chinese government’s gross mistreatment of Professor Ilham Tohti who was sentenced to life in prison in September, 2014, on charges of separatism. The translation was first posted on China Change in eight installments from April 22 to May 19, 2015. Executive Summary This is a document written by Ilham Tohti, Associated Professor of Economics at Minzu University of China, in response to a 2011 request from high-level officials in the Chinese government.
    [Show full text]
  • Alternative Report for the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for Its Upcoming Session on the People's Republic of China
    ALTERNATIVE REPORT FOR THE COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS FOR ITS UPCOMING SESSION ON THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA MARCH 2013 Adolf-Kolpingstr.9, 80336 Munich, Germany Tel: +49 89 54321999, Fax: +49 89 54349789 [email protected], www.uyghurcongress.org 1 Contents Abbreviation …........................................................................................................... p. 3 Executive Summary …................................................................................................. P. 4 Articles 1 to 5 of the Convention................................................................................ p. 5-9 Article 1 – Self-determination …................................................................ p. 5-7 Self-Identification …....................................................................... p. 6-7 Article 1(2) – Natural Resources …............................................................. p. 7-8 Article 2 - State Obligations under ICESCR …............................................. p. 8-9 Article 3 - Equal Rights of Men and Women ….......................................... p. 8-9 Article 4 - Limitations on Rights under ICESCR …....................................... p. 9 Article 5 - No Restriction or Derogation..................................................... from Fundamental Human Rights …........................................................... p. 9 Articles 6 to 15 of the Convention ............................................................................... p.
    [Show full text]