DOCSLIB.ORG

Bratislava 2019

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Bratislava 2019 VEDECKÝ INTERNETOVÝ ČASOPIS KATEDRY HISTÓRIE PEDAGOGICKEJ FAKULTY UNIVERZITY KOMENSKÉHO V BRATISLAVE 1/2019 Bratislava 2019 44 VERBUM HISTORIAE 1/2019 Bratislava 2019 2 VERBUM HISTORIAE 1/2019 1/2019 Vedecký internetový časopis Katedry histórie Pedagogickej fakulty UK v Bratislave http://www.fedu.uniba.sk/sucasti/katedry/katedra-historie/casopis-verbum- historiae/ http://verbum-historiae.blogspot.sk/ [email protected] Editori: Mgr. Miriam Viršinská, PhD. Mgr. Pavol Makyna, PhD. Redakčná rada: prof. PhDr. Róbert Letz, PhD. – predseda (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) prof. PhDr. Július Bartl, CSc. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) prof. Zdeněk Beneš, CSc. (Univerzita Karlova, Praha) PhDr. Anna Bocková, PhD. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) doc. Mgr. Ing. arch. Andrej Botek, PhD. (Slovenské technická univerzita, Bratislava) dr. Jure Gašparič, PhD. (Ústav najnovších dejín, Ľubľana) dr. Jaromir Jeszke (Univerzita Adama Mickiewicza, Poznaň) doc. PhDr. Miroslav Kamenický, CSc. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) Mgr. Pavol Makyna, PhD. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) doc. Pavol Matula, PhD. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) PhDr. Michal Pehr, Ph.D. (Masarykov ústav a archív Akadémie vied ČR, Praha) doc. Ondrej Podolec, PhD. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) prof. Alain Soubigou (Parížska univerzita, Paríž) Mgr. Monika Tihányiová, PhD. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) PhDr. Mária Tonková, Csc. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) PhDr. et PeadDr. Marek Šmíd, PhD. (Jihočeská univerzita, České Budějovice) Mgr. Miriam Viršinská, PhD. (Univerzita Komenského, Bratislava) Recenzenti: Mgr. Martin Garek, PhD. PhDr. Milica Majeriková-Molitoris, PhD. Grafická úprava: Mgr. Pavol Makyna, PhD. © Vydáva Katedra histórie, Pedagogická fakulta Univerzity Komenského, Račianska 59, Bratislava Vychádza 2x ročne, 7. ročník ISSN: 1339-4053 (online) Fotografia na titulnej strane: Andrej Hlinka (dole v strede) na návšteve Poľska v Zakopanom v roku 1937. Na pravo od Hlinku sedí dekan Tobolski a po ľavej strane senátor F. Gwiżdż. (Zdroj: Národný digitálny archív v Poľsku (NAC); SCHABENBECK, H.: Gość Słowacki w Polsce. In: Swiatowid, roč. 14., 21. 8. 1937, č. 34, s. 6.) 3 VERBUM HISTORIAE 1/2019 Obsah ÚVOD................................................................................................. 5 P a v o l M A T U L A Editoriál............................................................................................ 5 ŠTÚDIE.............................................................................................. 6 R ó b e r t L E T Z Andrej Hlinka a Poľsko .................................................................... 7 I v a n a D E N D Y S Pokus o načrtnutie polonofilských tendencií Pavla Čarnogurského................................................................................ 32 A n n a B O C K O V Á Slovensko-poľské vzťahy v stredoeurópskych súradniciach (predstavy a koncepty slovenských polonofilov medzivojnového obdobia) .......................................................................................... 44 F r a n t i š e k S T R A P E K Kambodža za vlády Červených Kmérov ........................................ 63 M á r i a T O N K O V Á Prítomnosť minulosti: slovenské učebnice dejepisu ako prameň pre výskum histórie a historickej pamäti – možnosti prípadových štúdií .............................................................................................. 78 DOKUMENTY.................................................................................. 87 M i r i a m V I R Š I N S K Á (ed.) Príspevok k 150. výročiu založenia slovenského katolíckeho gymnázia v Kláštore pod Znievom................................................ 88 PRÁCE ŠTUDENTOV...................................................................... 92 J a r o s l a v D U R E C Spoločenské postavenie slovenského učiteľa v rokoch 1918 – 1938 II. ......................................................................................... 93 RECENZIE..................................................................................... 109 P e t r a G E R E K O V Á (rec.) HABAJ, Michal – HŘÍBAL, František: Alexander Veľký. Život, doba a význam najväčšieho vojvodcu staroveku..................................................................................... 110 SPRÁVY......................................................................................... 113 P a v o l M A K Y N A Odborný seminár: Uzákonené bezprávie – Rasové zákonodarstvo na Slovensku a v Európe ............................................................. 114 AUTORI.......................................................................................... 115 4 VERBUM HISTORIAE 1/2019 Editoriál Milé čitateľky a čitatelia, slovenská historiografia sa zameriava, pokiaľ ide o vzťahy s inými národmi v 20. storočí, predovšetkým na geograficky najbližších susedov. Do popredia záujmu sa spomedzi nich dostávajú najmä tie národy, s ktorými nás intenzívnejšie spájala minulosť, hlavne v spoločných štátnych útvaroch, teda s Maďarmi a Čechmi. Akosi bokom a nezaslúžene tak stále zostávajú kontakty s naším severným poľským susedom. Vznik ČSR priniesol Slovákom národnú slobodu, ktorá bola v rámci Uhorska nepredstaviteľná. Napriek tomu sa však v novom štátnom útvare nenaplnili všetky ich očakávania, najmä pokiaľ išlo o rovnocenné postavenie v republike a prisľúbenú autonómiu. Spojenca voči pražskému centralizmu našli v jazykovo i nábožensky blízkom poľskom národe. Medzi Varšavou a Prahou totiž po celé dve medzivojnové dekády panovalo napätie vyplývajúce nie z úplne totožnej zahraničnopolitickej orientácie, mocenských ambícií v strednej Európe a v neposlednom rade z hraničných sporov. V načrtnutej atmosfére sa rozvíjala snaha veľkej časti mladej slovenskej inteligencie lepšie spoznať kultúru a históriu slovanského Poľska. Varšava túto tendenciu všemožne podporovala, a tak sa na študijné pobyty na poľské univerzity dostali desiatky slovenských štipendistov, ktorí po návrate domov nielenže propagovali krajinu svojich hostiteľov, ale i rozvíjali slovensko-poľskú spoluprácu. Jadro tohto hnutia sa sústreďovalo okolo HSĽS, no polonofilské tendencie bolo možné zaznamenať aj u agrárnikov a nielen u nich. Tomuto zaujímavému fenoménu sa venuje i naše číslo. O postoji Andreja Hlinku, predsedu HSĽS, k Poľsku a polonofilskému hnutiu v rámci jeho strany píše vo svojej štúdii Róbert Letz. Naša doktorandka Ivana Dendys sa v štúdii zamerala na osobnosť Pavla Čarnogurského a jeho propoľské tendencie. Slovensko-poľským vzťahom v stredoeurópskom kontexte sa venuje Anna Bocková. Náš ďalší doktorand František Strapek sa vo svojom príspevku sústredil na Kambodžu v období, keď ju ovládali Červení Kméri. Sériu štúdií završuje analýza Márie Tonkovej Prítomnosť minulosti: slovenské učebnice dejepisu ako prameň pre výskum histórie a historickej pamäti – možnosti prípadových štúdií. V študentských prácach Jaroslav Durec nadväzuje na svoj predchádzajúci príspevok. V čísle nechýbajú ani recenzie na zaujímavé knihy či stále rubriky dokumenty a správy. Pavol Matula 5 VERBUM HISTORIAE 1/2019 ŠTÚDIE 6 VERBUM HISTORIAE 1/2019 Andrej Hlinka a Poľsko Róbert Letz Andrej Hlinka patrí medzi najvýraznejšie osobnosti moderných slovenských dejín. Slovenskú politiku aktívne stvárňoval polstoročie. Hlinka už na pôde Uhorska a neskôr Československej republiky (ČSR) riešil celé spektrum otázok. Nevyhýbal sa ani otázke vzťahu k iným národom a štátom. Jeho politika a vôbec politika jeho Slovenskej ľudovej strany (SĽS) sa vyhraňovala voči iným politickým osobnostiam a stranám, alebo si hľadala spojencov doma i v zahraničí tak, ako to bolo obvyklé aj u iných politických osobností a politických subjektov. Pred rokom 1918 Hlinka Poliakom nevenoval veľkú pozornosť. Skôr sa zameral na rozvíjanie vzťahov s Čechmi, pretože najmä u nich videl potenciál účinnej pomoci pre národnostne, kultúrne a sociálne utláčaných Slovákov. Vďaka černovskej tragédii sa Hlinka dostal do povedomia širšej poľskej verejnosti. Väčšinou so sympatiami o ňom písala poľská tlač. Dôležitou stopou Hlinkovho vzťahu k Poliakom je jeho vzťah ku kňazovi Ferdinandovi Machayovi.1 Machay nastúpil 21. mája 1913 na ružomberskú faru za kaplána. Ku svojmu farárovi Hlinkovi prišiel už ako Poliak, ktorý sa národne uvedomil na grünwaldských slávnostiach v roku 1910. Hlinka viedol so svojím kaplánom dlhé rozhovory na tému slovenskej a poľskej národnej identity, politickej orientácie Poliakov a Slovákov a na tému slovenskosti či poľskosti Spiša, Oravy a Kysúc. Hlinka pred Machayom argumentoval najmä slovanskou príslušnosťou Poliakov: „– Poliaci vznikli zo všeobecnej slovanskej rodiny. Ale v politike sa držia tak, ako by Slovanmi neboli... Hlinka pozoroval, že tieto argumenty na mňa pôsobia najviac, a preto nešetril ponôs a nespokojnosti na adresu Poliakov, ktorí vo Viedni paktujú s Nemcami a Maďarmi a podkopávajú slovanskú spoluprácu...“2 Machay priznal, že veľa nechýbalo a bol by sa „utopil v zradných vlnách slovanských“, veď „povedať niečo protislovanského a najmä protiruského, pokladalo sa v spoločnosti veľkého vodcu za nemalý priestupok“.3 Machay Hlinkovi oponoval a Hlinka reagoval: „– Ferdinand, vy Táto štúdia vznikla v rámci projektu VEGA 1/0797/17 Podoby a prejavy polonofilstva na Slovensku 1918 – 1939. 1 Ferdinand Machay (1889 – 1967) pochádzal z oravskej obce Jablonka (dnes v Poľsku), študoval na gymnáziu v Trstenej a teológiu v Budapešti. Po kňazskej vysviacke 25. 6. 1912 bol kaplánom v Zázrivej a v r. 1913 – 1914 kaplánom v Ružomberku. Počas prvej svetovej vojny pôsobil
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Slovakia's Righteous Among the Nations
    Slovakia’s Righteous among the Nations Gila Fatran Slovak-Jewish relations, an important factor in the rescue of Jews during the Holocaust, were influenced in no small part by events that took place in the latter third of the 19th century. That century saw the national awakening of oppressed nations. The Slovak nation, ruled by the Hungarians for 1,000 years, was struggling at the time for its national existence. The creation of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy led in 1867 to the granting of equal civil rights to the Jews in the empire in the assumption that they would assimilate nationally and culturally into the state. At the same time the Hungarian leaders stepped up their suppression of the Slovak nation. The integration of the Jews into the developing economic and cultural life and the continued improvement in their situation alongside the suppression of the aspirations of the Slovaks, were used by the political and church representatives of the Slovak nation to fan the flames of Jew-hatred and to blame the Jews for the difficult lot of the Slovak People. During this period many Slovak publications also addressed the existence of a “Jewish Question” in a negative sense: blaming the Jews for all of the Slovak society’s ills. During this era, one of the central reasons behind the rise of Slovak antisemitism was the economic factor. At the same time, the slogan “Svoj k svojmu,” which, freely translated, means “Buy only from your own people,” registered a series of “successes” in neighboring countries. However, when nationalists, using this motto, launched a campaign to persuade Slovaks to boycott Jewish-owned shops, their efforts proved unsuccessful.
    [Show full text]
  • Portugal, Slovakia, and the Political Counter- Reformation of the Twentieth Century (1910- 1939)
    23 ZuZana Poláčková – Pieter C. van Duin Portugal, Slovakia, and the political Counter- reformation of the twentieth century (1910- 1939) This essay tries to make a comparative analysis of the political dynamics of Portugal and Slovakia in the first half of the twentieth century (1910-1939) in terms of the significance of conservative political Catholicism. The two countries belonged to a group of nations in Europe in which there was a strong reaction to political liberalism, progressive republicanism, cultural secularism, and socialism. This an- tagonism can arguably be seen as a modern continuation of the historic conflict between the Protestant and humanist Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Its twentieth-century manifestation was of course somewhat different from the original sixteenth- and seventeenth-century conflict. After the eighteenth century the historic force of anti-Catholic Reformation was mainly expressed in the form of intellectual Enlightenment, anti-clericalism, and social and cultural progressivism. But it would seem that in many ways the dynamics and aggressive energy of this great cultural confrontation was continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, although in a modified ideological and political shape. The years between 1910 and 1940 were the period when the conflict between political progressivism and Catholic conservatism reached its culmination. In Portugal the forces of cultural secularism and liberal republicanism were defeated by the new authoritarian regime led by Salazar. In Slovakia the foundation and then the end of the First Czechoslovak Republic brought the rise and then the victory of the Catho- lic opposition movement, the Slovak People’s Party of Andrej Hlinka and Jozef Tiso.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalistic Tendencies in the Slovak Roman Catholic Church
    Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 18 Issue 6 Article 2 12-1998 Nationalistic Tendencies in the Slovak Roman Catholic Church Frans Hoppenbrouwers Dutch Roman Catholic relief organisation Communicantes Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hoppenbrouwers, Frans (1998) "Nationalistic Tendencies in the Slovak Roman Catholic Church," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 18 : Iss. 6 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol18/iss6/2 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISTIC TENDENCIES IN THE SLOVAK ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH1 by Frans Hoppenbrouwers Frans Hoppenbrouwers (*1962) is a Roman Catholic Church historian. He is secretary of studies of the Dutch Roman Catholic relief organisation Communicantes. INTRODUCTION After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the eclipse of the communist regimes that followed it, nationalistic tendencies2 apparently revived throughout Central and Eastern Europe. Appearances can deceive and so they did. It is clear now that nationalistic thinking was fostered throughout the communist era. Even the state itself contributed to that. Nationalism finally became manifest in the 1980’s, during the Perestroika period. It preceded the 1989 turnover as well as the resurgence of a number of states that had lost their existence after World War II or even before that, e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Pioneers of Clerical Fascism? Mythical Language of Revolutionary Political Catholicism in Slovakia and Visions of a “New Nation”1
    PIONEERS OF CLERICAL FASCISM? MYTHICAL LANGUAGE OF REVOLUTIONARY POLITICAL CATHOLICISM IN SLOVAKIA AND VISIONS OF A “NEW NATION”1 Anton Hruboň DOI: 10.17846/CL.2021.14.1.131-145 Abstract: HRUBOŇ, Anton. Pioneers of Clerical Fascism? Mythical Language of Revolutionary Political Catholicism in Slovakia and Visions of a “New Nation”. Clerical fascism is among the vaguest and most corrupted terms in the political lexicon. As a result of abuse by the Communist regime for political purposes, it became an ideological label and insult after 1948. The present study attempts to revive this devalued term over the background of an analysis of the political language and ideology of Rodobrana, considered the first fascist movement in Slovakia (1923 – 1929). The study defines clerofascist ideology as a system of opinions, ideas and worldviews, functionally combining clericalism and fascism into a coherent worldview. The presented case study proves that, although clerical fascism has never formed the basis of any European regime, several variously significant political movements, including the Slovak Rodobrana, met its definition criteria. After outlining the methodology and general continental European context of the issue, the study analyses the forms of militarization of Catholicism in Slovakia after 1918, the formation of the concept of mystical ultra-nation, as well as the Rodobrana’s vision of establishing a new religious community. The paper pays special attention to the work performed by the myth of purity in the political language of the Rodobrana, the political instrumentalization of Christ and his sacred blood in the context of creating the “revived nation”. Keywords: clerical fascism, Blood of Christ, Rodobrana, Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, Vojtech Tuka, Slovak fascism, political mysticism, mythic language Clerical fascism – between an ideological label and an analytical tool The term clerical fascism provokes rather passionate reactions in the Slovak milieu.
    [Show full text]
  • František Jehlička and His Activity in Support of the Hungarian Revision in Czechoslovakia in 1919–1938 OPEN ACCESS
    František Jehlička and his activity in support of the Hungarian revision in Czechoslovakia in 1919–1938 OPEN ACCESS Janek István After the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, international political relations in Central Europe had become impenetrable and uncertain. The content of the peace treaty with Hungary remained an open question for a long time, which determined the fate of the territories in Northern Hungary. This provisional period was closed with the Peace of Trianon on 4 June 1920. Up to that moment, the Hungarian government was doing intense diplomatic activity in order to modify the border between Hungary and Czechoslovakia to their favour as much as possible. Even after signing the treaty, the Hungarian administration never gave up the idea of regaining Slovakia or a part of it by diplomatic or military means.1 For the Hungarian politicians the loss of Upper Hungary was the second most painful experience next only to the loss of Transylvania, for the crucial role the territory had played in the economic system of the Kingdom of Hungary. Hungarian propaganda implied that regaining the lost territories would be the easiest from Czechoslovakia, as this country had no history as a state, and therefore no historical traditions, either. Czechoslovakia, in their argument, was an artificial construction which could thank its existence only to the great powers, which made it easier to defeat in an appropriate moment.2 Hungarian government circles did not consider the establishment of Czechoslovakia as the unification of the Slavonic peoples of historical Hungary with their mother country; they even denied consistently that the Slovaks and Czechs would belong to one nation.
    [Show full text]
  • May 25, 1968 Summation of Informers from the Transcarpathian Oblast, Ukrainian SSR
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified May 25, 1968 Summation of Informers from the Transcarpathian Oblast, Ukrainian SSR Citation: “Summation of Informers from the Transcarpathian Oblast, Ukrainian SSR,” May 25, 1968, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsDAHOU, F. 1, Op. 25, Spr. 28, Ll. 152-160. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113085 Summary: A report summarizing various conversations from the Transcarpathian Oblast, submitted by Ukrainian KGB Chief A. Zabchenko Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation No. 5/3574 25 May 1968 Uzhhorod Secret Copy No. 1 TO THE CPSU CC POLITBURO MEMBER AND FIRST SECRETARY OF THE UkrCP CC To Comrade P. E. SHELEST Kyiv Per your instruction, we are reporting the population's reactions to events in the CSSR, based on materials received by the UkrSSR KGB Directorate in Transcarpathian Oblast from 14 to 24 May 1968. Information flowing into the UkrSSR KGB Directorate in Transcarpathian Oblast from 14 to 24 May indicates that the overwhelming majority of the population in the oblast, as before, correctly understands events in the CSSR and approves the corresponding measures adopted by the CPSU Central Committee and the Soviet government. 180 In characterizing reactions to events in the CSSR, the next largest group consists of citizens who, despite being patriotically inclined, are improperly assessing the events and are drawing inappropriate conclusions from those events for a variety of reasons, including that they have been misled by Western radio broadcasts. A workman at the Khust felt-stripping factory, B. M. Lukechko, who was born in 1922 and is a member of the CPSU, declared: “Our Communist Party has many enemies.
    [Show full text]
  • Influence of Italian Fascism on Political Scene of Interwar Slovakia (1922–1938)
    East European History, 2016, Vol. (4), Is. 2 Copyright © 2016 by Academic Publishing House Researcher Published in the Russian Federation East European History Has been issued since 2015. E-ISSN: 2500-1310 Vol. 4, Is. 2, pp. 58-65, 2016 DOI: 10.13187/eeh.2016.4.58 www.ejournal49.com Influence of Italian Fascism on Political Scene of Interwar Slovakia (1922–1938) Anton Hruboň a , a Matej Bel University, Slovakia Abstract The paper analyzes the influence of Italian fascism in interwar Slovakia. Drawing on newest methodological approaches author debates how the fascist “essence” modernized the ideologies, programs and political culture of conservative, nationalistic and Christian traditionalistic political parties in Slovakia. Based on archival research in Italian archives, the article also discusses Rome´s political interests in Czechoslovakia, mainly the support of nationwide and minor pro-fascist movements from Italian fascist regime in the 1920s and 1930s. Keywords: Fascism, Italian fascism, fascist studies, international fascism, totalitarianism, Slovakia, Czechoslovakia, Rodobrana, Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party, Slovak National Party, revolution, nationalism, anti-Semitism, anticommunism. 1. Introduction In the 1920s and 1930s Italian fascism represented a pan-continental phenomenon. In this period fascism infiltrated almost every European country and established itself as an integral component of political culture in Europe. New revolutionary stream found its place in Czechoslovak, respectively Slovak politics as well.1 During the existence of the first Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938) politically anchored fascism did not skip over the borderline of margin. The National Fascist Community (Národná obec fašistická – NOF), the most notable Czechoslovak party copying the Italian fascism, recorded the best election result in 1935 General Elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Paulovicova Nina Spring 2012
    University of Alberta Rescue of Jews in the Slovak State (1939 – 1945) by Nina Paulovicova A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History and Classics ©Nina Paulovicova Spring 2012 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. Abstract This dissertation targets the topic of rescue of Jews in the Holocaust in World War II. It offers a thorough examination of the defiance mechanics of rescue and looks at how precisely rescuers undermine the pillars of totalitarian regimes. The locus for the empirical part is the Slovak State, a puppet state of Nazi Germany. This dissertation scrutinizes the mindset behind efforts to assist Jews, the obstacles on paths to rescue as well as strategies applied in order to overcome legal and societal persecution of Jews. This project builds on the premise that agencies of any individual fluctuate, merge and change accordingly with the developments of the war.
    [Show full text]
  • Catholics, Communists, and Democrats in Slovakia, 1945-1948
    1 SETTING THE STAGE From Liberation to the April Agreement he spring of 1945 brought significant changes to Slovakia. The Slovak TRepublic, the wartime regime that represented history’s first Slovak state ever, collapsed along with its patron and ally, Nazi Germany. The Soviet Red Army drove the German military out of Slovak territory and ultimately, with the help of American forces, out of the Czech lands as well, leaving Czecho- slovakia jointly occupied by American and Soviet troops until December 1945, when foreign armies left altogether. The Czechoslovak Republic, destroyed by the events of 1938 and 1939, was reconstituted under its former president, Edvard Beneš.1 But while Czechoslovakia was back, it came back under very different circumstances and with quite different features. Gone was the situ- ation of the interwar period, when as many as twenty-nine parties, and never fewer than sixteen, competed for parliamentary office, and never fewer than fourteen parties were represented at one given time in parliament.2 Now, only a handful of parties would be allowed to operate—the Czechoslovak Com- munist Party (KSČ),3 the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, the Nation- al Socialist Party, the Czechoslovak People’s Party in the Czech lands; and in Slovakia the Democratic Party (DS)4 and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS).5 Together they made up the new Czechoslovak government, formally established on April 4 in the newly liberated eastern Slovak city of Košice. Some of interwar Czechoslovakia’s most important political parties were banned, namely the Czechoslovak Agrarians, who were (unjustly) accused of collaboration with Nazi Germany in the 1930s, and the HSL’S, which was 1 © 2009 University of Pittsburgh Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics and Public Space in Slovakia Between 1938 and 1945: the Example of Prešov
    Cities in Europe, Cities in the world - 12th International Conference on Urban History. Portugal, Lisbon, 3-6 September 2014. Session M50. Urban Design for Mussolini, Stalin, Salazar, Hitler and Franco During the Interwar Period Politics and Public Space in Slovakia between 1938 and 1945: The example of Prešov Martin Pekár Pavol Jozef Šafárik University in Košice, Slovakia [email protected] Last revision: February 12, 2015 Keywords: politics, public space, Slovakia, Prešov, 1938-1945 Abstract The following text focuses on the analysis of the selected aspects of the relationship between politics and public space under the authoritarian regime, which was established in Slovakia at the end of 1938 and continued until the end of the war in 1945. The subject-matter of the analysis is Prešov, at that time the third biggest town in Slovakia. The work presents not only significant events taking place in the public space (for example public demonstrations and the persecution of Jews), but the author also discusses the way that politics impacted upon the different functions of the town’s public space (for example the changing the names of streets and replacment of monuments). This contribution contains an extra paragraph describing the effort to build a completely new town centre characterised by the governing regime as an opposite to the original ‘discredited’ public space. It can be assumed that the development of the relationship bewteen the regime and public space was copied from German and Italian models of that time, which reflected the dependency of the regime on Nazi Germany in the political sphere. In fact, none of the changes undertaken survived the fall of the regime in 1945, which best reflects the close connection between its public space and the country’s politics.
    [Show full text]
  • A Priest at the Front. Jozef Tiso Changing Social Identities in the First World War Aliaksandr Piahanau
    A Priest at the Front. Jozef Tiso Changing Social Identities in the First World War Aliaksandr Piahanau To cite this version: Aliaksandr Piahanau. A Priest at the Front. Jozef Tiso Changing Social Identities in the First World War. Revue des études slaves, Institut d’études slaves et EUR’ORBEM, 2017, 1914, l’Autriche-Hongrie entre en guerre. Récits de soldats et de civils, 88 (4), pp.721-741. 10.4000/res.1324. hal-01792245 HAL Id: hal-01792245 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01792245 Submitted on 27 Apr 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES SL AVES EUR’ ORBEM ISSN 0080-2557 REVUE DES ÉTU DES SLAVE S TOME QUATRE-VINGT- HUITI ÈME Fascicule 4 1914, lAutriche-Hongrie entre en guerre Récits de soldats et de civils PARIS 2017 A priest At the front. jozef tiso chAnging sociAL identities in the first WorLd WAr aliaksandr P iaHanau Framespa – UMR 5136 (CNRS – Université Toulouse-Jean-Jaurès) Where am I? What is happening here? With compassion, I let myself approach (the wounded soldiers) and one shows me his arm torn away, and complains: What will my two little children do? Another, who was injured by a bullet in his nose, flaps his arms and asks for water: I could barely place a piece of sugar in his mouth, as it was so foaming with blood.
    [Show full text]
  • Slovak‑Americans and the Slovak Question During the First Czechoslovak Republic
    STUDIA HISTORICA GEDANENSIA TOM V (2014) Michael Cude (History Department, Fort Lewis College, USA) The Imagined Exiles: Slovak‑Americans and the Slovak Question during the First Czechoslovak Republic During the late 19th and early 20th century, over a half million Slovaks migrated to the United States.1 Although economics served as the primary motivation for the Slovaks moving to America, the politics of national identity also influenced this migration. Many Slovak‑American leaders, such as Štefan Furdek and Peter Rovnianek, used the opportunity to develop Slovak national identity, culture, and politics free from the grip of Magyarization in pre‑First World War Hungary. They organized from America a campaign to assert Slovak national rights within Hungary, hoping to pressure Hungary from the outside to open up to cultural and political autonomy for Slovakia. When the Czechoslovak revolutionary movement was organized after the outbreak of the First World War, its leaders, including Thomas Masaryk and Milan Štefánik, attempted to utilize these existing Slovak‑American organizations for financial, military, and diplomatic support. While the Slovak‑Americans served as a vital part of the Czechoslovak revolution, their political organizations demanded recognition of an independent Slovak identity and Slovak political autonomy in exchange for their support. This campaign pushed many Slovak‑Americans to absorb a sense of direct influence on the affairs of their homeland. The Slovak‑American’s ability to guide 1 Historians estimate the Slovak population in the United States in the early 20th century at around 650 thousand, between a quarter and a third of the population of Slovakia at the time, although their precise numbers are difficult to establish due to the United States government’s method of categorizing immigrants.
    [Show full text]