Contact List of Ethnic Political Parties
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Important Facts About the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - Emref
Important Facts about the 2015 Myanmar General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation (EMReF) 2015 October Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF 1 Important Facts about the 2015 General Election Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation - EMReF ENLIGHTENED MYANMAR RESEARCH ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ABSTRACT FOUNDATION (EMReF) This report is a product of the Information Enlightened Myanmar Research Foundation EMReF is an accredited non-profit research Strategies for Societies in Transition program. (EMReF has been carrying out political-oriented organization dedicated to socioeconomic and This program is supported by United States studies since 2012. In 2013, EMReF published the political studies in order to provide information Agency for International Development Fact Book of Political Parties in Myanmar (2010- and evidence-based recommendations for (USAID), Microsoft, the Bill & Melinda Gates 2012). Recently, EMReF studied The Record different stakeholders. EMReF has been Foundation, and the Tableau Foundation.The Keeping and Information Sharing System of extending its role in promoting evidence-based program is housed in the University of Pyithu Hluttaw (the People’s Parliament) and policy making, enhancing political awareness Washington's Henry M. Jackson School of shared the report to all stakeholders and the and participation for citizens and CSOs through International Studies and is run in collaboration public. Currently, EMReF has been regularly providing reliable and trustworthy information with the Technology & Social Change Group collecting some important data and information on political parties and elections, parliamentary (TASCHA) in the University of Washington’s on the elections and political parties. performances, and essential development Information School, and two partner policy issues. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs September 15, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42363 c11173008 . Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Sanctions Summary The release of all Burma’s political prisoners is one of the fundamental goals of U.S. policy. Several of the laws imposing sanctions on Burma—including the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 (P.L. 108-61) and the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE (Junta’s Anti- Democratic Efforts) Act of 2008 (P.L. 110-286)—require the release of all political prisoners before the sanctions can be terminated. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2014 (P.L. 113- 76) requires the Department of State and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to “support programs for former political prisoners” in Burma, as well as “monitor the number of political prisoners in Burma.” Burma’s President Thein Sein pledged during a July 2013 trip to the United Kingdom to release all “prisoners of conscience” in his country by the end of the year. Since his announcement, he granted amnesties or pardons on seven occasions. While President Thein Sein has asserted that all political prisoners have been freed, several Burmese organizations maintain that dozens of political prisoners remain in jail and that new political prisoners continue to be arrested and sentenced. Hopes for a democratic government and national reconciliation in Burma depend on the release of prisoners, including those associated with the country’s ethnic groups. Several ethnic-based political parties have stated they will not participate in parliamentary elections until their members are released. -
“Pre-Election Monitoring Study in Rakhine State”
“Pre-Election Monitoring Study in Rakhine State” Table of Contents KEY FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................... 2 1. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 5 1.1. POLITICAL PARTY LANDSCAPE IN RAKHINE STATE............................................................................ 7 1.2. INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ON FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS .............................................................. 8 1.3. ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN MYANMAR ................................................................................................. 10 2. OBJECTIVE AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY ..................................................................................... 11 1. METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................ 11 1.1. SAMPLING ...................................................................................................................................... 11 1.2. RESEARCH PROCESS ........................................................................................................................ 12 1.3. LIMITATION OF STUDY .................................................................................................................... 12 2. FINDINGS ............................................................................................................................................ -
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 16 | September 2015 Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar RECOMMENDATIONS • The 2015 general election presents an important opportunity to give political voice to Myanmar’s diverse ethnic nationality communities and empower them to pursue their aspirations, provided that it is genuinely free and fair. • If successfully held, the general election is likely to mark another key step in the process of national transition from decades of military rule. However the achievement of nationwide peace and further constitutional reform are still needed to guarantee the democratic rights, representation and participation of all peoples in determining the country’s future. • Although nationality parties are likely to win many seats in the polls, the impact of identity politics and vote-splitting along ethnic and party lines may see electoral success falling short of expectations. This can be addressed through political cooperation and reform. It is essential for peace and stability that the democratic process offers real hope to nationality communities that they can have greater control over their destiny. • Inequitable distribution of political and economic rights has long driven mistrust and conflict in Myanmar. The 2015 general election must mark a new era of political inclusion, not division, in national politics. After the elections, it is vital that an inclusive political dialogue moves forward at the national level to unite parliamentary processes and ethnic ceasefire talks as a political roadmap for all citizens. ideas into movement Introduction Myanmar/Burma1 is heading to the polls in November 2015, in what will be a closely watched election. Provided that they are free and fair, the polls are likely to have a major influence over the future political direction of the country, with an expected shift in power from the old elite to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD). -
New Crisis Brewing in Burma's Rakhine State?
CRS INSIGHT New Crisis Brewing in Burma's Rakhine State? February 15, 2019 (IN11046) | Related Author Michael F. Martin | Michael F. Martin, Specialist in Asian Affairs ([email protected], 7-2199) Approximately 250 Chin and Rakhine refugees entered into Bangladesh's Bandarban district in the first week of February, trying to escape the fighting between Burma's military, or Tatmadaw, and one of Burma's newest ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the Arakan Army (AA). Bangladesh's Foreign Minister Abdul Momen summoned Burma's ambassador Lwin Oo to protest the arrival of the Rakhine refugees and the military clampdown in Rakhine State. Bangladesh has reportedly closed its border to Rakhine State. U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee released a press statement on January 18, 2019, indicating that heavy fighting between the AA and the Tatmadaw had displaced at least 5,000 people. She also called on the Rakhine State government to reinstate the access for international humanitarian organizations. The Conflict Between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw The AA was formed in Kachin State in 2009, with the support of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). In 2015, the AA moved some of its soldiers from Kachin State to southwestern Chin State, and began attacking Tatmadaw security bases in Chin State and northern Rakhine State (see Figure 1). In late 2017, the AA shifted more of its operations into northeastern Rakhine State. According to some estimates, the AA has approximately 3,000 soldiers based in Chin and Rakhine States. Figure 1. Reported Clashes between Arakan Army and Tatmadaw Source: CRS, utilizing data provided by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). -
Guide Reporting on Elections
Reporting on Elections: A Toolkit for Journalists in Myanmar i Reporting on Elections: A Toolkit for Journalists in Myanmar ISBN: 978-616-8264-09-6 Written by: John Reiner M. Antiquerra Tharindu Abeyrathna Zayar Hlaing Layout cover designed by: Inspiral Creative Produced and Published By: The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) 105 Sutthisan Winnichai Rd., Samsennok, Huai Khwang, Bangkok 10310, Thailand Tel: (+66 2) 26931867 Email: [email protected] Website: www.anfrel.org © 2020 by ANFREL Foundation The contents of this toolkit may be used for training and educational purposes only. Any reproduction of this publication must acknowledge that the copyright is held by ANFREL Foundation. The publication of this toolkit is made possible through the generous support of the Canadian Embassy in Yangon and the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. ii Reporting on Elections: A Toolkit for Journalists in Myanmar Contents Foreword ..........................................................................................................................iv .....................................................vi 1. Introduction ...........................................................................................................1 Abbreviation and Myanmar Specific Terms 2. Elections ....................................................................................................................4 2.1. History of Elections in Myanmar ...........................................................4 2.2. Myanmar Electoral System .......................................................................7 -
FIDH Report Half Empty: Burma's Political Parties and Their Human Rights Commitments
Half Empty: Burma’s political parties and their human rights commitments November 2015 / N°668a November © AFP PHOTO / Soe Than Win MPs attend parliamentary session in Naypyidaw on July 4, 2012. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Foreword 4 2. Executive summary 4 3. Methodology 5 4. Outgoing Parliament disappoints on human rights 7 11 5.1 - Media freedom 12 5.2 - Religious discrimination 12 5.3 - Role of the military 13 5.4 - Accountability for past crimes 13 5.5 - Legislative reform 14 5.6 - Women’s rights 14 5.7 - Death penalty 14 5.8 - Ethnic minority rights 15 15 5.10 - Human rights defenders 15 5.11 - Investment, development, and infrastructure projects 16 5.12 - Next government’s top priorities 16 6. Recommendations to elected MPs 17 7. Appendixes 20 7.1 - Appendix 1: Survey’s complete results 20 7.2 - Appendix 2: Political parties contesting the 8 November election 25 1. FOREWORD By Tomás Ojea Quintana, former UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar to visit the new Parliament in Myanmar, I was able to economic course. 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Suu Kyi, is expected to win. 1 Burma Issues & Concerns Vol. 6: The generals’ election, January 2011 4 FIDH - HALF EMPTY: BURMA’S POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITMENTS concerns. The report provides numerous recommendations to MPs, based on statements and reports issued by various UN special procedures as well as resolutions adopted by 3. METHODOLOGY [See Appendix 2: Political parties contesting the 8 November election Appendix 1: Survey’s complete results FIDH - HALF EMPTY: BURMA’S POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITMENTS 5 6 FIDH - HALF EMPTY: BURMA’S POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITMENTS 4. -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
07 N Ganesan DOI.Indd
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding Vol. 3 No. 2 (2015): 273-286 doi: 10.18588/201511.000046 Field Note Ethnic Insurgency and the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in Myanmar N. Ganesan On October 15, 2015, the government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar signed a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with eight of the sixteen ethnic armed groups it had been negotiating with. The aim of the Thein Sein government had been to sign the agreement with all sixteen groups, but this was not realized. One reason why eight of the groups have been left out is the ongoing fighting between the Myanmar military and some of the groups, and the army’s unwillingness to involve them in the ceasefire process. Similarly, some of the ethnic armed groups have also indicated that they are unwilling, or not ready, to sign the NCA at this time. Keywords Myanmar politics, Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, Myanmar Peace Center, ethnic insurgent groups, Myanmar military Introduction The Myanmar government concluded a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) on October 15 with eight of the country’s sixteen ethnic armed groups that it had engaged through the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT). This is one of the most important political steps taken since 2010 by the Thein Sein-led government. Other important developments include institutionalization of the ceasefire process through the inauguration of the Myanmar Peace Center. There are, however, a number of challenges facing the inclusion of all the ethnic armed groups in this process. The ongoing conflict with some of the groups, the army’s unwillingness to include certain groups, the shifting position of the ethnic groups and the large number of organizations claiming to collectively represent them, and the relative independence of some of the groups all constitute barriers to their full inclusion. -
Political Monitor No.22
Euro-Burma Office 15 - 28 August 2015 Political Monitor 2015 POLITICAL MONITOR NO. 22 OFFICIAL MEDIA A MILESTONE IN THE MYANMAR PEACE PROCESS— THE NATIONWIDE CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT On 7 August 2015, the Union Government, Hluttaw, Tatmadaw, and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) achieved a milestone in the peace process by finalizing the text of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). President Thein Sein formally sent invitations to 15 Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) on 18 August, 2015, to sign the NCA. Over the last 4 years, the Government held separate talks with each of the 15 EAOs and bilateral agreements were concluded. In total, 39 agreements at the state and union levels were signed. The Government accepted the request of the EAOs to organize meetings among themselves, and provided assistance for the holding of ethnic leaders summits. The Government also agreed to discuss proposals for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement that resulted from these summits. The Union Peace-Making Work Committee (UPWC) composed of representatives from the Government, Hluttaw, and Tatmadaw, and the Ethnic Armed Organizations’ Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) met over a 17-month period to finalize a mutually acceptable Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement. Talks began in early November 2013, and on 31 March, 2015, the draft text of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, comprising 7 chapters and 33 paragraphs, was finalized. Although the government was ready to sign the Agreement, leaders of Ethnic Armed Organizations formed the Senior Delegation (SD) and requested amendments to the text of the Agreement. In the interest of achieving nationwide peace, the Government resumed negotiations, and on 7 August, 2015, all provisions of the Agreement were finalized.1 UEC ANNOUNCES PRELIMINARY CANDIDATE LISTS The country’s 2 main political parties — the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party and the opposition National League for Democracy — will each field more than 1,000 candidates in the 8 November general election. -
The Causes and Consequences of Recurrent
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIVING WITH VIOLENCE: THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF RECURRENT BUDDHIST-MUSLIM VIOLENCE IN MYANMAR A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY BY NATHANIEL JAMES GONZALEZ CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2020 Copyright © 2020 by Nathaniel James Gonzalez All Rights Reserved TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... vii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. viii RECURRENT COMMUNAL VIOLENCE ................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Studying Recurrent Communal Violence ....................................................................... 4 1.3 Defining Communal Conflict and Communal Violence ................................................ 7 1.4 The Causes of Communal Violence ............................................................................. 16 1.5 -
The Burmese Labyrinth the Burmese Labyrinth a History of the Rohingya Tragedy
The Burmese Labyrinth The Burmese Labyrinth A History of the Rohingya Tragedy Carlos Sardiña Galache First published by Verso 2020 © Carlos Sardiña Galache 2020 All rights reserved The moral rights of the author have been asserted The maps on pages vi and vii are reproduced with permission from New Left Review, where they first appeared in Mary Callahan’s “Myanmar’s Perpetual Junta.” 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Verso UK: 6 Meard Street, London W1F 0EG US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 1010, Brooklyn, NY 11201 versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New Left Books ISBN-13: 978-1-78873-321-2 ISBN-13: 978-1-78873-320-5 (LIBRARY) ISBN-13: 978-1-78873-322-9 (UK EBK) ISBN-13: 978-1-78873-323-6 (US EBK) British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Typeset in Minion Pro by Hewer Text UK Ltd, Edinburgh Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon CR0 4YY Contents Maps Note on Burmese Terms Introduction: Trapped in the Burmese Labyrinth Part I ‘Discipline-Flourishing Democracy’ 1. The Transition 2. The War in the ‘Green Hell’ 3. Days of Fury in Arakan 4. ‘We Will Build a Fence With Our Bones if Necessary’ 5. The Counted and the Excluded 6. The Burmese Cage Part II History and Its Traces 7. The Worlds of Precolonial ‘Burma’ 8. Burma Under the British 9.