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How to cite this thesis

Surname, Initial(s). (2012). Title of the thesis or dissertation (Doctoral Thesis / Master’s Dissertation). Johannesburg: University of Johannesburg. Available from: http://hdl.handle.net/102000/0002 (Accessed: 22 August 2017). GENDER EQUITY IN SPORT-RELATED POLICIES: A CASE STUDY FOR UNDERSTANDING EMPOWERMENT AND INCLUSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

NANA AKUA ACHIAA ADOM-ABOAGYE

Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

SPORT MANAGEMENT

in the

FACULTY OF HEALTH SCIENCES

at the

UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

Supervisor: Prof C Burnett

Co-supervisor: Prof E Pike

MAY 2020 DECLARATION

I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it in its entirety or in part at any university for a degree.

29 May 2020

Signature Date of final submission ii Abstract

The lack of representation of women and girls within multiple fields within and at every level of the sport sector, despite global movements and policies that have found some traction, is also a persistent, unremitting challenge in South Africa. Participation in sport and structured physical activity has multiple health and social benefits, amongst others – particularly for marginalised groups, which includes women and girls – which South Africa supports through prescripts enshrined in legislation and its constitution, with liberal ideological underpinnings. This investigation aimed to explore the intersections of gender and sports ideology and its impact on gender (in)equity in the South African context, from a civic society perspective. It focused on identifying and investigating policies, structures and practices relating to gender equity. This allowed for an exploratory and in-depth investigation into how civic society actors perceive and experience gender equity within sport-related domains in South Africa. The study draws on feminist theories as conceptual framework and the thematic analysis of policies and strategic documents for gender framing and equality. Twenty-eight interviews (N=28) were conducted with a purposive sample of identified stakeholder representatives from civic society and the sport sector, namely sport administrators/activists (n=6), NGO decision- makers (n=19) and employees (n=3). An analysis of the qualitative data produced four main themes. The first theme identified how societal mind-sets around gender were linked to institutionalised male hegemony and patriarchal values and belief systems. This ultimately impacts on resource allocation (for women and girls) and the involvement of women in decision-making roles in sport. The second theme identified how gendered expectations impact on inter-gender relationships (in society and in sport). Black African communities were found to have expectations of culturally designated gender roles, which infringe upon the basic human rights of women and girls, regarding their right to autonomy and decision-making. The third theme identified the effects of marginalised community’s societal context – poverty and violence – as additional (yet previously unknown) barriers to gender equity and sport. Poverty and violence have the greatest effect on women and girls. The fourth theme identified how limited understanding of the differences between gender equity versus gender equality have had an impact on sport policy implementation, while there was also no evidence of stakeholder accountability and adequate direction as to how to implement policy was lacking. The results of the study also highlighted five key stakeholders, namely the government sector, sport federations, the corporate sector, NGOs and universities, which could potentially assist in gender reform in sport, if they so choose. Recommendations specific to each identified stakeholder are presented for informing current practices and future research.

iii Dedication

This thesis is dedicated to friends and family, near and far who gave of their support in their own special ways:

To my number one supporters – my parents (Isaac and Grace): words cannot express the emotion that I feel writing this: “We made it!” I say ‘we’, because it was a group effort. You believed in me, prayed for me and encouraged me when I wanted to quit so many times. You provided comfort and support on the days and nights when crying was all that I could do, because “It is too hard!” yet you always said to me “Nothing is hard, if you have God on your side”. This thesis is the culmination of the sacrifices that you made over the last three and a half decades. I would not be where I am today, handing in this original work, if it was not for you. I will never be able to repay you, but I will spend my life trying to.

To Kwadwo Aboagye (my ‘baby’ brother): in your own silent and unique way, you supported me. You talked about my work to others and shared my achievements (unbeknownst to me), which helped to motivate me (when I found out). I hope that my work will inspire your own journey and that one day we can work together through our shared love of sport, which we got from our parents.

To my Aunt, Mary Baffoe-Arthur and my cousin, Ama Baffoe-Arthur: your prayers and support will never be forgotten. Despite being all the way in Kumasi, Ghana, I always felt as if you were right here with me, cheering me on to the finish line. Me dase, Nyame nhyira mo.

To my extended family spread across Ghana, Europe and America, who kept me in their thoughts and prayers to get me to the finish line, I hope and believe that this achievement will help motivate cousins, nieces and nephews from the Opoku and Aboagye lines going forward.

To Botu Kwesi, my ‘twin’ for life: meeting you in Olympia, Greece was one of the best moments of my life. Despite different backgrounds, we shared a commonality – our love for sport and wanting to use sport to better the lives of marginalised ethnicities like ourselves. You always believed in me, even when I at times did not. Even though at the time of writing this, you are sick, I believe that you will get better and that we will attend my graduation together as you promised.

To Christian Bohnsack: my stern, yet friendly giant of a friend. We have been through a lot over these last four years, but one thing that has remained constant is your support and your belief in me, despite you being all the way in Germany. Your support in getting this thesis edited will never be forgotten, along with your constant reminder for me to be “careful of your mind hygiene!”

To my KS Fitness family and trainers (Kyle and Sakeena Sawyer): if I had not joined this amazing and diverse group of people, I do not know how I would have managed to cope with the stress that a PhD brings to one’s life. What I love about this small fitness group we have, is that we truly support each other. What we can and cannot achieve, is not based on gender but based on our own individual mindsets. For those of you who took interest in my work and supported me near completion, I say “I see you and I thank you!”.

Last but not least, this thesis is dedicated to any African girl or woman, who ever had a dream and was told it was not possible because she is female. It can be done, only if you want it badly enough.

Acknowledgements

The culmination of this thesis is the fruition of an idea that was planted in my mind 23 years ago by my mother, when I was too young to even know what a PhD was. However, I held onto that idea and I am thankful first and foremost to God, who never let me forget it and who created pathways, even when there seemed to be none. Furthermore, for their support in helping me attain this dream, I would like to thank:

• My supervisor, Prof Cora Burnett: we unofficially met in Olympia, Greece in September 2015 and little did I know that that would be the start of an amazing journey. Thank you for taking a chance on me when many were unable or reluctant to. Words alone cannot express my gratitude but I believe we did not meet by chance. • My co-supervisor, Prof Elizabeth Pike: you were the first to show interest in my potential for PhD studies, yet fate had other ideas. I am however glad that we were able to reconnect and that you were able to come on board and help me see my vision through. Your input has been invaluable. • The management committee of the University of Johannesburg’s Global Excellence and Stature Funding. This is a very prestigious and sought-after award with limited beneficiaries and without it, I know that my study would probably have remained a dream. • Ingrid Delle Jacobson, my editor: you went above and beyond what most editors offer and provide and it meant a lot to me. Your support and availability during the final weeks leading up to this, will never be forgotten. • Mrs Rosiana Hara, my colleague and friend. If it were not for your assistance and patience in transcribing my interviews verbatim, I do believe that this thesis would have taken longer to complete. Your care and assistance in helping me during the final stages, which led to my introduction to Delle, will also never be forgotten.

My research participants: if it were not for the 28 of you who set time aside within your busy schedules to assist me, this thesis would never have seen the light of day. Nyame nhyira mo (God bless you all).

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

TITLE PAGE ...... i

DECLARATION...... ii

ABSTRACT ...... iii

DEDICATION...... iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Demographics of research participants ...... 118

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Data Analysis Diagram...... 111

LIST OF ACRONYMS ...... xiii

CHAPTER 1: Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 Aims and Objectives ...... 3 1.3 Research Questions ...... 4 1.4 Research Design and Methodology ...... 4 1.5 Research Sample ...... 5 1.6 Risks, Limitations and Benefits ...... 5 1.7 Significance and Output ...... 6 1.8 Thesis Structure ...... 7

CHAPTER 2: Literature Review ...... 8

2.1 Introduction ...... 8

2.2 Human Rights Framework ...... 9

2.2.1 Gender equality versus gender equity ...... 10

vii

2.3 Social Justice ...... 14

2.4 Patriarchy and Feminism ...... 14

2.4.1 Patriarchy ...... 14

2.4.2 Feminism...... 16

2.4.2.1 Waves of feminism ...... 18

2.4.2.2 Relevant branches of third wave feminism ...... 21

2.5 Feminism and Gender Equity v African Culture and Traditions ...... 27

2.6 Gender Relations and Development ...... 30

2.6.1 WID and GAD ...... 30

2.7 Summary ...... 35

CHAPTER 3: Gender-related Legislation, Policies and Stakeholders ...... 37

3.1 Introduction ...... 37

3.2 Evolution of Gender Equality: From Global to National ...... 38

3.2.1 Global: United Nations ...... 38

3.2.1.1 United Nations and gender equality ...... 38

3.2.2 Regional African Organisations ...... 48

3.2.2.1 Organisation of African Unity ...... 49

3.2.2.2 African Union ...... 50

3.2.3 National: South Africa ...... 54

3.2.3.1 UN Membership ...... 54

3.2.3.2 Constitution and Policy Framework ...... 56

3.2.3.3 Legislation ...... 58

3.2.3.4 Strategic Plans ...... 60

3.3 Stakeholders Related to Sport and Gender ...... 62

3.3.1 United Nations Sector: Development aid agencies, sport and gender ...... 62

3.3.2 Government: South Africa – Department of Sports, Arts and Culture (DSAC) ..... 75

viii

3.3.3 Sport Sector ...... 80

3.3.3.1 Olympic sport structures: Global to national ...... 81

3.3.3.2 Football: Global to national ...... 87

3.3.4 Social Movement: IWG Women and Sport ...... 94

3.4 Summary ...... 97

CHAPTER 4: Methodology ...... 98

4.1 Introduction ...... 98

4.1.1 The researcher’s positioning in the study ...... 98

4.2 Research Paradigms and Design ...... 99

4.2.1. Constructivist and transformative paradigms ...... 101

4.2.1.1 Constructivist paradigm ...... 101

4.2.1.2 Transformative paradigm ...... 102

4.3 Methodology ...... 103

4.3.1 Ethical considerations ...... 103

4.3.1.1 The right to privacy, confidentiality, anonymity and protection against harm ..... 103

4.3.1.2 The right to freedom of choice, expression and access to information ...... 104

4.3.1.3 The rights of the community and scientific community ...... 105

4.3.1.4 Risks and benefits ...... 105

4.3.2 Interpretive approach ...... 105

4.3.3 Generalisability ...... 106

4.3.4. Sampling and recruitment of research participants ...... 106

4.3.5 Data collection procedures ...... 108

4.3.6 Data collection ...... 109

4.3.7 Data analysis ...... 110

4.4 Trustworthiness and Triangulation ...... 113

4.5 Advantages and Disadvantages of Methodology ...... 115

4.6 Summary ...... 116

CHAPTER 5: Findings ...... 118

5.1 Introduction ...... 118

5.2 Cultural Viewpoints and Attitudes: Gender ...... 120

5.2.1 Expectations: Gender ...... 124

5.3 Gender Profiling and Inter-gender Relationships ...... 130

5.3.1 ‘How women should be treated’ ...... 135

5.3.2 ‘Women can also be the problem’ ...... 138

5.4 The Female Face of Poverty and Violence: ‘Enemies of Sport?’ ...... 141

5.5 Gender Equality v Gender Equity: Another Barrier to Reform ...... 148

5.6 Summary ...... 149

CHAPTER 6: Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations ...... 151

6.1 Introduction ...... 151

6.2 Ideology and Human Rights Policy Frameworks ...... 152

6.2.1 Patriarchy ...... 154

6.2.2 Feminism...... 156

6.2.3 Cultural norms and beliefs ...... 158

6.3 Societal Context: Poverty and Violence ...... 160

6.4 Sectors and Stakeholders ...... 163

6.4.1 Government: Policies ...... 163

6.4.2 Sport for Development sector ...... 164

6.4.3 Corporate sector ...... 165

6.5 From Policy to Practice ...... 166

6.5.1 Structure and leadership ...... 166

6.5.2 Monitoring and evaluation ...... 169

6.6 Conclusion ...... 171

6.6.1 Contribution to theoretical insights and the gender discourse ...... 172

6.6.2 Contextual realities relating to sport and gender ...... 174

6.6.3 The policy to practice disconnect ...... 175

6.6.4 Civic society perspectives: Role of stakeholders ...... 176

6.7 Recommendations ...... 178

6.7.1 Stakeholders ...... 178

6.7.1.1 Government...... 178

6.7.1.2 Sport Federations ...... 182

6.7.1.3 The corporate sector ...... 184

6.7.1.4 NGOs ...... 185

6.7.1.5 Universities ...... 186

6.7.2 Future research ...... 187

6.8 Summary ...... 188

REFERENCES ...... 190

ANNEXURES ...... 233

Annexure A: Department of Sport and Movement Studies Research Study Information Letter ...... 256

Annexure B: Interview protocols: Semi-structured questions for research participants (NGO representatives) ...... 262

Annexure C: Interview protocols: Semi-structured questions for research participants (Activists/Individuals working in sport) ...... 264

Annexure D: Semi-structured questions for research participants (sport federations) ...... 266

Annexure E: Interview Consent Form ...... 268

Annexure F: Consent Form (Audio Taping) ...... 270

Annexure G: Consent Form (Skype/Telephonic/Email Interviews) ...... 271 xi

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Demographics of research participants

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Data Analysis Diagram

xii

LIST OF ACRONYMS

ANOC Association of National Olympic Committees ANOCA Association of National Olympic Committees of Africa AU African Union AUSC African Union Sports Council CAF Confederation of African Football CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women CGE Commission for Gender Equality CGF Commonwealth Games Federation CIGEPS Committee for Physical Education and Sport COSANOC Confederation of Southern Africa National Olympic Committees CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child CSR Corporate Social Responsibility CSW Commission on the Status of Women DAW Division for the Advancement of Women DOW Department of Women DSAC Department of Sports, Arts and Culture ECOSOC Economic and Social Council FIFA Fédération Internationale de Football Association GAD Gender and Development GAP Gender Action Plan GCOD Gender Coordination and Outreach GIZ German Development Cooperation GPDD Gender Policy and Development Division IAPESGW International Association for Physical Education and Sport for Girls and Women IF International Federations INSTRAW International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women IOC International Olympic Committee IPC International Paralympic Committee IWG International Working Group on Women and Sport IWG SDP International Working Group for Sport Development and Peace

xiii

KAP Kazan Action Plan M&E Monitoring and Evaluation MDG(s) Millennium Development Goal(s) MINEPS Ministers and Senior Officials Responsible for Physical Education and Sport MOU Memorandum of Understanding NDP National Development Plan NGO(s) Non-Governmental Organisations(s) NOCs National Olympic Committees OAU Organisation of African Unity OG Olympic Games OIOS Office of Internal Oversight Services OSAGI Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues OSW Office on the Status of Women ROI Return on Investment SAFA South African Football Association SAWASF South African Women and Sport Foundation SAWFA South African Women’s Football Association SAWSA South African Women’s Soccer Administration SDG(s) Sustainable Development Goal(s) SDP Sport for Development and Peace SfD Sport for Development SfP Sport for Peace SPAP Strategic Priority Action Plan SRSA Sport and Recreation South Africa TAFISA The Association for International Sport for All UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Fund/United Nations Children’s Fund UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women UNOSDP United Nations Office for Sport for Development and Peace WASSA Women and Sport South Africa

xiv

WGDD Women, Gender and Development Directorate WHO World Health Organisation WID Women in Development WSI Women Sport International

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

African scholars, and especially women, must bring their knowledge to bear on presenting an African perspective on prospects and problems for women in local societies.

(Pala, 1977, p. 13)

Gender as a social construct aims to define the social and cultural differences between the sexes, with differences often highlighting experienced inequalities (Holmes, 2007). This leads to antiquated perceptions of gender ideology in certain parts of the world, where a woman’s perceived role and responsibilities of caregiver has led to continuous unequal and unfair treatment regarding various opportunities (Davis & Greenstein, 2009). This ideology can be attributed to the skewed distribution of power and resources within society that still leads to gender disparities as men are still mainly the decision makers, especially within sport (MacKinnon, 1982; Seldon, Widdowson & Brooker, 2005). This remains so, despite the more recent and continued calls by women, especially within the global South, for the complete removal of all barriers impeding their development (Brenner, 2014). In South Africa in particular, Black African women continue to be the most marginalised due to the disproportionate time they have to spend on unpaid labour and taking care of the household as a gender-based division of labour. This is especially apparent from an economic standpoint, despite government claims of investing in gender economic empowerment (Orr & van Meelis, 2014).

This marginalisation and under-representation of women, particularly those in the global South and especially in sport, have triggered escalating feminist studies and praxis for change (Hargreaves, 2002; Walseth & Fasting, 2004). At the global level this focus on gender and inclusion issues within the field of sport gained traction over the years. This was under the policy frameworks and political scrutiny of international organisations such as: the

International Olympic Committee (IOC), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), UN Women and the Commonwealth Secretariat to name but a few (Lindsey & Chapman, 2017; International Olympic Committee, 2014; United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2013b; UN Women, 2007).

At a regional level it is acknowledged that the women in sport movement is fragmented due to multiple, different social worlds, which has contributed to the lack of a functional women in sport structure, despite calls over the years for an actionable structure which is representative of women and girls from all regions of the continent (Fasting, Huffman & Sand, 2014).

At a national level, women and girls in South Africa, especially those with low socioeconomic status, still face limited access to resources and opportunities for income-generation in the formal and informal economy. This is why the promotion of gender equality is also highlighted in government policies and development plans, in the sense that women and girls need to be empowered in order to contribute to the economy, through the removal of any barriers (social, cultural, religious or educational) that may impede this. Removal of barriers could lend itself to the creation of equal opportunities and true inclusion taking place (The Presidency, 2012). Scholars such as Lindsey and Chapman (2017) have acknowledged the contribution of sport to drive social transformation by multiple stakeholders. To this end, the South African Government has also identified sport as a contributor to achieving desired outcomes of social inclusion (The Presidency, 2012).

In the past, the use of the term ‘sport’ has generally been associated with competitive sports. Studies have recently afforded non-competitive or recreational sport consideration, indicating, however, that there is a wider spectrum regarding the use of this term (Coakley, 2017). Coakley (2017) differentiates between the concepts ‘Power and Performance Sports’ (PPS1) and ‘Pleasure and Participation Sports’ (PPS2). Power and performance is what we know as competitive sports at elite levels, where physical ability is key to the outcome of competing – winning or losing. Pleasure and participation is physical activity which incorporates mass participation, sport for development (SfD) and sport for development and peace (SDP) at grassroots level, and lends itself to empowerment and inclusion for the participants. For the

purposes of this study, PPS2 shall be used to inform the understanding of the concept of sport for civic society actors and within the field of SfD (Coakley, 2017).

This thesis will also refer to the global North and the global South. In the context of this study, the global North reference shall relate to developed countries such as the United States, Canada, Great Britain and Germany. Developed nations are predominantly North of the equator and are usually the providers of resources and aid in SfD. The global South shall refer to developing or under-developed countries such as Brazil, Malawi and Pakistan. Developing or under- developed nations are found predominantly South of the equator (the global South), and are usually the recipients of financial and development aid predominantly from developed nations North of the equator (the global North) (McSweeney et al., 2019). South Africa is in the global South and is amongst the countries for which there is a dearth of literature from local scholars relating to sport and recreation that captures civil society activist voices (Burton & Leberman, 2017). This field is over-represented by global North scholars (Evans & Pfister, 2020), hence this study provides a much-needed contribution to the field.

1.2 Aims and Objectives

Unfortunately, policies alone do not ensure structural reform or meaningful implementations (even in sport) as evidenced by Ogunniyi (2015) and Pelak (2010), which is why this study has aimed to explore and investigate how civic society actors perceive, experience and/or observe gender equity in sport, in relation to gendered sport-related policies.

The objectives of this study were therefore to:

• Explore and investigate gender as a social construct within the South African context. • Capture and reflect upon the views of civic society actors regarding gender inequality and inequity as it relates to sport. • Explore how perceptions, experiences and realities are influenced by policy and practices, and how policies are articulated within existing practices at grassroots levels of sport.

1.3 Research Questions

The aims and objectives of the study, allowed for the formulation of the following research questions, which formed the foundation of the study:

i. What is the degree of alignment of policies and practices regarding gender reform – from the international to local level – particularly in the context of South African sport? ii. What are civic society actors’ views and experiences of the implementation of gender equity across all levels of the South African sport and recreation sector? iii. What are civic society actors’ perceptions of gender equality and gender equity?

There are misconceptions involving the use of the terms gender equality and gender equity. They are often viewed as synonyms, which is why the study aimed to analyse perceptions of these terms, provide clarification on their differing contexts, and proposed future use of the terms in the proceeding chapter.

1.4 Research Design and Methodology

The study utilised a qualitative exploratory approach focusing on document analysis and interviews in order to get a better understanding of gender equity and sport-related policies, structures and practices in South Africa (Creswell, 2014). The document analysis focused on interrogating gender ideology, sport-related policies, structures and strategies relating to gender empowerment, equity and inclusion within communities and at the civic society levels of South Africa. Most documents were freely accessible; for those that were not, the researcher contacted the relevant departments, organisations and individuals to request access. Interviews were conducted using the non-directive-controlled interview technique with identified stakeholder representatives (see Chapter 4 for the detailed analysis of the research design utilised in the study). Semi-structured questions were used in order to obtain information about real experiences (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006) pertaining to the implementation of gendered sport-related policies and strategic plans for empowerment, gender equity and inclusion within South Africa since the new political dispensation post 1994 (Rowley, 2012).

This ensured validity through the triangulation of the data collected in order to verify the information obtained from document analysis with that from interviews conducted with civic society actors.

1.5 Research Sample

The researcher purposefully identified and interviewed twenty-eight (N=28) research participants for the study. They represented South African (n=23) and foreign (n=5) nationals, were representative of both genders (male and female), and various ethnicities (Black African, Indian, White and Multi-racial (includes but is not limited to the racial classification of Coloured in the South African context). They were all from civic society and sport: sport administrators/activists (n=6), NGO decision-makers (n=19) and employees (n=3) and worked in organisations which were spread across six out of the nine South African provinces. Respondents from the represented provinces were also a mix of high and low socio-economic status. The diverse racial and geographic representation of the research participants contributed to a multi-voice representation and saturation of the data, which ensured validity.

1.6 Risks, Limitations and Benefits

It was initially identified that the study could pose risks which may best be described as things that could make the research participants feel uncomfortable, such as disclosing information that they may not want to share. Research participants were informed that if such a situation arose, they were under no obligation to answer questions that would make them feel uncomfortable and could request to move on to other questions. The researcher also highlighted that they could withdraw from the study at any time. Other than that, there were no known risks associated with participating in this research study. Fortunately, no such situation occurred during the interview process.

Owing to limitations experienced during the study, it should be acknowledged that the findings cannot offer a comprehensively broad perspective of South Africa, although there is enough information provided to present relevant arguments. Access to government officials and

politicians was not possible due to the political sensitivity and volatility of sport in South Africa. Such an opportunity would have provided greater context and in-depth knowledge concerning the identified issues. Owing to this limitation, the researcher had to find an alternative method to represent the public sector in the study, using policy documents and official government documentation, which were sometimes lacking in depth and structure. This led to the inclusion of civic actors due to their accessibility and first-hand experiences within sport. The majority of the research participants were from the Western Cape province (although research participants represented six out of the nine provinces) and most research participants worked within an urban context. The researcher initially considered this as influencing the findings, however, most of the research participants had travelled to and worked across various regions of South Africa (excluding their current domiciles). Thus, although the researcher acknowledged this as a possible limitation, it did not influence the findings.

1.7 Significance and Output

This study presented detailed evidence as to the actual experiences and observed conduct of gendered sport-related policy implementation. A disconnect between gendered policy and its implementation was discovered. The researcher linked this to societal issues (such as poverty and violence) that are well known in South Africa and how these issues have become influenced by institutionalised male hegemony and patriarchal thinking – especially in sport. Based on the findings, the study identified five stakeholders as potential actors who could aid in meaningfully addressing the continued gender inequity that the study discovered, if they so choose. Additionally, this study could allow for:

• The publication of two research articles in peer-reviewed research journals. • An appropriate adaptation of the research methodology for future studies focused on addressing specific (identified) gender inequities in sport. These are presented in more detail in Chapter 6.

1.8 Thesis Structure

Chapter 1 of this thesis has provided an introduction leading into the aims and objectives, formulated research questions and the methodology chosen to explore and investigate the stated research questions. Chapter 2 follows with a detailed literature review undertaken of three core frameworks that formed the foundation of the study – critical human rights, social justice and critical (African) feminism, in order to truly grasp the meaning and importance of gender equity. Chapter 3 provides a brief, yet detailed history of how gendered policies (within a human rights framework) were developed and their subsequent effect on global to national (South Africa) stakeholders within a gender and/or sport context. Chapter 4 provides a detailed explanation and justification of the research design and methodology used. Chapter 5 provides a direct report and presentation of the findings of the study. Chapter 6 provides a discussion of the findings, concludes with key insights that the study produced and their contribution to gender equity in sport from a South African perspective and provides recommendations for identified stakeholders and possible future research.

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

"... we must stop seeing everything in life through the narrow lens of gender."

(Paglia, 2008, p. 17)

As we enter the second decade of the 21st century, this statement is a reminder of the current state of some societal views and interactions around the world. Views that continue to discriminate and marginalise, despite the efforts of policy makers, advocates and scholars. Continued global gender equity campaigns (UN Women, 2017) is evidence that the world is still unequally skewed in favour of men (Lefore & Weight, 2017; Mlambo-Ngcuka, 2019). In Africa, communities mostly perceive women primarily as caregivers, with many being excluded from decision-making processes, regardless of whether they reside in a traditional, rural or urban setting. In most social spheres, patriarchal ideology is entrenched in hegemonic practices as most power and resources continue to be controlled by men (Selden, Widdowson & Brooker, 2005). This prevails in South Africa today, despite the political public sphere instituting a Constitution to ensure protection and the promotion of human rights and gender equality for all. A human justice framework underpins the Constitution, but does not seem to translate into practice (Gamble, 2006). Therefore, this framework needs to be explored and understood against the backdrop of gender relations and ideology, in the African context.

This exploration has therefore allowed for critical human rights, social justice and critical feminism to form the foundation of the study. These three core frameworks relate to the marginalisation of women and girls in societies (Gamble, 2006). The frameworks highlight the legal status of women (how women are meant to be treated), and feminist aspirations (how they would like to be treated). The overview of these frameworks is utilised in synthesis, adhering to a constructivist and a transformative paradigm. This will form a foundation to assist in

capturing what lies at the core of the lived experiences of women and girls in sport in South Africa (Mackenzie & Knipe, 2006), and shall be presented in Chapter 5 when the results of the study are discussed. This study shall also discuss Women in Development (WID) and Gender and Development (GAD) frameworks so as to provide further critique of the gendered policy landscape to be presented in Chapter 3. This will provide the backdrop to how gender equity is implemented in society, with a particular focus on Africa and South Africa.

2.2 Human Rights Framework

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights” (United Nations [UN], 1948, p. 2). This line from Article 1, of the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights acknowledges the unassailable rights that all human beings born into this world should have, unequivocally. The UN developed this Declaration to guide nations, institutions and organisations in developing and establishing their own (legal) systems. These systems are expected to protect every member born into society and to ensure that their rights are not violated (United Nations Children's Fund [UNICEF], n.d.a; UN, 1948). South Africa is not only a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but to other global policies such as The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, The Convention on the Rights of the Child and The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which advocate for human rights, especially towards specific and oftentimes marginalised groups (United Nations Library Geneva, n.d.).

The rights of people in the context of this discussion, can be viewed as one’s experiences of being treated with dignity and respect by others in relation to decisions taken and how they choose to live their lives, within the legal frames of the law. The freedom of choices made, would be free from intimidation, persecution and any forms of limitations that would hinder a person from experiences of equity (being seen and valued as a human being), irrespective of their physical appearances, outward expressions and affiliations (Clapham, 2015; UNICEF, n.d.b). Human rights are entrenched within a country’s legal framework and systems and according to the accepted definition of human rights, they thus recognise that all people are equal before the law, despite our differences.

Although signatories have welcomed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is not legally binding but a mere guiding document for governments (UNICEF, n.d.a). Thus, its adoptions and interpretations in certain regions of the world may not always be what is expected, when compared to the explanation given above of human rights, especially when relating it to gender. As Banda (2005, p. viii) states so succinctly, “… often those who claim for themselves the mantle of ‘civilisation, fair play and justice’ can only ever see those qualities from a perspective that ensures that the beneficiaries are people like themselves.” This statement is relevant and underpins arguments and observations throughout this thesis when discussing and arguing gender equity/equality, within the context of sport-related policies, especially in South Africa.

2.2.1 Gender equality versus gender equity

It could be argued that the terms ‘equity’ and ‘equality’ are oftentimes mistakenly and synonymously used by policy makers when discussing and/or addressing social issues, especially that of gender, due to their social constructions. Gender is a socially constructed view of the world, which hegemonises women as it enforces power and privilege for men and their roles in society. Society used to perceive gender as based on observed physiological and biological differences between men and women, learnt from a young age and supported by various cultural perspectives and belief systems (Rampton, 2015). These differences influenced the expected behaviour, actions or activities to be undertaken by men and women, especially in relation to what was required of them within their social context (Banda, 2005; Holmes, 2007). However, gender has now become more than a binary, socially constructed expectation(s), based on physiological sex. Socially, gender is becoming fluid and non-binary, as people are challenging and reforming ideals and expectations of what it means to be feminine and masculine, especially within sport (Zipp & Nauright, 2018). Views on gender in the ensuing discussions within this thesis, shall be shown to be archaic at times, because despite the expected implementation of a human rights framework as discussed above, women still face challenges throughout society (Holmes, 2007).

Most of the policies, strategies and ideologies discussed in this thesis focus on gender equality. Yet, gender equality seems to refer to treating men and women the same (whilst recognising/acknowledging their differences) when it comes to issues such as opportunities and resources, due to their inalienable human rights (Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport and Physical Activity, 2018; UN, 2018). Equality is an ideological concept that emphasises the equal treatment of men and women (Monaghan, 2011), in an attempt to ensure equal outcomes (Morand & Merriman, 2012. However, not only are men and women inherently not the same (for physiological reasons) nor equal, but women have to usually play ‘catch up’ to men in various ways as society is still structured to benefit men more than women and as men still control resources and means of production (Banda, 2005; McCulloch, 2018). It is thus difficult to provide the same resources for men and women when, more often than not, additional resources are required to aid women in bridging the existing chasm of inequality. Inequality needs to be bridged first, in order for women to reach any form of ‘equal’ footing to men, so that they can be deemed peers (Friedman, Hollander & Komonibo, 2019; Schmidt, 2019).

Gender equity on the other hand, refers to the provision of equal treatment, opportunities, and access that is fair and just, based on need at various levels, irrespective of gender in order to achieve success (Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport and Physical Activity, 2018; Pavlic, Ruprecht & Sam-Vargas, 2000). Merriam-Webster (2020, para. 1) refers to equity as providing ‘justice according to natural law or right’, with a particular focus on ensuring no bias or favouritism in any regard. Meeting people’s needs, in this case, that of women, with no institutionalised (internal or external) bias or barriers, can lead to fairness and justice, and the eventual outcome of empowerment.

Empowerment is associated with the notion of developmental and is a term used to define the expected outcome of a shift in skewed power relations. In the context of this study, the researcher views skewed power relations, as the overt preference given to men even when women are equally capable. The shift in power relations usually provides those previously

marginalised with greater autonomy within society and is based on planned interventions such as policy, strategy or programme implementations (Cornwall, 2016).

A common theme throughout this thesis articulates and refers to the empowerment of women. In the context of this thesis, the researcher shall refer to empowerment as the growth in confidence for women and girls in making their own informed choices. This can lead to taking actions in pursuing any activity, challenge or opportunity they so choose, due to the availability of fair and just opportunities and resources afforded them and the skillsets that they have obtained (Afshar, 2016; Kabeer, 2005). Empowerment shall also include women and girls having the confidence and freedom to demand fair and just treatment, opportunities and resources when they see that there are none.

The empowerment of women is achieved when women’s rights are acknowledged, with active steps taken towards the protection thereof. By ensuring the rights of women (being equal to that of men), their inalienable human rights are deemed to be protected, and fairness and justice achieved, which forms the foundation of equity (UN, 1948).

As per the discussions above, for a human rights framework to be truly meaningful and applicable, especially for women, ‘equity for mankind’ – based on need at various levels – should be the focal point and not ‘equality for all’. Despite the proclamations of equality enshrined within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, 1948), we are currently living within what some consider to be the most unequal period of humankind, on a global scale (Harari, 2017; Naudé & Nagler, 2016).

Inequality is about the skewed socio-economic differences within a region, society or group. These differences usually translate into a gap created by unequal distribution of resources and economic opportunities. The greater the gap, the greater the inequality (Crossman, 2020), with those at the lower end of the divide living in poverty, as they have very limited resources or opportunities (if any) with which to subsist. The manifestations of poverty entail a gender dimension, as relatively more women live in conditions of extreme poverty in developing economies (as heads of households), due to their limited access to resources and opportunities

(Bradshaw, Chant & Linneker, 2017; 2019). South Africa is currently considered to be economically the most unequal country in the world (Beaubien, 2018; Scott, 2019; Webster, 2019), despite it being a signatory to major global policies on gender and human rights. Thus, this study’s contribution to global scholarship shall be to highlight and present the non- homogeneous nature of gender reform issues within an African and South African context.

This will explain the intended outcomes of fairness, justice and empowerment for all people, especially for women. The study will show why it may not have been clear for some when the term equality was initially used by organisations such as the UN, due to its link to ‘sameness’. Thus, it is worth exploring the differences in actual outcomes when examining prescripts using equality versus equity.

As demonstrated, focusing on equality and the implementation of its prescripts may be why women’s rights, in particular their basic human rights in some instances, are still proving a challenge in certain parts of the world. The key is to understand the differences in meaning, which policy makers may not have done, evidenced in the observed inaccurate use of both terms (especially gender equality). Gender equality deals with ‘treating men and women the same’ as opposed to gender equity, which focuses on ‘providing equal treatment, based on need’. Policy makers and/or politicians should incorporate equity as a definition and explanation, if equality is used in its current form within policies, strategic plans or programmes when discussing issues of gender. For example, to ensure gender equality is achieved, its wording and definition should be reconsidered to include terminology and guiding principles aligned to gender equity, which will ensure clear comprehension of the explanation in relation to equal treatment, fairness and justice in implementation (Pipeline, 2018).

As previously indicated, the sometimes synonymous usage of equality and equity, may perhaps contribute to the continued limited actualisation of fairness and justice across society, especially for women and girls (Durrani & Halai, 2018; Grogan, 1999). In order to contribute towards this potential shift to equity, some key issues need to be considered and possibly addressed. The following issues have been adapted from Wong (2016): what is needed to ensure equal treatment; how do life’s processes affect those seeking or hopefully providing

human rights redress and how can societies and communities be reformed/influenced to implement human rights processes such as gender equity? By finding ways to address these key issues which are the foundational principles of the current social justice frameworks, it could contribute to the erosion of unfairness and inequity.

2.3 Social Justice

Social justice is the pursuit of basic and fundamental human rights for an identified social group. Human rights provide a guiding framework or yardstick upon which to measure behaviour and action(s) in society (Klugman, 2011). This allows those in pursuit of social justice to easily recognise the inequalities, marginalisation and oppressions experienced by specific individuals or social groups. Once the issues that hinder the attainment of fairness and justice have been identified, proposed guidelines can be developed for societal action by relevant stakeholders to help remedy the identified situation(s), going forward (Roberts- Palmer, 2017; Stronks et al., 2016). What makes social justice unique is that it focuses on reparations for a collective (identified group/s) and not individuals (Chappelow, 2019). Social justice forms one of the foundations upon which gender equality was initially built, which, in seeking gender equality, gave rise to feminism as a by-product of social justice. Patriarchy, which has contributed greatly to the establishment of feminism as a movement, needs to be discussed and understood if feminism is to be mentioned.

2.4 Patriarchy and Feminism

2.4.1 Patriarchy

Patriarchy has evolved across time, space, cultures and even religions, over thousands of years (Lerner, 1986). Lerner (1986) posits that before this, society was almost egalitarian, bar some issues of social and legal power, where men were the dominant force. Despite this evolution, there has been one glaring constant – the marginalisation of women, within and across various societies (Facio, 2013). Societies globally and, in particular, within developing nations, continue to marginalise women. However, experiences of patriarchy within various and

oftentimes the same society, may differ. This is due to the intersectionality of race, culture, religion and socio-economic status, which influences the type, and level of marginalisation, oppression or discrimination experienced within each specific societal context (Becker, 1999).

Societies view patriarchy as an age-old stratified, socially constructed ideology created by men, to abet the exclusion, subordination and at times oppression of women under the guise of protection or concern (Becker, 1999; Facio, 2013; Sultana, 2010). This enables most men to exert power over most women and the choices they make with regard to their lives (Barrett, 2014; Faludi, 2017). When one controls the reins of power, in relation to decisions taken over distribution of resources for example, it ensures that the individual or group wielding the power are privileged. Patriarchy is directly and indirectly associated with power, and power can be equated to privilege (Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019).

Historians (Becker, 1999; Faludi, 2017; Lerner, 1993) have shown how patriarchy has lost some of its influence due to the growth in women’s education and consciousness. This empowerment has exposed gender injustices and ignited global societal change towards gender equality, yet patriarchy remains stubbornly intransigent. This is because there are still undertones of it in many societies. The reason for this being that although more women are being given opportunities than ever before in history, men (Facio, 2013) are still controlling the seats of power. It can and should be believed, however, that “If patriarchy was created by culture, it can be overturned by a new culture” (Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019, p. 2), no matter how long it takes. Napikoski and Johnson Lewis (2019) may have based this statement on the fact that they view patriarchy as a social construct that has developed and evolved over time, due to various human interactions. These varied interactions have given legitimacy to patriarchy, as our understanding of the world around us is influenced by culture(s) and customs. Society and culture take time to fashion through continued discourse and interactions and as history has shown, both are inherently pliable. Societal discourse can ultimately influence the toppling of patriarchy and bring about change (Burr, 2015).

Feminism in its various forms, works to expose the unbalanced scales of power and privilege in order to ensure redress and empowerment for those affected. In order for everyone to be

privileged, proponents of feminism labour towards ensuring a redistribution of power amongst the genders. Privilege in this case means that everyone (man or woman) has autonomy (within the confines of the laws of whichever society they are in) over their decisions and actions. If this is achieved, then it can be viewed as a contributor to achieving social justice and reinforcing human rights for those previously marginalised (Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019), in this case women.

Patriarchy and feminism are intertwined social constructs that focus on power and privilege, and one cannot be discussed without the other (Facio, 2013). Those who want to hold onto power and privilege in its various forms exercise hegemonic practices – the by-products of patriarchy. Whereas feminism (in its various forms) is advocated for by those who seek to unveil continued patriarchal institutions, to ensure equitable redress and redistribution of power and privilege for the genders (Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019).

2.4.2 Feminism

Discussion of the feminist movements begins here with reference to feminism in a global context. This provides a backdrop and understanding on what influenced the formation of an African specific feminist ideology. The concept of feminism has been in use since the end of the nineteenth century to define the championing of women’s rights (Block, 2009), although activism in support of women’s rights began about a century before the term was officially coined (Bowden & Mummery, 2014). Scholars acknowledge Mary Wollstonecraft as one of the originators of the feminist movement, despite the word not being in existence at the time. Her work, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), is considered a feminist milestone. This is because she was the first person to vehemently advocate against the presumed ideology of men being superior to women, as she believed that men and women had inherent (and equitable) potential to achieve what they so choose to in life, through the receipt of adequate education (British Library, n.d.). She advocated for the complete restructuring of education for women to be equal to that of men, as she believed that this would empower women and allow them to contribute equitably to society and its improvements and advancements (Block, 2009; Bowden & Mummery, 2014).

Despite early trailblazers such as Wollstonecraft, the actual mobilisation towards advocating for women’s rights only began in the mid-nineteenth century (Paglia, 2008). Therefore, the phenomenon of feminism can be viewed as a social movement that was set in motion by women, as a means for women to gain control over their lives and to be allowed to equitably contribute to decisions that affected them (Banda, 2005; Hayes, 2017).

As a social movement, feminism is multi-layered and complex, and has seen three major figurations or waves during history, with a potential fourth being currently debated. These are known as first, second, third (and possibly fourth) wave feminisms, with each of these waves giving rise to various branches within feminist thought. Despite their ideological differences, what all these branches of feminist thought have in common is that they are politically, culturally or economically aligned movements which have been positioned to ensure the establishment of equal rights and legal protections for women. However, these rights and legal protections differ across regions and societies due to cultural and societal norms (New World Encyclopaedia, 2017).

The following section will now provide an overview of these waves and introduce the branches and ideologies which are of relevance to the study. This is in order to provide a critical, intersectional feminist lens to underpin the work and arguments presented as it relates to the marginalisation of women and girls (Gamble, 2006). This approach will highlight contributing factors within the South African context, which have prevented a feminist movement from achieving meaningful outcomes or receiving acceptance and recognition (Gouws & Coetzee, 2019; Vetter, 2014). This will allow for the assertion of continued patriarchal systems and gender inequalities within society, especially within the global South and South Africa (Geisinger, 2011) in relation to sport and Sport for Development.

2.4.2.1 Waves of feminism.

First wave feminism covered a period when women battled for legal emancipation in all areas of their lives, including the right to vote, and was driven mainly by white, middle-class women in Europe and North America, despite the activism of women of colour on the fringes (Block, 2009). It began around the middle of the nineteenth century and gained momentum in the second decade of the twentieth century, when governments in America, Canada and countries in Europe started amending laws to give women the right to vote (Hayes, 2017). This landmark win contributed towards more women obtaining an education and going out into the various employment sectors to earn a living. Societies considered this to be beneficial as many men were being conscripted to fight on the battlefront and economies still needed sustaining, during World War I and II. Despite this change for women, gender inequalities still existed, with women struggling to gain higher education entry to qualify for occupations dominated by men, such as science, engineering, medicine and law. Furthermore, in many sectors, those who obtained employment may have earned less than their male counterparts for the same or similar positions (Block, 2009; Thornham, 2004).

Such continued social, cultural and, at times, political inequalities within the first wave of feminism (Sanders, 2004), despite the increased presence of women outside homemaking activities, possibly led to a reigniting of the feminist movement and the birth of the second wave of feminism in the 1960s. This new wave of feminism posited that gender was a social construct that continued to skew society in favour of men. It maintained that despite the achievements of the first wave of feminism, there were still deep-rooted societal inequalities and oppression, which were socially constructed, culturally linked and needed to be uprooted (Krolokke & Sorensen, 2006). Second wave feminists felt that these continued inequalities were attempts to force women to stay in the home and away from universities and eventual employment within private and public spheres (Thornham, 2004).

The second wave saw more visibility of women of colour and to a lesser degree, lesbians and those differently abled, from various backgrounds and locations around the world, adding their voices to the feminist discourse (Krolokke & Sorensen, 2006; Rampton, 2015). The issues now

went beyond the home and employment; it was about inclusion, fairness and justice in society (Hayes, 2017). Women were being encouraged to radicalise and take action to ensure that laws changed to lay out a more inclusive and empowering agenda for ALL women to take part in and contribute to all levels of society – irrespective of ability, race, ethnicity, class and sexuality (Krolokke & Sorensen, 2006; Thornham, 2004).

Despite the inclusion of marginalised women, especially women of colour within the second wave, it was felt that their voices and experiences continued to be quashed by the ideologies and lived experiences of their middle, upper middle and upper-class white counterparts within the global North (Maxwell, 2017). When it came to their quest for equal rights, feminists from the global North did not consider women of colour, especially those in the global South, as vocal as their global North counterparts. This may have been because women of the global South, deemed less vocal, could not access the same platforms as those from the global North to represent themselves on. This, despite them working together with their global North contemporaries at times, fighting for the same if not similar causes (Garcia-Rojas, 2017).

The advent of anti-colonial and anti-imperial movements occurring between the first and second waves of feminism, where colonised countries fought for liberation, led women of colour in the global South to seek rights and privileges enshrined in feminist ideologies that described their own lived experiences (Garcia-Rojas, 2017). This led to the emergence of the third wave of feminism around the start of the 1990s, where marginalised women, especially women of colour, started speaking out about the failures of the first two waves of feminism to represent all women (Mann & Huffman, 2005). They were considered to be failures in the sense that they did not really take into account or acknowledge the experiences of marginalised women in relation to cultures that were non-Western, and which were now grappling with a post-colonial society (Rampton, 2015). Some scholars and feminists considered the first two waves of feminism as ethnocentric and elitist, as they focused predominantly on the experiences of white, middle- to upper-class women living in the global North (Krolokke & Sorensen, 2006; Nath Chakraborty, 2004).

Third wave feminism brings the focus to bear on the diversity of women. Their experiences differ in relation to their interpretation of and call for equity due to their intersectional experiences of race, ethnicity, class, gender and social order within their lived-in context of oppression and/or marginalisation (Hayes, 2017). Third wave feminists are more focused on the perceptions of individual identity due to social conditioning, which can hinder the rights that many women are afforded, especially in the global South (Maxwell, 2017). This focus on diversity and identity may be what has contributed to how third wave feminism has become the period that has given rise to the most sub-categories of feminism.

With the advent of technological advancement, leading to instantaneous online information shared globally, third wave feminism seems to be morphing into what some deem to be the beginning of a fourth wave of feminism. However, unlike previous waves, this fourth wave has not completely taken shape in terms of consensus on its advocacy and priorities (Clarke, 2018). This is due to society’s current contrasting views on what it means to be a woman and what constitutes gender issues and biases (Calixte, Johnson & Motapanyane, 2017; Clarke, 2018). Proponents acknowledge that despite the great achievements of past feminist movements, which are now enshrined in prescripts, societies have yet to completely and practically adhere to equality (Abrahams, 2017). This is supported, at the time of writing, by the release of the World Economic Forums’ Global Gender Gap Report 2020, which asserts that gender parity will only be achieved in about 100 years (World Economic Forum, 2019). This report contributes towards and highlights the almost daily online reports of gender-based acts of discrimination, oppression, intimidation and assault, with their various contributing elements of intersectionality (Calixte, Johnson & Motapanyane, 2017; Clarke, 2018). The complexity that 21st century intersectionality introduces has caused feminists to diverge into silos to fight the same issue – women’s empowerment – due to their dissent on relevant issues (Abrahams, 2017). This dissent brings a concerning level of stagnation to the current existence of feminism as a resource and praxis in tackling and ensuring empowerment of women in different spheres of society (Rampton, 2015).

Although this study has presented the waves of feminism simplistically, it is a complex construct with differing, yet often overlapping ideologies and sub-categories. The complexity of feminism (in philosophy and praxis) is beyond the scope of this study.

However, branches of third wave feminism have been identified as the most relevant to anchor the conceptual framework of this study and will be utilised to: frame policies; interrogate male and female views on the exact perceived barriers impeding gender equity; and analyse women and girls' empowerment and inclusion in the sporting context (Brenner, 2014). This is because, at its core, third wave feminism is about the redistribution of power which, in effect, could aid in addressing the empowerment of women (Krolokke & Sorensen, 2006). The goal of third wave feminism is the same as the previous two waves – fairness, justice, respect and dignity for all women and how they choose to live their lives within the confines of the law (Hayes, 2017).

African feminism, Stiwanism and Nego-feminism are branches of third wave feminism, and as mentioned in the previous chapter, the researcher has identified them to be most relevant to the African context and South Africa in particular. As such, this thesis shall use them to frame and interrogate the study.

2.4.2.2 Relevant branches of third wave feminism.

African feminism. “… to meaningfully explain the phenomenon called African feminism, it is not to Western feminism but rather to the African environment that one must refer. African feminism is not reactive; it is proactive. It has a life of its own that is rooted in the African environment. Its uniqueness emanates from the cultural and philosophical specificity of its provenance” (Nnaemeka, 1998, p. 9).

There is no consensus regarding the commencement of African feminism, yet what many agree upon is that historically, all three waves of feminism have influenced it in some way. Major philosophies such as colonisation, post-colonisation and globalisation have contributed to African feminism. Socio-economic inequalities and political hierarchies in Africa have also been acknowledged as contributing to African feminism (Atanga, 2013; Mekgwe, 2008).

Some proponents of African feminism argue that feminism was not an ideology adopted from the West, but rather, throughout African history (pre-colonial to post-colonial), there has been indigenous resistance regarding gender inequalities (Shamase, 2017). Disenfranchised African women have, in their own way, fought the social inequalities that have existed in a confounded way in terms of gender, class and ethnicity (race) for women, and which they have opposed in a myriad of ways long before the term ‘feminism’ became popular (Guy-Sheftall, 2003).

African feminism as an ideology, was only formally recognised towards the late 1980s/early 1990s as feminism transitioned into its third wave. Prior to this, African feminist scholars such as Filomina Chioma Steady, Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, Awa Thiam and Fatou Sow (Guy- Sheftall, 2003) were already recognised. They fought for the recognition and acknowledgement of the diverse experiences of women from different regions and socio-political dispensations. They argued that, for them, past and present oppressive regimes such as slavery, colonialism, racism and the degrading manifestations of poverty cannot be separated from feminism (Wang’ondu, 2019). The tireless activism of these early African feminists led to the eventual growth and recognition of African feminism as a branch of feminism.

Despite the recognition of African feminism as an ideology amongst African female scholars and activists, many have argued that African feminism is interpretive and non-homogenous. They have also argued that the interpretations of African feminism relate to the conditions, experiences and needs of women in the various regions across the continent (Gaidzanwa, 2010; Goredema, 2010).

However, what many seem to agree on is that African feminism is about discerning the lived experiences of African women within the patriarchal systems on the continent during and after the major trends of colonialism (Morountodun, 2019), understanding how these influences and experiences affect women (past and present) and intersect with oppressive traditions, cultures, structures and practices (Chiweshe, 2018). Unfortunately, despite much agency, both men and women still often misunderstand African feminism, whilst very few women publicly announce their feminist leanings. This may be why there are far fewer well-known African feminist

scholars who have entered the world stage and why Africa may still be lagging behind the rest of the world in relation to Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5 (Shamase, 2017).

African feminism can be truly effective if it is understood as an ideology that is not meant to disempower or emasculate men. It is rather an ideology that aims at addressing societal issues that disenfranchise women and girls, in order to ensure that fairness and justice prevail (Atanga, 2013; Gatwiri & McLaren, 2016). This understanding allows for a (re)education of African societies to ensure a shift in cultural and, often, religious mind-sets regarding what a woman and girl can and cannot do (Gatwiri & McLaren, 2016; Wang’ondu, 2019). This in turn could contribute to actionable change, empowerment and a restructuring of African society to be more inclusive of women and girls, whilst affording them the same self-determination and agency as men and boys (McQuaid & Plastow, 2017; Moghadam, 2007).

Thus, in retrospect, African feminism have similar objectives to feminist movements and ideologies in the global North, as it also seeks fairness and justice for women and girls. However, the difference lies in how the realities and experiences of women in Africa are rendered meaningful. These realities are often notably different due to deep-rooted societal issues such as poverty and illiteracy, which are not as prominent for women in the global North (Atanga, 2013; Wane, 2011).

Stiwanism. Molara Ogundipe-Leslie created Stiwanim as a less aggressive alternative for feminist action in Africa, rooted in African experiences (Nkealah, 2016). This was in response to how society frequently reacted with antagonism when African women confessed to being feminists (Shamase, 2017). This was due to misconceptions that as a feminist, one was renouncing their womanhood and what was expected of them, or that African feminists had become intellectually colonised by the global North (Morountodun, 2019).

Ogundipe-Leslie coined the term in 1994, deriving the term Stiwanism from the acronym STIWA – ‘Social Transformation Including Women of Africa’, as she believed that social transformation was required in order to obtain fairness and justice for African women. In her view, social transformation necessitated the collaboration of both men and women to

acknowledge and address the societal inequalities being experienced (McQuaid & Plastow, 2017). The need to facilitate a change in mind-sets lies at the core of achieving social transformation, leading to a change in action that will allow those previously disadvantaged the right to choose in order to discover their full potential (McQuaid & Plastow, 2017). Women were also to be allowed a far more notable role than they normally would have when working together with men, especially when matters concerned them (Njikam, 2010).

Stiwanism is essentially about the societal inclusivity of women and is an ideology that calls on gender inequality solutions to be cognisant of the unique African contexts and various cultures, in order to achieve gender equity. It also emphasises the need for gender equity solutions applicable and relevant to the African context and culture, and not merely a blind adopting of concepts from the global North (Njikam, 2010). However, Stiwanism has not made significant inroads on the African continent as the diversity of cultures and gender-related ideologies continues to divide women (Ebunoluwa, 2009).

As an indigenous theorist, Ogundipe-Leslie may have been well ahead of her time, but with about a decade remaining to achieve SDG5, and with the current rise in the women's movement (Ford, 2019), it may start gaining traction as an increasing number of African women become educated and find their voices.

Nego-feminism. During the early years of her scholarly work, Obioma Nnaemeka (2003) observed that African feminism was sometimes about negotiating patriarchal African structures as they either opposed, shifted and/or adjusted to global pressures and reforms. This led her to coin the term nego-feminism in 1999. The concept signifies how actors in gender reform garner the best societal outcomes when men and women came together and negotiate issues and terms in a respectful manner, displaying ‘no ego’. Hence, nego-feminism stands for ‘no-ego’ feminism that aids one in ‘negotiations’ within feminist practices when striving for objectivity and working towards gender equity. This concept expects both men and women to demonstrate ‘no-ego’ during negotiations (Nnaemeka, 2003).

One of the contributing factors to Nnaemeka's development of nego-feminism was her observation and critique of feminist scholars who she encountered. She came to realise that for former colonial citizens, the post-colonialism education received influenced the way the world perceived them as knowledge producers or theorists, when engaging at global forums, especially those targeting the global South. This, in turn, affected how they perceived themselves in relation to colleagues from the global North. This was particularly true for African women. In actuality they were seen more as instruments in (indigenous) knowledge production or feminist theorisation being developed by their global North counterparts (Collyer, 2018). In her view, this was one of the contributing factors to why African feminism did not have a greater foothold in African gender discourse and theory development (Nnaemeka, 2003). She was of the view that Africans needed to ensure that the knowledge and theories produced, were “building on the indigenous” (Nnaemeka, 2003, p. 369). One could understand this to mean that such knowledge and theories needed to be wholly African and not merely based on something that the global North had developed. Authentic, indigenous knowledge production in this regard, would be “... whatever the people consider important to their lives, whatever they regard as an authentic expression of themselves" (Ake, 1991, p. 13).

Nnaemeka (2003) believed that by doing this, theories and the produced knowledge, created for Africans, by Africans, would provide an authentic and alternate worldview that the global North could learn from and embrace. This is because the African-centric viewpoint is clearly missing from global North scholarly output with research conducted in Africa. Thus, African- centric scholarship will represent an insider’s understanding of experiences and what makes sense/perceptions, relevant to a unique (African) way of life and knowledge-production (Nnaemeka, 2003).

One of the glaring issues also identified by Nnaemeka (2003) during her development of nego- feminism, was that despite its contributions and efforts, (Western) feminism had not been able to account for cultural influences and issues affecting African women in their quest for fairness and justice (Alkali et al., 2013). It is pertinent that African feminism or feminism in Africa continues to evolve and necessitates in-depth understanding and theorisations so as to capture

and articulate the varying voices and opinions of African women’s gender-related struggles (Alkali et al., 2013).

Although nego-feminism was developed for an African context, its implementation is applicable to any social context where the desired outcome is ensuring that all parties (men and women) work together in a symbiotic manner to ensure gender equity is achieved (Alkali & Talif, 2016; Alkali, Talif & Jan, 2013). The timing and manner according to which men and women negotiate is also crucial to the level of success achieved when utilising nego-feminism. This is because patience and respect are defining issues in African culture when it comes to the attainment of goals (Ng’umbi, 2017). Therefore, fundamental nego-feminism can be viewed as a mutually beneficial partnership between men and women to ensure improved relations whilst addressing and working towards finding solutions to specific gender inequalities (Alkali, Talif & Jan, 2013).

The discussion above has highlighted two common threads found in African feminism, Stiwanism and nego-feminism. Unlike other branches of (Westernised) feminism, their core ideology is the acknowledgement of the unique daily realities of African women when initiating collaboration and inclusivity of men in actions taken to address gender inequalities and in achieving gender equity. Global North scholars pay little attention to gender reforms in Africa, whilst African feminism is also largely absent in the sporting context from a civil society perspective, all of which positions this study as an original contribution within the field.

The lessons learnt from African feminism acknowledge that men need to partake in feminist discussions and be encouraged to do so. Without them, nothing can be achieved, as men still control resources and yield the power in societies. This alludes to the fact that African women are more open to working with men for women’s issues, than their global North/Western feminist counterparts, who seem to be inclined to working without men for women (Nnaemeka, 2003).

2.5 Feminism and Gender Equity vs African Culture and Traditions

As discussed above, African feminism in its various forms has not taken root as would have been expected. This may be due to the ongoing struggles African societies have in adjusting to modernity whilst holding onto their various cultures and traditions (Imafidon, 2013). There have been arguments posited regarding the potential loss of culture and tradition as modernity and globalisation are embraced. At times it has even been argued that gender equity and African feminism are Western influences which could erode what it means to be African (Atanga, 2013).

Patriarchy and African feminism are intertwined social constructs which cannot be dismantled (patriarchy) or championed for (feminism), without understanding the influences of culture and tradition which are so inherent in African societies. This may be why gender equity struggles in relation to African cultures and traditions and the continued influence of hegemonic political structures and practices.

Culture and tradition are what societal groupings use as identifiers to differentiate themselves. They usually embody beliefs and practices that form part of their core value systems and are a means of establishing structure in their everyday life (Graburn, 2001). In the African post- modernist age, many cultures are guided or influenced by traditions – generational beliefs and values of how things should be – passed down orally and/or through demonstrations and interactions. These actions, value systems or behaviours that society and/or culture passes down, are learnt over time (Idang, 2015; Weil, 2017) and influence belief systems, language(s) spoken or even social habits, interactions and expressions (Zimmerman, 2017).

Currently in Africa, the socialisation of traditions and their influence on culture – the manner in which social stratification occurs – has led to a continued unequal distribution of labour and power amongst the genders. This unequal distribution has led to unequal access to education, economic and political opportunities to name but a few. This is despite governments signing global, gendered policies as a show of their commitment to achieving gender equity (Feinstein, Feinstein & Sabrow, 2010).

The adage ‘That is how things have always been done’, comes to mind in relation to the present situation in Africa. In Willemsen’s (1992) concept of tradition, he has argued that tradition is passed on generationally, irrespective of how it is received and it is something that people fall back on when they fear or refuse to accept progress. This may be why patriarchy has managed to maintain a hold in African society, because how traditions are shared or taught, can influence how culture is seen to evolve or adapt in the face of modernity, especially where patriarchy and gender equity are concerned (Bhabha, 2012).

Atanga (2013, p. 306) believes that, “traditional practices are also arguably perpetuated and sustained by ideological brainwashing, through hegemonic patriarchal practices and discourses.” Thus, colonisation has probably attributed to the continued subconscious mental slavery of some Africans, with respect to a woman's place within African society (Vergès, 2018). History has proven that during pre-colonisation, many indigenous African societies were egalitarian, with women holding prominent positions in society and within economies, alongside men (Falola, n.d.; Ogboma, 2005). Some women also had positions of power within their tribes through their familial relations with male elders (Okrah, 2017).

Thus, the rampant patriarchy that continues to exist in many regions, may not actually be part of African culture but a by-product of social engineering and powerful agencies wielding socio- economic and political power in the region. Once colonialism was dispelled, those who fought for liberation found themselves in seats of power. They then sought (and still do) to perpetuate the hegemonic relationships in new political dispensations and thus, continue patriarchal structures into new government systems.

African culture as we know it today, is a mixture of pre-colonial traditions and colonial influences. The colonial influences manipulated various (but not all) aspects of indigenous life to make it ‘more civilized’ in order to exert control over the colonised indigenous people. Thus, we need to truly scrutinise what aspects of indigenous African culture are truly ours and what aspects were manipulated due to processes of colonialism and imperialism (Falola, n.d.). This is because, cultural practices continue to contradict and resist global development and

modernisation, in addition to gender inequality. This remains a concern and on the global agenda for social transformation (Maluleke, 2012).

Aburrow (2015) makes a very compelling argument, whereby she states that if a part of or the entirety of your tradition (or culture) is deemed harmful or exclusionary to a particular grouping of people, then perhaps reflection is needed to introduce necessary changes which would make it more equitable. This is what gendered policies are trying to achieve – providing of guidance towards a more equitable African dispensation. However, there are detractors who are against any changes to societal structures that continue to marginalise women, and argue that any change could affect or dismantle culture and what it means to be African (Graburn, 2001; Idang, 2015; Zimmerman, 2017).

Relevant education measures are needed to remind us about feminism and gender equity during pre-colonial societies in Africa (Idang, 2015; Okrah, 2017), societies which were (and still are to an extent), embedded with the African value system of cooperation and ubuntu. The term ubuntu derives its meaning from the Nguni languages spoken in parts of Southern Africa, having various interlinking meanings. However, at its core, it can be defined as the respect for a person’s basic human rights and what it means to be human (Thompsell, 2019). Without cooperation and respect, it is believed that goal attainment can often merely be limited to a single community or specific society (Idang, 2015), which is what we are currently experiencing with gender equity/equality in Africa and across the world. Cooperation and respect are needed for a more productive African society, with men and women collaborating to achieve set goals, and that is what gendered policy frameworks should strive to achieve.

The mere implementation of policy will not necessarily erode culture and traditions. Policies are supposed to be based on ensuring human rights are upheld and if they do not do so, it means there is a disconnect between understanding what the policy is meant to do and ensuring that it does so in a manner that adheres to the respect of culture and tradition, whilst adhering to a person’s basic human rights.

2.6 Gender Relations and Development

Feminism has had a great impact on gender relations and women’s rights in the context of global development (Mama, 2004), including in sport (which will be dealt with in Chapter 5). The incorporation into development and eventual implementation of various policies over the past few decades has been influenced by these various ideologies and approaches. These gendered policies, which global agencies such as the UN, UNICEF and WHO have developed, have been greatly influenced by Women in Development (WID), Gender and Development (GAD) approaches that were promoted by scholars and activists during the second and third wave feminist movements (Lee, Yoo & Hong, 2019). The following section shall provide a critical reflection on these two approaches, in order to provide a critical lens with which to analyse the gendered policy discussions which are to follow in the next chapter. This will provide an indication of what approaches actors in policy reform may have been using in the development of these policies and how this may have inadvertently affected the policy to practice of gender equity/equality initiatives.

2.6.1 WID and GAD

The 1960s and start of the 1970s were all about development initiatives necessary to galvanise productivity, especially within developing economies in the global South. According to popular belief, in order to achieve productivity, modernisation needed to occur. This period coincided with the height of the second wave of feminism, which liberal feminism was leading, which was calling for recognised equal opportunity for women in relation to men. This was due to the belief that if given the skills, women could become as productive as men and contribute equitably to development (Razavi & Miller, 1995).

However, Ester Bosrup's 1970 publication Women’s Role in Economic Development, proved otherwise. She showed that the good intentions behind upskilling women along with men, to bring them abreast with modernisation as a means to achieve productivity, actually further marginalised them in certain societies and communities (Jaquette, 2017). Thus, her work became the catalyst for the Women in Development (WID) movement. WID focused solely on

women and upskilling them so that they could become empowered and contribute (through integrative measures) to economic development and productivity (Barrett, 2014).

A further contribution to WID advocacy was the UN's call to designate 1975 as International Women's Year and the introduction of the Women’s Decade (1975-1985). This call by the UN underlined the growing need to include women, especially those from the global South, in development issues (Koczberski, 1998).

WID was devised by well-intentioned liberal white feminists in America as a contribution towards interceding on behalf of marginalised women in the global South (Vijayamohanan, Asalatha & Ponnuswamy, 2009). WIDs main approach to contributing to gender equity, was to focus solely on women-only projects, without any assistance from men. It was a ‘for women, by women’ approach to development, intended to upskill and integrate them into existing patriarchal systems and structures in order to benefit and empower them (Muyoyeta, 2007). Some scholars argued that white, liberal feminists were implementing this approach without exploring theoretical understandings to explain gender disparities and the unequal power relations that men exerted over women within the global South (Razavi & Miller, 1995).

Feminists based the resolutions that the WID approach presented on a global North context of addressing development issues. These resolutions were not adapted to make way for the lived- experiences of those in the global South. They failed to acknowledge that women of colour were not a homogenous grouping, such as women in the global North. Women of the global South had varied cultural value systems, societal values and practices that influenced their gender inequalities and power relations (Matthews, 2015; Razavi & Miller, 1995). This approach was critiqued for presenting women in the global South as apathetic and voiceless towards their situations, and in need of saving from their patriarchal and seemingly backwards social structures (Lee, Yoo & Hong, 2019). It also did not acknowledge the intersections of race, ethnicity, class and culture, when dealing with this marginalised grouping (Barrett, 2014). Global North feminists may have deemed that the approaches required to navigate the complexities of such intersectionality whilst pursuing gender equity were passive, yet global South feminists considered them to be respectful of intersectionalities.

If WID had been initiated by finding out in what areas these women needed to be empowered and in what cultural context they experienced marginalisation, the agency would then have belonged to the women mostly affected by discriminatory practices and would have contributed to their actions as insiders (Razavi & Miller, 1995). As it stands, as an approach, WID does not always bring about meaningful and lasting change to benefit the most marginalised. This is due to the assumed view that all marginalised women experience equal and/or similar disadvantage within their respective societal structures. Differences in experience exist, especially when comparing women in urban versus rural areas, and especially in the global South (Koczberski, 1998).

Some feminist scholars and activists criticised WID, arguing that women-only approaches and initiatives had garnered limited successes. From an economic standpoint, women had indeed experienced marginal improvements, however, from an empowerment perspective, women were still disadvantaged in relation to patriarchal structures and economic power (Vijayamohanan, Asalatha & Ponnuswamy, 2009). WID was not doing much to integrate women into development initiatives, nor meaningfully addressing patriarchal structures (Chant & Gutmann, 2002; Reeves & Baden, 2000). This was due to the exclusion of men in addressing gender inequalities and the lack of focus on gender-discriminatory societal structures (Muyoyeta, 2007).

Some feminist scholars and activists purported that the focus of WID on women-only initiatives did more harm than good. It brought the focus to the biological differences between men and women and what women could not do in relation to men. They realised that the focus actually needed to be on the societal structures that had been placed on what men and women's perceived roles were to be in society, and the often times inequitable relationships that these roles generated (Lee, Yoo & Hong, 2019).

These critiques emerged during the 1980s, at a time when the UN’s decade of women lost momentum. This was also the period that those from the global South, who wanted alternate and more representative ideologies, deemed second wave feminism as unrepresentative of all women. The perceived weaknesses and shortcomings of WID and the beginnings of second wave feminist discontent influenced the emergence of Gender and Development (GAD) as an

alternate approach to WID, especially within development. GAD was rooted in feminist discourse, with its intended focus on the WHY in terms of inequality and unbalanced power relations between the genders. GAD proponents hypothesised that by understanding the WHY, it could lead to a HOW. The HOW would provide recommendations to aid in affecting change towards gender inequality and power distribution, which were rooted in societal structures (Matthews, 2015).

GAD focused on understanding the influence of societal structures on perceived gender roles and the distribution of power and resources. The rationale behind GAD was to uncover the root causes of women’s continued marginalisation. Some of these causes included: the influence of custodians of resources; wealth and power; men's patriarchal views; relations and at times interdependency between men and women; and socially constructed roles and responsibilities. Those in support of GAD, advocated that these causes needed to be explored, understood and addressed (Lee, Yoo & Hong, 2019). GAD proposed that once gender reform actors identified the root causes of gender inequality, both men and women needed to work together harmoniously and respectfully towards resolutions. By doing so, it would help change societal structures to be more equitable and inclusive of women. Without an equitable collaboration from both men and women, gender equality (the goal of GAD) would never be fully achieved (Cornwall, 2000).

Initially, GAD was introduced at the UNs third World Conference on Women in 1985, however, it was not until the UN’s fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, that GAD was formally acknowledged and adopted as an approach to achieving gender equality. Gender reformists proposed a guiding framework for policy and programme development and amendments that was accepted by the majority but did not materialise (Barrett, 2014).

Similar to WID, when GAD was introduced in the 1980s, it was guided by Western feminist ideals and did not place much emphasis on intersectionality. However, with the push of African feminism and other such movements from women of colour within the third wave of feminism

in the mid to late 1990s, GAD slowly transformed and incorporated acknowledgement of views of intersectionality into its approach (Singh, 2007).

Although heralded as an improvement from WID, the interpretation and application of GAD often seemed to focus solely on women in the gender debate in certain parts of the world. It did not find ways to include men in the discourse, as was its original intent. This may be due to the global North leading the advocacy. Those from the global North did not always take into consideration the gender relations of post-colonial and/or global South societies and their cultures, which may have led to miscommunications with the intent of the GAD approach (Cornwall, 2000).

Although various studies identify men, patriarchy and toxic masculinity as the reasons for gender inequality, it is believed that men could also be part of dismantling gender inequality (Gowthaman, 2019). Cornwall (2000) has argued that not all men were part of the problem when assessing gender relations, as there were a few who were willing to be included in gender reforms. This needed to be reconsidered as the application and implementation of GAD had not always produced the expected results. This may be due to the unintentional exclusion of men when instituting GAD approaches, which could have led to antagonism, which in turn, could have hampered the overall goal of implementing GAD gender equality (Chant & Gutmann, 2002).

Despite the critiques it has faced, many gender equality programmes continue to utilise the WID approach. The fact that WID advocates for the inclusion of women in society, and that is deemed less complex of an approach to implement than GAD, partly influences matters concerned with achieving gender equity/equality. GAD calls for societal restructuring and the dismantling of patriarchy, which often relies on policy amendments and developments. This can become bureaucratic, dependent on power dynamics and is far more resource reliant to achieve (Barrett, 2014). The sluggish pace of achieving gender equity/equality may partly be attributed to gender advocacy utilising the two approaches in silos. GAD has an inability to move beyond policy to implementation levels, whereas WID focuses on implementation and often has little to no bearing on policy, even if it is utilised at this level (Barrett, 2014).

Although WID and GAD differ in their approaches and ideology, their fundamental goal has been somewhat the same – the empowerment of women to ensure gender equity (Jaquette, 2017). This is why both these approaches are considered key in critiquing policy analysis discussions, which will follow in the next chapter.

2.7 Summary

The issues and analyses in this chapter have shown that it seems as if it is still a “man’s, man’s, man’s world,” (Brown & Newsome, 1966) in which women are frequently excluded from decision-making processes. This is all the more reason why this study critically looks at human rights, social justice and feminism as its foundation. This is buttressed by the United Nations declaration of human rights which states that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights” (UN, 1948, p. 2).

History has shown that feminism has its detractors (mostly men), and within the feminist movement itself, there are rifts amongst the different schools of thought (Paglia, 2008). However, amongst feminists, the goal is ultimately the same – establishing the rights and protections of women. The growth of women’s education and their consciousness has put them on par with men and this has brought to light gender injustices which this study will point out for possible redress.

There needs to be a shift in mind-set, therefore, from gender equality to gender equity. This chapter has shown that gendered debates still centre on equality, when equity is what is needed for gender reform. Instead of activists and feminists ‘fighting patriarchy’, bringing men into the fold could result in the goal of gender parity being reached sooner. To achieve this, intersectionality, especially as it pertains to cultural context within the global South and amongst marginalised communities, needs to be acknowledged and incorporated.

This will aid in education, which is a key strategy for showing and disseminating the benefits of forming networks among likeminded people to contribute towards gender equity. Achieving gender equity needs to involve participatory effort from both genders, leveraging off each

other’s strengths and weaknesses to challenge the social constructs of patriarchy, whilst being cognisant and respectful of their cultures and traditions (van der Gaag, 2014).

Before attempts are made at redress and education, the history of gendered prescripts needs to be understood, along with the various actors who are meant to be involved. This shall be discussed in Chapter 3, in an attempt to provide clarity as to the theoretical reasoning behind the current ‘revolution’ of gender equity within sport across the globe.

CHAPTER 3

GENDER-RELATED LEGISLATION, POLICIES AND STAKEHOLDERS

3.1 Introduction

Gender inequality and the marginalisation of women who have sought equal treatment to that of men, has been an issue that has prevailed throughout history – dating as far back as 400BC to the Suffragette movement at the turn of the 20th century (Mayer, 2002; UN Women, 2019c; Walters, 2005). In the 21st century, women and girls living in over 140 countries still face various forms of gender-based discrimination despite their constitutions claiming the establishment of gender equality (UN Women, 2019c).

For many, gender-based societal practices and stereotypes still remain, despite global gender policies and escalating global activism (Maluleke, 2012; Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2014). As Chapter 2 has critiqued, continued gender inequality within societal practices and stereotypes are due to ingrained patriarchal beliefs and structures, which continue to skew power and privilege into the hands of men (Facio, 2013; Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019). These ingrained belief systems and seemingly immovable structures are proving to be a challenge for gendered policies.

This study shall also present the effects of these gendered policies on society and sport, from their development at a global level by the United Nations, to their adoption, interpretations and manifestations at a regional level (Africa). This brief history of the evolution and development of gendered policies, within a human rights framework shall first be discussed in this chapter.

This will provide a backdrop to assess their impact and influence on global to national stakeholders involved within a gender and/or sport context, especially those within South African society. The vertical stakeholder alignment (from the global to the local) of gendered policy and sport prescripts should be explored within Africa and South Africa. Thus, this

chapter provides insight into gendered policies and gender equity in sport from the perspective of civic society actors.

3.2 Evolution of Gender Equality: From Global to National

3.2.1 Global: United Nations

Following the Second World War, 50 member states established the United Nations (UN) on 24 October 1945 to assist in facilitating global peace, justice and quality of life for all (United Nations, 2019a). Its purpose and guiding principles are enshrined in the UN Charter, with its opening mandate stating that nations should ensure the basic human rights of all their citizens, along with the equal rights of men and women, as this would contribute to justice and social advancement (United Nations, 1945). The only other references to gender equality within the document are found in two Articles. Article 8, declares that men and women will be given equal opportunity to be involved within the structures of the UN and its other divisions, and Article 55, states that human rights should be respected and noted by all, irrespective of race, sex, language or one’s religious beliefs (United Nations, 1945).

It was during the second session of the UN in 1946, where the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the UN adopted new resolutions to add to their remit. Amongst these resolutions was the establishment of a working commission to focus on the global empowerment of women and the protection of women’s rights (United Nations, 2019b). This commission laid the foundation for the formation of various landmark UN gender equality entities and policies, which shall be discussed in the following section.

3.2.1.1 United Nations and gender equality

UN Sustainable Development Goals: A historical overview. During the first week of September 2000 (6th to the 8th), world leaders came together for the UN Millennium Summit at the UN headquarters, with the vision of finding a way to combat global issues pertaining to human capital, infrastructure and human rights in the new millennium. This summit produced the Millennium Declaration, which 189 heads of states signed. This declaration

contained eight development goals which were identified as hindrances to the eradication of poverty. Each goal had clear targets of what signatories needed to achieve by the year 2015. This development agenda was called Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (United Nations, 2015b). Although the UN did not mention sport within the initial MDG document, it was later recognised that sport could aid in addressing each of the MDGs. This would be achieved through an integrative approach that incorporated sport in programmes to be implemented by relevant stakeholders targeting specific MDG goals (United Nations Office for Sport for Development and Peace, 2010).

Goal 3 of the MDGs aimed to “Promote gender equality and empower women” (United Nations, 2015b, p. 5) by focusing specifically on the education levels of women and girls, as levels of education were seen as key to aiding in poverty alleviation (United Nations, 2015b; 2015c). By signing the Millennium Declaration, national governments were pledging that they would ensure that gender disparity was eliminated at all levels of education by 2015, with a specific focus on elimination at the primary and secondary school levels by 2015 (United Nations, 2015c).

Despite the valiant efforts by nations, the UN and its extended bodies, not all the MDGs were achieved by 2015, with identifiable shortfalls published for review. One of these shortfalls was the continued existence and experiences of gender disparity and inequality for women and girls when it comes to employment, governmental representation and education, especially in developing regions. This was attributed to continued socio-economic disparities and poor levels of education between regions and within countries (particularly within the global South) (United Nations, 2015c).

Despite this, there were also acknowledged improvements such as increased female representation in parliaments across nearly 90% of the 174 countries which had available data; an increase in senior management roles for women and increased enrolment of girls across all levels of schooling (United Nations, 2015b; 2015c). The inability to wholly achieve all the MDGs and their specific targets at the end of the allocated time period, especially when it came to gender equality and women’s empowerment, led the UN to continue the development work

of the MDGs. This led to the creation of the Sustainable Development Goals, an expanded format of the MDGs. This expanded format would be informed by lessons of experience attained from the MDG target shortfalls.

During the years leading up to the official review of the MDGs, the UN realised that they may fall short of the envisioned agenda of the MDGs, and that a more sustainable agenda was needed to continue with the work that had been initiated by the MDGs. Thus, at the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in 2012, the UN was formulating plans for life after the MDGs. This saw member states adopting the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development in September 2015, which contained 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which nations were officially to start implementing on 1 January 2016 (Dlamini, 2018; United Nations, 2016; United Nations Development Programme, 2019).

The SDGs are a blueprint for achieving global sustainability by the year 2030 that furthers and expands on the work that the MDGs started. This whilst addressing current global challenges that pose a threat to the environment and future generations if not addressed by the year 2030 (United Nations, 2016). SDGs are far more universal than the MDGs were, with various applicable targets for each of the 17 goals, to ensure relevance to countries and their stakeholders (Dlamini, 2018). Unlike the MDGs, the SDG resolution adopted by the UN includes mention of sport. Sport was recognised for its significant contribution to sustainable development and its ability to empower marginalised groups such as women (United Nations, 2015a) This has led to publications highlighting and advocating for continued use of sport as a contributor to the SDGs (Lindsey & Chapman, 2017; Lindsey & Darby, 2019).

Goal 5 of the SDGs – ‘Gender Equality’ – aims to address achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls through the provision of equal opportunity across all spheres of society. In achieving this, the UN has made it known to member states that laws, policies and legislation need to be adjusted to incorporate and reflect the alienable human rights of women as provisioned by the UN Charter (United Nations, 2019b). Goal 5 of the SDGs is more detailed and target driven that its corresponding predecessor – Goal 3 of the MDGs. Goal 5 has listed 9 targets for achievement by the year 2030. Some of these targets are to ensure that

discrimination of any kind against women and girls all over the world is stopped. Women should get equal opportunity to participate at various levels of decision making in all facets of life, such as political, economic, public and social. Each member state should ensure that their laws promote gender equality and empower women at all levels (United Nations, 2019c).

According to The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2018, despite the signing of the Agenda on Sustainable Development and adoption of the SDGs, societies are still depriving many women of their basic human rights, which has limited the opportunities that they are able to seek in society (United Nations, 2018). This continued disempowerment and discrimination is due to gendered structural social norms, attitudes and beliefs, which have contributed to continued ideology and institutionalised behaviours and attitudes towards women and girls (Becker, 1999; Faludi, 2017). The shift from MDGs to SDGs showed improved progress in global policy guidance by the UN. It showed that the UN accepted that the slightly homogenous structure of the MDGs often lacked detailed guidance, applicability and relevance within developing national contexts (Dlamini, 2018). Changes in laws, policies and legislation are meant to aid with this, which is why through the years, the UN has contributed towards guiding governments in legislative reform, through the development of policy frameworks within gender focused UN structures. These frameworks are not enforceable; however, they ensure guidance and alignment for those governments that aim for gender reform. Additionally, the gender-focused UN structures provide support and aid in partnership development between governments and civil society.

Policy frameworks of UN structures. Commission on the Status of Women. Council Resolution 11 established the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) on 21 June 1946 during a meeting of ECOSOC. The remit of CSW was to assist the UN in the promotion of women’s rights across all spheres of society, through the provision of detailed reports that highlighted issues hindering women’s rights and policy recommendations to curtail these identified issues (United Nations, 1946; 2019b). The functional powers bestowed upon the CSW led to the recommendation and acceptance of the UN Division for the Advancement of Women.

In 1946, soon after the formation of the CSW, the UN Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) was established. The DAW was to work with governments in addressing the human rights issues that impinged upon women, driving an agenda of empowerment and gender equality. The DAW also assisted with stakeholder support and strategic partnerships between governments and civil society. This was to provide research-based recommendations and information needed by various bodies in areas such as policy reform, to ensure gender equality and gender mainstreaming (UN Women, n.d.c).

The formation of the DAW was followed by the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on 10 December 1948. This Declaration acknowledged that everyone is born free and equal, and thus entitled to equal rights and opportunity before the law, without any discrimination of any kind, including sex and gender (United Nations, 1948).

UN Women. Despite the work and achievements of the UN entities mentioned above, the UN still felt that countries should do more for gender equality and the empowerment of women globally. This was acknowledged through evaluations of various UN entities, conducted by the Inspection and Evaluation Division of the Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) within the UN. OIOS conducted individual assessments regarding the effectiveness and true impact of gender-focused UN entities on the specific issues of gender equality and empowerment. The assessments discovered that despite these entities making great contributions, there were sometimes areas of duplication, competition and limited resources amongst these entities (Office of Internal Oversight Services, 2011).

OIOS believed that a single entity would be able to speed up the progress needed when it came to gender equality and women’s empowerment. This led the UN to its historic decision on 1 July 2010 to create a single entity focused entirely on gender equality and the empowerment of women. UN Women was formed, amalgamating four former women-focused UN bodies – the DAW, the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues (OSAGI) and the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) (United Nations, 2019b). UN Women incorporated the functional and/or operational strength of each of the amalgamated entities and

was tasked to speed up and ensure compliance of gender equality and women empowerment reforms that nations and institutions were signatories to, yet which in practice were either not being achieved or slow to progress (Office of Internal Oversight Services, 2011).

UN Women provide support wherever needed, to governments and other strategic partners such as civil society. UN Women also ensures, through an alignment with the UN Charter, that the UN itself is held accountable for its treatment of women and its current declaration of 50/50 gender representation across all entities and levels within their structures (UN Women, n.d.a; n.d.b). In trying to achieve gender equality, the UN realised that there were pressing developmental societal issues that also needed to be addressed, as they inadvertently impacted upon gender equality. The need to address identified societal issues, led to the UN Millennium Summit discussed above.

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). At their 1946 General Assembly, the UN put forth a recommendation for the creation of the United Nations International Children’s Fund (UNICEF), which was immediately accepted. UNICEF’s mandate was to protect children’s rights and to provide support based on need, to every child without bias or discrimination (UNICEF, 2016).

In 1953, the United Nations International Children’s Fund was shortened to the United Nations Children’s Fund, but the UNICEF acronym was kept. The organisation was subsequently given a permanent mandate to succour the developmental needs of children in developing nations, especially where there was war, poverty and gross inequalities for marginalised groups such as girls and those with disabilities (UNICEF, 2016).

The UN’s adoption of the Declaration of the Rights of the Child further strengthened UNICEF’s mandate in 1959. This was the first global document advocating for the recognition of children’s rights by governments and all members of society. This Declaration laid out ten guiding principles for the protection and entitlements due to all children, free of any forms of discrimination, including that of sex (United Nations, 1959).

The official adoption of the first international treaty on the inalienable rights and protections of all children, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1989 followed the Declaration. This document only touched upon gender-based discrimination in two instances. Article 2.1 states that nations should ensure that no child faces discrimination of any kind, inclusive of their sex, and Article 21.1d talks of preparing children to be responsible adults, who, amongst other things, must show understanding towards gender equality (UNICEF, 1989).

The World Summit followed the adoption for Children in 1990, with the 1989 convention becoming enforceable in September 1990 to all countries who had adopted it the previous year. With the growth of gender inequalities as a global concern in the early 1990s, UNICEF spearheaded the launch of the UN Girls’ Education Initiative in Africa (UNICEF, 2004a), with it later being established in other regions (UNICEF, 2016). This initiative helped lay the groundwork for future gender-focused initiatives by UNICEF going into the new millennium.

Just like all other UN affiliates, over the years UNICEF has aligned itself to UN gender policy and reforms such as CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for Action and committed itself to achieving gender equality/equity. UNICEF reinforced their commitment by adopting a gender equality policy in 2010 rooted in the empowerment of women and girls. This policy formed the foundation of all of UNICEF’s work with governments and strategic partners in outlining their contributions towards achieving gender equality across their programmes and in their operations to ensure clear and measurable outcomes (UNICEF, 2010a).

In the same year, UNICEF released a Strategic Priority Action Plan for Gender Equality: 2010- 2012 (SPAP). This document delineated eight strategic action areas that UNICEF would pursue in becoming an organisation committed to gender equality, along with priority actions and planned activities over the three-year period for each strategy. These areas were: accountability and strategic framework; capacity and knowledge; leadership, influence and advocacy; programming; doing what we advocate; and, partnership; financial resources and communications (UNICEF, 2010b).

UNICEF reviewed SPAP at the end of its implementation cycle and it was discovered that despite contributions and improvements towards gender equality, it had not provided a strong enough focus towards gender programmes and their expected outcomes. It was stated that:

a programmatic framework, monitoring and tracking of gender equitable results, adequate technical capacity and expertise on gender, and the concomitant commitment of resources are areas the review noted require further improvement… (UNICEF, 2014, p. 4).

SPAP’s review and the recommendations therein led to the development of UNICEF’s Gender Action Plan (GAP) 2014-2017. GAP 2014-2017 aligned itself to UNICEF’s Strategic Plan, 2014-2017, which was focused on “Realizing the rights of every child, especially the most disadvantaged” (UNICEF, 2013, p. 1). Through extensive consultations, UNICEF designed GAP 2014-2017 to ensure that greater capacity and resources were provided to gender programmes to strengthen their implementation and outcomes from a global to a national level (UNICEF, 2014).

A review of GAP 2014-2017 led to the development and adoption of Gender Action Plan (GAP) 2018-2021, which UNICEF also aligned to the Strategic Plan, 2018-2021. Both plans built upon the successes, challenges and identified gaps of those that preceded it. Strategic Plan, 2018-2021 is focused on issues of equity, gender and sustainability, whilst GAP 2018-2021 has been positioned as a blue print document to help UNICEF achieve gender equity and for the empowerment of women and girls. Both have been structured to contribute to the attainment of the SDGs, specifically those related to equity, gender and sustainability through various programmes, such as those that use sport as the mode of delivery (UNICEF, 2017a; 2018).

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). UNESCO is a UN agency that the UN established in 1946 to aid in international cooperation and collaboration amongst nations in order to foster peace and unity from grassroots to international levels, through work in the fields of education, the sciences and cultural understanding (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2019b).

Since its inception, UNESCO has continuously aligned itself to the UN’s strategy for improved global women’s rights, empowerment, and gender equality. This commitment has led to the creation of a Division for Gender Equality in the Office of the Director-General. The Division oversees policy to practice of gender equality reform and prescripts within UNESCO and across its various programmes and partnerships (UNESCO, 2019b).

UNESCO has also strengthened its mandate by making gender equality one of its top two global priorities through the adoption of the Priority Gender Equality Action Plan: 2014-2021 (UNESCO, 2013b). This document provides an operational framework to help guide member states with the development of gendered policies, programmes and processes across all spheres of society. Sport is included in this framework, whereby member states are encouraged to revise their national sport policy frameworks to include gender equity revisions which can be actioned at all levels (UNESCO, 2013b).

UN Conferences. The 1950s and 1960s were a quiet period for the DAW, whereby the office worked with governments on trying to address women’s issues. It was only during the rise of the second wave of feminism in the 1970s that the DAW truly gained traction with a mandate as overseeing secretariat for the First World Conference on Women (UN Women, n.d.c). This paved the way for significant women’s human rights contributions such as The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Gaudart, 2007).

Nearly 30 years after the establishment of the CSW and DAW, the first World Conference on Women was held in 1975, in Mexico City. This was a pivotal moment as the resolutions from this conference, along with the heightened radical feminist movement of the 1970s, contributed and led to the formation of new offices and policies from the UN.

Following the first World Conference on Women, a recommendation was made to establish a research and training entity for the UN that solely focused on the empowerment and advancement of women throughout society. This led to the formation of the UN International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) in 1976. The UN would dedicate INSTRAW solely to the research and knowledge management of gender

equality and women’s empowerment (United Nations System Chief Executives Board for Coordination, 2016; UN Women, 2017).

Shortly after the formation of INSTRAW the UN General Assembly held in 1979, put forth the adoption of The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). CEDAW is considered by many as an international bill of rights for women and girls. It details the need for, and the accrued benefits to society if women and girls are equally included across all spheres, with regard to opportunity, access, resources and rewards. CEDAW clearly defines what the UN deems to be discriminatory acts towards women and girls. It concludes with actionable guidelines expected from nations that are signatory to the convention, in order to end such actions (UN Women, 1979).

From its inception, the work of INSTRAW may well have been a contributing factor to the creation of the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). UNIFEM was established in 1984 to provide development support and funding to women around the world to ensure their empowerment, involvement and contribution to society, through the establishment of gender equality programmes and reforms (Department of International Relations and Cooperation, 2004; Ministry for Foreign Affairs Sweden, 2008).

In 1996, nearly 20 years after the adoption of the CEDAW and nearly 50 years after the formation of the CSW, ECOSOC chose to expand the mandate of the CSW, following the historic Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in 1995. This World Conference produced the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. This document is a blueprint intended to guide member states of the UN and their respective stakeholders in achieving empowerment for women and girls. It thereby ensures complete gender equality across all facets of life by providing women and girls with the same opportunities, support, resources and rewards to that of men and boys (UN Women, n.d.e). These key policy shifts by the UN (1979 and 1995) were reflective of societal shifts influenced by key historical feminist movements (as discussed in Chapter 2).

This new mandate conferred upon CSW, ensured that it was the lead institutional body in monitoring and evaluating the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. Currently, the CSW continues to assess and report on the progress being made on strategic objectives and actions, alongside the agreed upon institutional and financial arrangements enshrined in the document by member state signatories. This is in addition to compiling information for dissemination that highlights possible global issues that may continue to impinge on the empowerment of women and girls (UN Women, 1995; 2019a). This continues annually, still today, during the two-week session of the CSW at the UN headquarters.

In 1997, the UN Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues (OSAGI) was created to provide support for the implementation of the goals and objectives of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and its follow up document – Beijing +5 (United Nations, n.d.). Its main remit was to provide gender mainstreaming advisory services and assistance to UN member states and other strategic partners to ensure global gender equality and the empowerment of women. OSAGI also had to ensure that the UN was the global leader in women’s empowerment and gender equality. It would establish this through the monitoring of all branches/arms of the UN, to verify that their policies and strategies reflected equal representation of women to that of men, across all levels (Office of Internal Oversight Services, 2011; United Nations, n.d.). The UN’s gendered policy efforts which have been discussed, also had an influence on gendered policy formation in Africa.

3.2.2 Regional African organisations

Unfortunately, despite efforts by the UN, at the time of writing 52 countries have yet to adjust their Constitutions to reflect women’s rights and gender equality provisions (United Nations, 2018; 2019b). Some of these countries are within Africa, where the African Union (AU) is the regional body affiliated to the UN.

Despite the continued global challenge, regionally, the AU has been working towards ensuring that member states are committed to gender equality. The AU has been trying to achieve this through

aligning itself to UN gender prescripts, and/or the development of gender equality prescripts, relevant to the African context, for governments to ratify. Prior to the formation of the AU, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) oversaw regional matters (as mentioned above) in Africa. The evolution of the OAU to the AU, shall be discussed in the subsequent section.

3.2.2.1 Organisation of African Unity.

The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was founded on the 25th of May 1963 as many African states fought against colonialism, with 32 member African states having initially gained their independence from colonial rule. Using the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as guiding principles, African states developed and adopted the OAU Charter in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (African Union [AU], 2018; Organisation of African Unity [OAU], 1963).

The main aim of the OAU was to promote unity and solidarity on the African continent as other nations worked towards freedom from colonialism and apartheid (AU, 2018). This was to ensure an improved society for all African citizens by attempting a unified consensus amongst all social policies that member states used to govern, such as political, educational, diplomatic, cultural and welfare (AU, 2018; OAU, 1963). Despite the OAU claiming that the OAU Charter was guided by the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, nowhere in this document was there any mention of member states ensuring the provision of equal rights to men and women, irrespective of assumed gender delineation (OAU, 1963).

In 1979, the OAU adopted a resolution for the drafting of a charter on human rights. This draft – the African (Banjul) Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights – was formally adopted in 1981, 18 years after the formation of the OAU. It then took another 5 years (1986) before it was finalised and made enforceable to all OAU member states (AU, 2018; OAU, 1981). The prescripts in this charter were to guide member states in promoting and protecting the human rights of all their citizens. However, Article 18.3 in the charter was the only section that afforded any mention of women’s rights. This section referenced that member states should ensure that women (and girls) are not discriminated against in any way and that along with

children, they should receive protection (in line with international prescripts) in terms of all basic human rights afforded to them (OAU, 1981).

As the acceleration of globalisation took hold, the OAU realised that they needed to restructure to keep up with what was happening globally. By the mid-1990s, every African country was free from colonialism or apartheid, which had been the main mission of the OAU. Thus, a change in focus and direction was needed – leading to the disbanding of the OAU and the creation of the African Union (AU) (AU, 2018).

3.2.2.2 African Union.

African states officially formed the AU in 2002 after previous summits were held to discuss its formation, beginning in 1999. The formation of the AU was to help meet the challenges facing African states in the new global economy. Its focus was to ensure growth, development and integration in the region, whilst promoting peace and stability. The member states did this to help ensure that no African states would be left behind and could contribute to and benefit from the global economy. At its launch, there were 53 member states, but at the time of writing all African countries are members, bringing the total to 55 (AU, 2018).

The Constitutive Act of the African Union was adopted in 2000, but formally came into effect in 2002 once the AU was officially launched, and provides a guiding framework for African states (AU, 2002; 2018). The document states that their vision of building partnerships between governments and civil society, with a special mention of three designated groups of focus, would guide the AU. Focus on these groups – which includes women – should ensure social cohesion and solidarity for member states. Article 4 of this Act also states that promotion of gender equality shall be pursued (AU, 2002). The AU later followed this Act by other actions in attempts to inform, as well as to ensure that member states started actioning women’s rights and gender equality, in accordance with the AU’s alignment to the UN.

Agenda 2063 and the African Union Gender Strategy. In 2013, the AU launched Agenda 2063 as an official strategic framework that member states will use to achieve inclusion, growth and sustainable development by the year 2063 – the centenary year of the former OAU (AU, n.d.a). Agenda 2063 is meant to assist nations in competing in the global economy. This document also identified programmes which will aid identified goals within the document, along with practical applications (AU, n.d.a). Agenda 2063 also recognises that in order to achieve inclusion and development on the continent, member states need to ensure gender parity. Therefore, it makes provisions for gender equality through Goal 17 of Aspiration 6, which states that all levels of society in Africa shall achieve complete gender equality by the year 2063. To achieve this, AU member states should prioritise women’s empowerment, violence and discrimination against women and girls (AU, n.d.b). The prioritisation of women as stipulated by Agenda 2063 in achieving gender equality, indicates that this portion of the document may have been guided by the WID approach (Muyoyeta, 2007), despite studies at times purporting its limited benefits (Chant & Gutmann, 2002; Reeves & Baden, 2000; Vijayamohanan, Asalatha & Ponnuswamy, 2009).

To reaffirm its commitment to gender reform, the AU tasked the Women, Gender and Development Directorate within the AU with the development of the African Union Gender Strategy 2018-2028. The stated aim of this strategy was to promote gender equality on the continent and to guide the AU in aligning the gender prescripts of Agenda 2063, the Maputo Protocol and the SDGs in order to monitor and evaluate actions which AU nations are taking across the continent (AU, 2017). The African Union Gender Strategy 2018-2028 was officially launched in February 2019 (AU, 2019b) and it seems that despite its launch, at the time of writing, this strategy has yet to be formally adopted by member states, as the only copy of the strategy publicly available is a second draft from 2017 (AU, 2017).

This document provides necessary guidelines needed for gender mainstreaming as the draft document clearly identifies six key issues. It has them listed as strategic pillars, along with their priorities that need actionable focus to ensure the empowerment of women. The identified pillars are:

i) economic justice and sustainable development;

ii) social justice;

iii) women’s rights;

iv) leadership and governance;

v) women, peace and security; and

vi) media, communication and sports (AU, 2017).

In order to address these issues, the draft document provides guidelines on how gender analysis and social inclusion need to be integrated into policies and programmes, along with budgets which should be gender responsive (AU, 2017). The draft document also includes the expected roles and responsibilities of the necessary stakeholders from continental all the way to civic society levels. Since the launch in February 2019, stakeholders could publicly make online commitments, state their intended collaborations, and work in line with the strategy and its pillars (AU, 2017; 2019a). The AU has yet to roll out the platform for these online commitments and collaborations.

South Africa has aligned itself to the AU prescripts discussed above. However, during the initial formation of the OAU, South Africa was not included due to its political leanings, thus did not align itself to any of its policies. It was only in 1994 that the AU reinstated South Africa after its political reform and started adopting these policies. South Africa had a similar situation with the UN.

Protocol and Gender Policy. Maputo Protocol. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (also known as the Maputo Protocol) was adopted by the AU in 2003 and came into effect in 2005. The AU developed it with the realisation and acknowledgement that despite women’s rights globally being recognised and seemingly guaranteed through the UN and its subsidiary arms and policies, women and girls in Africa were still being marginalised. This despite the fact that AU member states were also UN members. The AU developed the Maputo Protocol to form a protocol to the African (Banjul) Charter on

Human and Peoples' Rights that had been created by the former OAU (AU, 2003). Its aim was to explain and clarify in detail the various rights of women and girls on the continent and to provide a guiding framework for member states to follow. By adopting this protocol, African member states commit themselves to actions such as: eliminating all forms of discrimination against women; ensuring women’s rights to dignity and security; eliminating any harmful acts or practices towards women; allowing women to participate in all decision-making processes and giving women unfettered access to justice and equal protections (AU, 2003). At the time of writing, of the 55 African member states, only 49 have signed this protocol, with 41 of the signatories having accessioned or ratified it (AU, 2019a).

African Union Gender Policy. After the adoption of the Maputo Protocol and with increasing global gender reforms, the AU started drafting a gender policy in 2006. In 2009, the AU adopted the final draft of the African Union Gender Policy. UN gender frameworks and policies, such as the work done by CEDAW, the Beijing Platform for Action and MDG 3, informed this policy. This was to ensure that AU member states were fully committed to the empowerment of women. The policy provides a blueprint on how member states can possibly implement the prescripts of the Maputo Protocol and Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union through actionable objectives. The focus of this gender policy is to assist member states in addressing gender inequality issues in order to close and possibly eliminate the gender inequality gap. This is necessary, especially in decision-making, in order to contribute to the development of individual nations and the whole continent (AU, 2009). The African Union Gender Policy is meant to hold nations accountable with respect to their gender equality commitments.

Structure. Women, Gender and Development Directorate. Despite the formulation and adoption of the African Union Gender Policy and member states acclaimed commitment to it, in 2013, the African Union Commission, which oversees the overall functioning of the AU through monitoring and evaluation, noted that despite marginal improvements on the continent, women still continued to face gender discrimination and gross inequalities (African Union Commission, 2013). This was further evidenced by the fact that in 2013, only 36 countries had

ratified the Maputo Protocol and only 12 had signed on to it. This indicated that only 48 out of the 55 member states were committed to gender equality at the time (African Union Commission, 2013), despite unanimous adoption of the policy. This led to the AU formulating the Women, Gender and Development Directorate (WGDD), with the AU Strategic Plan of 2014-2017 informing its functioning. Of the eight key priorities that this strategic plan addressed, the AU listed women’s empowerment as priority five.

The mandate of the WGDD is to assist nations with gender mainstreaming by designing and overseeing the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of projects and programmes of member states’ gender policies and prescripts, aligned to the AU. It also provides assistance with the development of gender policies and strategic plans where needed, in consultation with governments and other various stakeholders. Its two divisions – Gender Policy and Development Division (GPDD) and Gender Coordination and Outreach (GCOD), provide such assistance. This structured approach is to ensure the empowerment of women from policy to practice (AU, 2018).

3.2.3 National: South Africa

3.2.3.1 UN membership.

South Africa was one of the initial cohorts that held membership when the UN was established in 1945. However, despite the official implementation of apartheid in the Republic in 1948, and the condemnation of the UN of the apartheid regime and its practices, South Africa remained a member of the UN until a formal suspension in 1974. This meant that between 1974 and 1994 (when South Africa was reinstated after its first democratic elections), it did not partake in any gender conferences or adopt any gender conventions, such as the first World Conference on Women in Mexico in 1975 and CEDAW in 1979 respectively (Department of International Relations and Cooperation, 2006; South African History Online, n.d.a).

During this period, the OAU also excluded South Africa from membership and it was only reinstated in 1994 after its first democratic elections and the abolishment of apartheid. This

meant that South Africa only adopted Article 18.3 of the African (Banjul) Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights when they joined the OAU after reinstatement (AU, 2018). The abolishment of apartheid and the creation of the first democratic government in its history, meant that South Africa had to look towards international bodies and organisations for assistance with the reformulation of its government departments, all its policies and legislations, to ensure alignment, especially with regards to human rights and equality. The state of gender reform in South Africa at this stage and its ensuing progress in relation to other AU members is, however, beyond the scope of this study.

Organisation with UN membership: The Department of Women. The Department of Women (DOW) within the South African government has gone through multiple restructurings since its inception in 1997. The government initially formed it within The Presidency as the Office on the Status of Women (OSW), after various campaigns by feminist scholars and activists for a women-focused division within government. Its mandate was to create a national gender policy framework in order to manage, coordinate and ensure the implementation of gendered prescripts in the country (The Presidency, 2014). In 2009, the Presidency took a decision to remove the OSW from The Presidency, along with the Offices of People with Disabilities and Youth and Children and restructure these three entities into one department, the Department of Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities (Baloyi, 2011). However, in June 2014, government again separated the DOW to form a division of its own (The Presidency, 2014).

The Department of Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities may have been disbanded in 2014 due to numerous calls from opposition political parties to do so. The media reported that opposition parties felt that at the time, the office was ineffective. They blamed this on its inability to fill much needed positions which, they argued, was affecting the Department in meeting its mandate (Eyewitness News, 2013). The recommendations made was to disband the Department and re-allocate its services to other offices or departments. This may be why the DOW became a department on its own and was moved into the Presidency yet again in 2014.

The Presidency moved issues pertaining to Children and Persons with Disabilities to the Department of Social Development (Davis, 2017).

Moving the DOW to The Presidency meant that there was a renewed mandate. The DOW had to now ensure that government departments have the socio-economic empowerment of women and gender equality amongst their top priorities in all that they implement. National, provincial and local government departments were to achieve this by integrating gender considerations from policy creation to eventual programme implementation. The DOW collaborated with other government departments to contribute to legislations and strategic plans which incorporated gender equality issues or were focused on women’s rights.

In June 2019, The Presidency restructured the DOW yet again and it is now known as the Department of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities (Department of Women, 2015; Department of Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities, 2019). Despite this, its mandate has remained the same. Although its mandate has remained the same, many believe that the DOW lacks political influence (contributing to actionable reform) due to the ongoing issues faced by women in the country (Brooks, 2019).

3.2.3.2 Constitution and policy framework.

Constitution. The first piece of legislation that was rewritten, in the new democratic South Africa, was its Constitution. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa is the supreme law of the country, which provides guidance to policies and supersedes all other laws. The Constitution was only approved in 1996 and came into effect in 1997 (South African Government, 2019). The Constitution has a detailed Bill of Rights incorporated into Section 7 that clearly states that the rights of all citizens should be protected and promoted. This is along with the inclusion of an equality clause in Section 9 that affords women in the country specific protection against all forms of unfair discrimination, especially based on gender (Republic of South Africa, 1996b).

Section 187 of the Constitution also makes provisions for the establishment of a Commission for Gender Equality for the country. The mandate of this Commission is to promote gender equality and to ensure its realisation across South Africa. The Commission for Gender Equality is meant to do this through monitoring and evaluation, educating, advising, lobbying and reporting gender inequality issues (Republic of South Africa, 1996b). The passing of the Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) Act 39 of 1996 further strengthened the mandate of the Commission for Gender Equality. This Act clearly outlines the powers and functions of the Commission, along with its composition and organisational functioning (Republic of South Africa, 1996a).

The Constitution also makes mention of how organs of the state, especially those with decision- making powers should reflect the gender composition of the country, along with its racial composition. This would help ensure constitutional democracy and the rights of all citizens, as enshrined within the Constitution (Republic of South Africa, 1996b).

State of gender policy in South Africa: Plan to action. South Africa has a strong Constitution based on its clear acknowledgement and support for basic human rights, and zero tolerance for discrimination, which includes the rights of women (Maharaj, 2017). It has also used other international and continental policies such as CEDAW and Article 18.3 of the African (Banjul) Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights to not only help formulate its contents but other legislative prescripts focused on women’s rights. The DOW and Commission for Gender Equality are essentially the gatekeepers for women’s rights and gender equality. Yet it may seem that at civic level gender equality is not being achieved or recognised. This is because most South African women are not aware of these two offices and their mandates to aid in their empowerment (Pilane, 2016).

Many South African women believe that they have been let down by the government as they are still victims of discrimination, prejudice, inequality and even abuse from men (IOL, 2019; Pilane, 2016). This brings the visibility and work of the DOW into question. There is a belief that they are failing their mandate when it comes to addressing gender issues by not ensuring that both men and women are made aware of women’s rights (Pilane, 2016). With the DOW generally

focusing on women and their rights – and excluding men from women’s issues – it can be argued here that their mandate and prescripts are guided by WID approaches (Muyoyeta, 2007).

Raising awareness for gender is not just about informing and mobilising women to ensure appropriate interventions through public participation. It is also about critiquing societal structures that are influencing these inequitable relationships, along with including men in the processes as well, especially pertaining to issues such as gender-based violence (Lee, Yoo & Hong, 2019; Muyoyeta, 2007). This can contribute towards achieving gender equality as is laid out in the DOW Strategic Plan: 2015-2020 (Department of Women, 2015).

The consensus it seems, is that despite what is enshrined in the Constitution, the government and the DOW are not doing enough for women in South Africa to protect and empower them to ensure gender equality, especially for young women (Pilane, 2016). This is because, despite the office of the DOW, public calls for action and recommendations towards rectifying women’s issues and flagrant acts of discrimination by men, are not usually realised in practice. This may be because men are still the ones in power and in control of resources within South Africa (Rakolote, 2018), thus illuminating that despite its progressive Constitution, South Africa is still a patriarchal society (Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019). This alludes to the fact that South Africa is not achieving fairness and justice for women and girls in practice, despite theoretical assertions, which unfortunately still have men in positions of power and privilege (Napikoski & Johnson Lewis, 2019). This leads to limited opportunity for women to not only empower themselves but to ensure the eventual elimination of the gender inequality gap as laid out in legislation (Maharaj, 2017; Pilane, 2016).

3.2.3.3 Legislation.

Equality Act. Shortly after the completion and adoption of the Constitution, work began on an Equality Act for South Africa. The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000, also known as the Equality Act of South Africa is an anti- discrimination law that the then president, Thabo Mbeki, approved at the start of 2000. It clearly outlines what will be considered unfair discrimination by members of the public, government

officials and private institutions in the country. Gender discrimination is included in this Act. Chapter 1, Section 2 of the Act lists as part of its objectives, the prohibition of any form of hate based on gender, along with ensuring that there are measures to aid in the eradication of unfair discrimination also based on gender. Chapter 2, Section 4 states that during the application of the Equality Act, people should be cognisant of systemic discrimination and inequalities still pervasive in society around issues inclusive of gender. Chapter 2, Section 8 lists the various actions which will be considered unfair gender discrimination, such as denying women access to opportunities or services or even denying them the opportunity to render services due to perceived gender-based division of labour (Republic of South Africa, 2000). Chapter 5, Section 28 mentions the actions that are expected from government when acts of unfair discrimination, such as gender discrimination have been identified, along with what is expected from government to ensure that such discrimination no longer occurs and is eventually eliminated (Republic of South Africa, 2000). These provisions within the Equality Act are detailed enough to provide guidance for societal adherence to gender equity within South Africa. Yet, as this study will indicate in its discussions, this Act has little to no impact on gender equity implementation.

The gender provisions in the Equality Act led to the eventual creation of a Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill.

Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill. The Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill was passed in March 2014. Its main aim was to empower women and eliminate discrimination by ensuring a minimum of 50% representation and participation of women at various and all levels of society in South Africa. This 50% representation was to be achieved within two years of the Bill being approved into an Act and coming into operation. The onus would therefore be on the various public and private bodies within South Africa to develop, plan and implement strategies to ensure the achievement of this 50% minimum quota (Republic of South Africa, 2013). The Bill also included aims to improve access to education, training and skills development for women (Sapa, 2014).

However, although passed, it faced criticism, especially from the legal community. The Bill appeared to duplicate functions and powers from other policies. It did not address the equality rights of those groups of women in South Africa who continued to be marginalised. Gender initiatives enshrined within it were nothing new and many prescripts came across as vague (Dube, n.d.; Sapa, 2014). Other reasons cited were that further consultation was needed as the Bill focused too much on representing equality numerically. In order to achieve ‘proper’ and ‘effective’ gender representation and equality, government needed to put effective mechanisms in place to be contained in the Bill. The Bill was recalled for review and revision shortly after it was passed (Schoeman Louw, 2014). Since then, there has been no public mention or discussion of its renewed format or plans to eventually have it passed and implemented.

Soon after Parliament recalled the Bill, the Department of Women (DOW) was formed as the sole department overseeing women’s rights issues as discussed above and, a year later, the DOW released a 5-year strategic plan. This strategic plan was to be in alignment with the previously released National Development Plan 2030.

3.2.3.4 Strategic Plans.

National Development Plan 2030. The National Development Plan (NDP) 2030, is a blueprint document created by the National Planning Commission within the office of The Presidency, to aid in tackling the growing challenges of poverty and inequality that South Africa faces. This document was released in 2012 and came into effect in 2013 (The Presidency, 2012).

The NDP 2030 acknowledged that women and girls in South Africa, especially those with low socioeconomic status, still faced limited access to resources and opportunities, which renders them the most affected by discrimination, inequality and poverty in the country (Statistics South Africa, 2018; The Presidency 2012). The document states that women and girls need to be empowered in order to contribute to the economy, through the removal of any barriers that may impede their empowerment and relief from poverty and gender inequality. It acknowledges that only once relevant stakeholders (identified by government) remove these barriers, will there be equal opportunities being created and provided across all spheres of

society and true inclusion taking place in the country, which would contribute to poverty and inequality alleviation, especially for women (Babar, 2018; The Presidency, 2012).

NDP 2030 also clearly states that the Commission on Gender Equality and the then Ministry for Women, Children and People with Disabilities were to collaborate in order to formulate plans and targets that would aid in advancing women’s rights in the country (The Presidency, 2012). In line with the stated collaboration within the NDP 2030, the Ministry for Women, Children and People with Disabilities soon developed the Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill and Strategic Plan 2015-2020.

Strategic Plan: 2015-2020. In 2015, the DOW released a strategic plan for the period 2015 to 2020. The DOW developed this strategic plan to support its mandate of analysing policies in South Africa, along with their implementations from a gender perspective. The plan also works as a guidance and promotional tool to ensure that government departments have the socio- economic empowerment of women and gender equality amongst their top priorities in all that they implement. This should be achieved through departments aligning themselves to the strategic goals of the DOWs Strategic Plan 2015-2020.

The goals within this plan are fivefold, and focus on the promotion of:

i. accountable use of public funding towards promoting gender equality and the socio- economic empowerment of women;

ii. gender mainstreaming of all programmes to help fast-track gender equality; iii. acquiring gender knowledge in order to understand, analyse and implement policy prescripts and recommendations; iv. facilitating monitoring and evaluation structures to ensure that appropriate interventions are implemented to ensure gender equality and the empowerment of women and finally,

v. using outreach and advocacy plans to encourage public participation in achieving gender reforms in the country (Department of Women, 2015).

At the time of writing, an updated strategic plan for the period 2020 to 2025 by the DOW, had not been released.

At times it may be difficult for a government to address social issues on its own, despite the formulation of well-intended policies, as has been shown in South Africa’s case. That is why government often welcomes development aid agencies to assist where needed, which shall be discussed below.

3.3 Stakeholders Related to Sport and Gender

3.3.1 United Nations sector: Development aid agencies, sport and gender

This section shall present a concise explanation of what a social development aid agency is. The focus shall be on foreign development aid agencies as they have the financial means needed to ensure that relevant stakeholders implement development programmes in developing regions (Martens, 2005). The thesis shall provide a select representation of those working in the field of sport and gender, to show their contributions to gender equality/equity.

Aid takes various forms, however, for the purposes of this study aid will be viewed as enforced taxation on citizens of a developed nation, which is later distributed accordingly, with the origin of the aid being known as the donor country (Gulrajani, 2017; Martens, 2005). Within this realm, social development aid agencies are organisations that function as a distributing agency and intermediary that links donors’ (individuals or nations) funds to recipients’ (communities, marginalised groups etc.). This is usually through the implementation of programmes or projects, in order to try to address identified issues such as gender inequality (Landoni & Corti, 2011; Martens, 2005).

The ever-expanding feminist movement and its advocacy of women’s issues that have been discussed earlier in the previous chapter, were instrumental in attracting aid agencies to focus

on addressing gender inequality across various sectors (Swiss, 2012). This can be viewed as a distributional response to an environmental and developmental situation (Razavi & Miller, 1995), whereby women and girls have been and still are being deprived of fair and just equal opportunity within specific societies in relation to men and boys (Young, 2016). This deprivation is indicative of continued unequal power relations that continue to privilege men (Selden, Widdowson & Brooker, 2005), which may be why aid agencies are realigning themselves to SDG5, and are committing the bulk of their funding to projects and programmes that are inclusive of some form of gender equality objective(s) (Roth, 2015).

However, a recent report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2018) has shown that funding for programmes that focusses solely on gender equality and women’s empowerment are far below those that include gender equality in some way. So, although it is commendable that aid agencies are spending on gender reform, it can be argued that there could be greater impact if they increased funding to programmes that are solely focused on gender reform (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2018). Furthermore, gender reform initiatives need to be inclusive of both men and women in addressing identified gender inequalities (Alkali, Talif & Jan, 2013).

When gender forms part of a broad range of objectives, there is no guarantee that relevant stakeholders will prioritise gender reform objectives. The more focused an aid agency’s ambit is – one or two core objectives – the greater the certainty in achieving the objective(s) (Martens, 2005). Studies have also suggested that sectoral focus at the micro level in addressing gender inequality can contribute to positive outcomes (Pickbourn & Ndikumana, 2016). This may be why, in recent years, decision makers have added sport to aid agency programmes as a vehicle to help address gender inequality. Sport has been discovered to aid in social development (Levermore, 2008a; 2008b), especially in developing and under-developed regions and communities where gender inequality is at its highest (Kidd, 2008).

This section shall discuss the concept of sport for development and its similar variations and the most appropriate contexts for implementation. It will also introduce how specific UN development aid agencies started to incorporate sport specifically (and much later sport and

gender) into their programmes, leading to Pleasure and Participation Sports (PPS2) and Sport for Development (SfD).

Sport for Development. Various forms of recreation, improved health programmes, social development programmes, humanitarian efforts and national interests have been shown to be using sport and physical activity as vehicles for societal change (Millington & Kidd, 2019). However, following the gradual professionalisation of organised sport, the focus turned to the development of organised sport (sport development) in under-resourced regions and communities, rather than a means of engagement for participation’s sake (Kidd, 2008). Despite this, there were organisations from as far back as the 1980s, that were using sport as a social development tool (Coalter, 2007; 2013).

In the mid-1990s, after historical moments such as the disbanding of the Soviet Union, including the concomitant fall of communism, the end of apartheid and the Rwandan genocide, some professional athletes publicly took on significant initiatives. They began campaigns in which they used sport to help address humanitarian and developmental issues. This helped relaunch the sport for social development agenda (Darnell, Field & Kidd, 2019; Kidd, 2008) and brought it to the attention of the UN (Coalter, 2013; Darnell, Field & Kidd, 2019; Millington & Kidd, 2019).

Owing to the broad social and humanitarian issues that sport was being used for in a developmental context, the term “Sport for Development and Peace” (SDP) was conceived. The exact occasion that this term was first used is not entirely clear. What is known is that in 2001, the late Kofi Annan, (then UN Secretary General), used this term in appointing Adolf Ogi (a former Swiss Federal Councillor) as his Special Adviser on Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) (Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, 2005).

This broad term of SDP represented two distinct, yet at times overlapping approaches – sport for peace (SfP, acronym adopted for the purposes of this thesis) and sport for development (SfD). Organisations and practitioners use SfP as a means for conflict resolution and SfD to contribute to social development issues, particularly those that were outlined previously by the

MDGs, and more recently, the SDGs (Coalter, 2007; Millington & Kidd, 2019). Both SfP and SfD focus on people not involved in organised sport, with sport and physical activities merely being used as the medium to address identified issues, for societal impact beyond sport (Kidd, 2008). This is not to say that various stakeholders (such as scholars, implementors etc.) do not erroneously use the terms SfP and SfD or SDP (combined issues of conflict resolution and development), from time to time.

Just as SfD forms one of two approaches under SDP, SfD itself also has two main approaches and a third approach that is most often neglected. These approaches are ‘sport plus’, ‘plus sport’ and ‘sport first’ (Coalter, 2007; 2013; Levermore, 2008b). ‘Sport plus’ and ‘plus sport’ are the approaches that are generally used within SfD. ‘Sport plus’ places an emphasis on using sport to aid in addressing identified social issues, whilst also promoting the development and skills acquisition of the sport being used. With ‘plus sport’, the identified social issues are the core focus of the programme, with practitioners sometimes using sport to entice participants into the programme. The development and skills acquisition of the sport that the organisations are using are not valued as much in this approach (Coalter, 2007; 2013). The rarely used ‘sport first’ approach at times ‘accidentally’ contributes to development initiatives. This is because its core focus is on the sport itself in terms of growth and the skill acquisition of participants. It is the implementation of the programming to achieve growth and skill acquisition that sometimes lends itself to development issues within the community or country (Levermore, 2008b). Irrespective of which approach is used within SfD, the outcome is the integration of sport in a development context.

Over the years, studies have been conducted which delve into and provide examples of the potential benefits of using sport in a development capacity (Levermore, 2008a). However, it was only once the United Nations Office for Sport Development and Peace (UNOSDP) was established in 2001, that SDP and specifically SfD, start gaining traction as a legitimate field (Schulenkorf, 2017). The UN recognised this field as supporting development initiatives, especially related to human and social development in developing and under-developed nations (Darnell, Field & Kidd, 2019). This traction gained greater support in 2003 when the UN

officially adopted Resolution 58/5, thus confirming their belief in the potential of sport “to promote education, health, development and peace” (United Nations, 2003, p. 1).

This resolution and committed support from the UN, led to the first prominent international conference on sport and development in 2003. One of the outcomes of this conference, was the establishment of an online platform (www.sportanddev.org) for the SDP field. This was to aid in the global promotion of SDP and to provide networking opportunities and lessons of experience for the fledgling field (Swiss Academy for Development, n.d.).

The establishment of the International Working Group for Sport Development and Peace (IWG SDP) in 2005 strengthened the field of SDP even further. The strength of this working group, was that it included representatives from government, UN agencies and civil society. The work of this office was to promote, guide and possibly persuade governments to consider the inclusion of sport and physical activity in their development plans. This would be through the medium of policy recommendations at national and international levels and the implementation of projects. Sport and gender featured as one of the areas of intervention for this working group (International Working Group for Sport Development and Peace [IWG SDP], 2006).

The work of the UNOSDP and IWG SDP helped the UN to further cement their positioning on the impact of sport on development and human rights. In 2013, the UN declared that annually, 6 April would be the International Day of Sport for Development and Peace (Darnell, Field & Kidd, 2019).

In April 2017, the UN entered into a direct partnership with the IOC in order to further strengthen sports’ role in society. This new partnership led to the closure of the UNOSDP office in order to avoid duplication of tasks (Bolling, 2017), with its portfolio being disseminated amongst the relevant agencies (Burnett, 2019). Sport development in alignment with the SDGs, would be overseen by international sport organisations such as the International Olympic Committee, in collaboration with the UN and its agencies. UNESCO and UNICEF (UNESCO, 2017d; UNICEF, 2017b) would support the field of SDP where needed. Physical activity and play would see support from the World Health Organisation (WHO) and UNICEF (UNICEF,

2017b; World Health Organisation [WHO], 2018). They would all be supported by the Centre for Sports and Human Rights, which was established in 2018. The Centre is there to ensure that the human rights of all those involved in sport are acknowledged and adhered to, especially the rights of marginalised groups (Centre for Sport and Human Rights, n.d.).

As has been discussed, gender equality/equity has been included in developmental issues for years. This has been strengthened by research, indicating that the empowerment of women, through the implementation of gender equality/equity prescripts, can boost overall development within society. This is only possible if implementers are cognisant of racial, ethnic and cultural contexts, in order to tailor programmes and projects to need (Meier, 2005; Petry & Kroner, 2019), whilst also providing for the inclusion of men in the overall process (Alkali, Talif & Jan, 2013).

As SfD has gained prominence in aiding to address various social development issues, combatting gender inequality in society also gained increased traction. This may be why those who drew up the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development highlighted sport as an important contributor. However, men still predominantly govern sport, especially organised sport, and this offers continued barriers to participation for women and girls (Petry & Kroner, 2019).

Within SfD, gender activists believe that empowerment can be achieved, only if gender inequality is minimised and/or addressed through the removal of identified barriers. For empowerment to be achieved, education is needed. Education in this context, is the acquisition of knowledge and skills that can lead to improvement and development in one’s life, one’s community and society in general (Levermore, 2008a; Petry & Kroner, 2019).

There have been a few studies within SfD which have provided evidence of the positive impacts of using sport to support the indoctrination of gender equity. Activists nevertheless gear the positive impact of gender-aligned projects and programmes towards narrative evidence, as there is still a dearth of literature verifying the narrations of some within the field. Scholars need to conduct more studies within SfD in relation to the monitoring and evaluation of gendered projects and programmes (Petry & Kroner, 2019). This may be why aid agencies and

those working in SfD continue to partner on projects and programmes to yield data for future research, with the focus on sport participation and physical activity for improved gender equity (Lyras & Peachey, 2011; Schulenkorf, 2017).

After the closure of the UNOSDP in 2017, various UN entities took on the SDP and physical activity initiatives and issues that had been the remit of the UNOSDP. The rationale behind this closure was to avoid ‘parallel work’ between the UNOSDP and the IOC, and to ensure that the sport sector will engage in ‘development work’. The restructuring meant that various entities would oversee different aspects of SDP and physical activity, supported by the Centre for Sports and Human Rights (Centre for Sport and Human Rights, n.d; UNESCO, 2017d; UNICEF, 2017b; WHO, 2018). The following section shall therefore provide a discussion of select UN agencies that have been and/or are now involved within SfD, physical activity and gender equity for development purposes.

UNESCO. In 2013, UNESCO released and adopted the Priority Gender Equality Action Plan: 2014-2021 (UNESCO, 2013b). Sport was included in this action plan and it may have been due to the culmination of various recommendations made by various sessions of UNESCO’s International Conference of Ministers and Senior Officials Responsible for Physical Education and Sport (MINEPS).

In 1976, UNESCO organised the first International Conference of Ministers and Senior Officials Responsible for Physical Education and Sport (MINEPS I). This conference brought together government officials, academics, NGOs and members of the sporting fraternity to assess the growing changes and challenges facing sport and physical education around the globe, as UNESCO recognised sport as a contributor in human development, alongside education. The outcomes and recommendations of this first conference contributed to the development of the International Charter of Physical Education and Sport and the establishment of an Intergovernmental Committee for Physical Education and Sport (UNESCO, 2017c).

Following recommendations of the first MINEPS conference in 1976, which included the development of an international strategy to guide physical education and sport, UNESCO and MINEPS worked together in creating a document to address the future of physical education and sport. In 1978 the International Charter of Physical Education and Sport was adopted at the UNESCO General Conference. This document was the first of its kind to position the involvement in physical education and sport as a human right which should be acknowledged, supported and promoted by governments and individuals alike, to meet societal and personal needs of development (UNESCO, 1978). Despite the adoption of this charter falling within the UN Decade for Women (1975 to 1985), the document itself did not highlight or align itself to gender equality. It merely stated that in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, discrimination of any kind (including that of sex) towards those taking part in physical education and sport, would not be acceptable (UNESCO, 1978).

UNESCO, in particular MINEPS, played a key role in establishing the Intergovernmental Committee for Physical Education and Sport (CIGEPS) in 1978 to aid in the promotion of the prescripts imbedded within the International Charter of Physical Education and Sport. The intergovernmental nature of this committee was to allow for the lobbying and inclusion of sport and physical education prescripts in government policies across member states for effective and actionable programmes. This would be through international engagement, research and support, and monitoring and evaluation (UNESCO, 2017a).

Through MINEPS conferences and the lobbying done by CIGEPS, UNESCO was able to aid, support and guide global sport and physical education issues. Delegates have made recommendations at almost all subsequent MINEPS conferences on the matter of gender equality/equity within sport and physical education/activity. During MINEPS I, it was acknowledged that women and girls were still being hindered to some extent, from complete involvement within sport and physical activity. Delegates thus recommended that UNESCO formulate a task team to aid in addressing this inequality (UNESCO, 1976).

MINEPS II (held in 1988) recommended that countries should initiate physical education and sport within a value system of equality, free from various forms of discrimination. To achieve

this for women and girls, the conference put forth that women needed to be encouraged and allowed into positions of decision making and power within sports (UNESCO, 1988).

During MINEPS III (held in 1999), it was acknowledged that two decades after MINEPS I, women were still wholly underrepresented at all levels and across all roles within sport. This was especially obvious with regards to decision making processes. It was therefore up to member states and sport organisations to work towards rectifying these issues. Reason being, that many had committed themselves to improving gender issues within sport, by being signatories to various conventions such as the Brighton Declaration (UNESCO, 1999).

Although UNESCO had established MINEPS and CIGEPS to aid, support and guide global sport and physical education issues, one of the main issues – gender equality/equity – seemed somewhat stagnant. These two entities seemed to have let gender issues in sport slip slightly, despite previous MINEPS recommendations, international lobbying and actioning, especially from the UN. This may have been why one of the recommendations stemming from MINEPS IV in 2004, was the establishment of an observatory to cater for the dissemination and storage of all data and information pertinent to women and girls in sport and physical education, in order to further boost gender equality/equity within sport. This recommendation was approved in 2007 at the UNESCO General Conference (UNESCO, 2004; 2007).

Despite international lobbying, it seemed that not all UNESCO member states were clear on past recommendations on ensuring sport and physical education for all, especially for marginalised groups which consisted of women and girls. This may be because of the male- bias present amongst UN delegates and member state leadership attendance at the MINEPS conferences. Previous MINEPS conferences had not specifically outlined and clarified gender equality/equity issues in sport and physical education. This may also have been why in 2013, delegates at MINEPS V made recommendations and a recommitment to gender issues. They clearly highlighted and articulated what member states needed to achieve to ensure the inclusion and participation of women and girls in sport and physical education at all levels of involvement. One of the key recommendations of this conference was the revision of the 1978

International Charter of Physical Education and Sport to be more inclusive and reflective of global changes, especially for marginalised groups (UNESCO, 2013a).

This recommendation led to the revised International Charter of Physical Education, Physical Activity and Sport being adopted and ratified in 2015. This updated charter clearly outlined the role of SfD in sport and physical education (which its predecessor had not), along with providing expectations of how gender inequality in sport and physical education can be addressed (UNESCO, 2015).

MINEPS VI led to the adoption of the Kazan Action Plan (KAP) in 2017. This document provided a blueprint for member states on how sport, physical activity and physical education, with the guidance of sport policy, can be used to align with the SDGs to achieve measurable social development. Sport policy framework recommendations and justifications were provided in the document for member states to consider. This was to aid in possibly ensuring the enforcement and the advancement of gender equality/equity and the empowerment of women and girls within sport, physical activity and physical education in their nations (UNESCO, 2017b).

The KAP has also included as one of its ‘Plans of Action’ in the lead up to MINEPS VII, the formation of a feasibility study for the creation of the Observatory on Women, Sport and Physical Education, which had been approved 10 years prior but was yet to be launched and operational. No details were given within the KAP to explain the delay in the launch of the Observatory. Member states considered the proposed Observatory to be a key plan of action from MINEPS VI, however, as gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls had been a central theme across many of the working groups during the conference (UNESCO, 2017b).

With MINEPS VII scheduled for 2021, implementation of the KAP at a regional level in Africa, needs to be streamlined. This was why the AU and UNESCO provided support towards the first Regional Conference of African Ministers on the implementation in Africa of the KAP, held in September 2019 (UNESCO, 2019a). Ministers and experts within the various fields of

sport attended this conference and generated an action plan for the regional implementation of the KAP. They intended the action plan to identify contributions that physical education, physical activity and sport, can make towards development goals identified in Agenda 2063 by the AU (AU, n.d.b; UNESCO, 2019a).

UNESCO as a specialised aid agency within the UN and through its various subsidiaries such as MINEPS and CIGEPS, has positioned itself as the lead agent and support to governments, intergovernmental agencies, NGOs and the private sector in the field of sport and physical education, to aid with developmental issues such as gender equality/equity.

UNESCO provides its support in the field of SfD if and when needed, particularly pertaining to gender issues, in the form of programme partnerships from global to national levels. However, its main focus is on quality physical education. Its key partners (through direct or indirect partnership via the UN) in the delivery of gender equality/equity and sport programmes are:

• UN Women; • International Working Group (IWG) on Women and Sport; • the International Association for Physical Education and Sport for Girls and Women (IAPESGW); • Women Sport International (WSI); • the International Olympic Committee (IOC); • the International Paralympic Committee (IPC); • international federations (IF); • intergovernmental agencies (such as the German Development Cooperation (GIZ)); and • the private sector (such as Nike, Adidas etc.) (UNESCO, 2017d).

These partnerships are in the form of donor (financial, personnel, volunteers or equipment) contributions/support; technical and advisory services; and capacity building; coordination, consultation, monitoring and evaluation of programmes that are to be developed and delivered. Like UNESCO, UNICEF also provides support within SfD if and when needed, along with

focusing on encouraging and improving physical activity and play for children and youth around the world.

UNICEF. The results from the Sport for Development and Peace: Towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals report was key to supporting UNICEF programmes. UNICEF released a document in 2004 – UNICEF Sport, Recreation and Play – that outlined its commitment and plan of execution to further integrate sport, recreation and play into all their programmes around the world. The document also provided a list of various partners – from government, private and NGO sectors – that would assist in the implementation of sports integrated programming going forward (UNICEF, 2004b).

UNICEF also recognised that using sport as a vehicle to address social concerns can be done through various mediums, such as using sport to help achieve goals or building one’s programmes around a specific sport (UNICEF, 2019). This led to the eventual formation and launch of Team UNICEF – the SfD arm of UNICEF that oversees all sport aligned initiatives for recreation and play across the globe. Included in these initiatives is inclusive sport, as UNICEF had identified through their activities, that sport can help with changing societal perceptions and the furtherance of available opportunities for marginalised and excluded groups, to address exclusionary barriers and concerns (UNICEF, 2017b).

Not only UNESCO and UNICEF have concerns about the physical activity and play capacities and opportunities of various (at times marginalised) populations. The WHO also contributes towards achieving physical activity and play.

World Health Organisation (WHO). The WHO is a UN affiliate that it established in 1948 to oversee and support the management of public health (health and well-being) for all, as the UN had recognised that health was a basic human right. Initially, the WHO had focused on hunger and disease prevention but in 1967, researchers started assessing sport participation and physical activities and its impact(s) on mainly disease prevention (Karvonen, 1984). This slowly evolved into research and publications by WHO on health promotion and how sport participation and/or physical activities could contribute to development, sustaining and/or

improving one’s heath, especially for marginalised populations in developing, rural and semi- urban contexts (WHO, 2003). This tied in with WHO’s Alma Ata Declaration of 1978 which provided guidelines on achieving health for all by the year 2000, free from any forms of discrimination. The WHO’s position was that in order to achieve health for all, sport for all should also be considered going forward (Karvonen, 1984).

WHO’s continued stance on the benefits of sport, play and physical activity led to pivotal global recommendations over the years, which have aimed to add their voice and influence towards national policies for a more inclusive and healthy society, especially for those marginalised. Their advocacy led to the release of two key documents: the 2010 Global Recommendations on Physical Activity for Health and the Global Action Plan for Physical Activity: 2018-2030 (WHO, 2010; 2018).

The 2010 Global Recommendations document was evidence-based and provided justifications as to the importance and health benefits of engaging in physical activities and recreational sport. It also implored policy-makers to adapt recommendations to the availability of national resources and the cultural and societal context of each individual country. This was in order to fully contribute towards concerns such as gender issues and accessibility for women and girls (WHO, 2010).

Despite the earlier attempts and contributions of the 2010 Global Recommendations on Physical Activity for Health, there were still numerous calls from nations for a more feasible and actionable framework to help guide policy development/improvements on increased physical activity. This led to the development of the Global Action Plan for Physical Activity: 2018-2030. This plan focused mainly on PPS2, for a healthier society contributing to the attainment of most of the SDGs, including SDG5. The action plan that WHO presented – specifically for PPS2 – consisted of four strategically aligned objectives which could be attained through 20 detailed policy actions that were universally relevant to any country’s socio-economic context, inclusive of guidelines on implementation, monitoring and evaluation (WHO, 2018).

Of the 20 policy actions presented in the Global Action Plan for Physical Activity, Action 3.5 of Strategic Objective 3 (Create Active People) made specific mention of women and girls as part of marginalised groupings that were amongst the least active in any population. Thus, nations needed to ensure that their policies provided for an increase in available opportunities for physical activity through improved service delivery of developed and implemented physical activity programmes. The document also detailed a pathway, that if pursued by governments, using the medium of sport and physical activity, would contribute to the attainment of SDG5, especially regarding the empowerment of women and girls, inclusive of skills acquisition (WHO, 2018).

Both these documents encouraged and detailed the need for intersectoral partnerships between governments (national to local) and the following stakeholders: UN agencies, the health sector, sport sector, policy-makers (specifically urban planning, education and culture), the media, the transport sector, municipalities and those responsible for financial and economic planning at various levels (WHO, 2010; 2018). The WHO consider such intersectoral partnerships and networks necessary to achieve goals such as gender equality/equity and the empowerment of women and girls across the globe (WHO, 2010; 2018).

The above discussions have shown how the UN has used its agencies to aid in addressing social inclusion (specifically gender) through the medium of sport (specifically SfD).

3.3.2 Government: South Africa – Department of Sports, Arts and Culture (DSAC)

Sport and Recreation South Africa (SRSA) was established in 1994 and was initially mandated to oversee high performance and mass participation sport in the country but, due to the intervention of the then Sports Minister – Ncgonde Balfour – during a 15-year period (2004 to 2019), SRSA’s remit was altered to oversee mass participation sport across all regions and levels in the country. During this period, the delivery of high-performance sport was awarded to the South African Sports Confederation and Olympic Committee (SASCOC) (SASCOC, 2013; Sport and Recreation South Africa [SRSA], 2013a).

During the early years of South Africa’s democracy, SRSA developed key policy documents. The National Sport and Recreation Amendment Act 18 of 2007 was created to ensure the amelioration of past inequalities experienced in South African sport by marginalised groups - inclusive of women. It states in the newly inserted Section 13A of the Act, that this would be through the provision of national guidelines or policies for all sport and recreation in the country to follow, to ensure equity, reform and representation of those formally marginalised, at all levels of functioning, organisation and participation (SRSA, 2007).

The Transformation Charter for South African Sport was developed as a guiding document to help the delivery of sport in South Africa to be more inclusive and representative of the demographics of the country, across all levels of participation and administration. It includes women as part of their identified marginalised groups in sport and mentions plans to increase equitable access, representation, resource allocation and opportunities (SRSA, 2011). Part 4.3 of the Transformation Charter, also makes special mention of gender equity, whereby it states an “Introduction of programmes to make sure that there is complete gender equity in the structure and operations of all sport’s structures” (SRSA, 2011, p. 45).

The White Paper on Sport and Recreation for the Republic of South Africa is a national policy document that presents governments vision with respect to sport and recreation, along with the necessary strategic objectives needed to achieve specific outcomes such as increased access and greater opportunities for all, in order to promote sport and recreation. The document went through its third and final revision in 2012, to include the necessary required adjustments from the ministerial task team set up by Ncgonde Balfour (then minister of sport), that assessed the state of sport and recreation in the country (SRSA, 2013b). As part of its vision for 2030, the White Paper is meant to aid SRSA in transforming sport and recreation – especially for those formally marginalised – through the provision of equal access at all levels, which would hopefully lead to an increase in participation and involvement. If barriers are removed and equal access is facilitated, it is believed that it could help empower those once marginalised, thus contributing to social inclusion and cohesion (SRSA, 2013b) – one of the main deliverables of gender equality/equity.

The National Sports and Recreation Plan is a strategic document that was formulated and released in 2013 to help improve the manner in which sport and recreation was being delivered at all levels in South Africa, to ensure that those who participated would have their lives improved in some way. The authors of the document made a special emphasis in it, stating that formerly marginalised groups – including women – would now be made a priority and would be included, empowered and promoted through the design of and financial support given to sport and recreation programmes and activities relating to the delivery of the strategic plan (SRSA, 2013a).

Government tasked SRSA to promote social cohesion and inclusion amongst citizens by increasing their interactions across race, class and gender – through the medium of sport (SRSA, 2015; 2019c). In their Strategic Plan 2015-2020, whilst the document includes an insertion of providing equitable access for sport and recreation in its mission statement, there is also an acknowledgement that numbers are still continuously low when it comes to the participation of women and girls in sport in the country. The Plan identified federations as being the ones falling short on agreed upon and set gender equity targets. The reason for this was that SRSA and SASCOC held them accountable through policy adoption. Although the document tabulates the targets and indicators needed at national level, there is no breakdown provided for provincial or local (civic society) levels. There are also no guidelines or strategies being offered in this document for suggesting how set targets can be achieved and how provinces could perhaps facilitate implementers (federations, NGOs) in the promotion of women and girls in the sport and recreation sectors – especially when it comes to traditionally male sports such as cricket, rugby and soccer (SRSA, 2015).

In June 2019, the newly elected President of the Republic of South Africa – Cyril Ramaphosa – merged the Department of Arts and Culture and the Department of Sport and Recreation South Africa. The newly formed department is now known as the Department of Sports, Arts and Culture (DSAC) (National Government of South Africa, 2019). Since these departmental mergers of June 2019, DSAC’s new mandate (specifically its Department of Sport and Recreation) is that of “An active and winning sporting nation” (SRSA, 2019b). This has

changed the focus for DSAC’s Department of Sport and Recreation yet again to its original mandate (when it was SRSA) of ensuring the necessary stakeholders and resources are available for mass participation (active) and high performance (winning) (SRSA, 2019c) in the country. Although DSAC (SRSA) has been reinstated in overseeing high performance sport in South Africa, SASCOC still manages the delivery and decisions made with respect to high performance sport.

For the purposes of uniformity and to avoid confusion, the subunit within this new department (DSAC) responsible for sport (mass participation and high performance) in the country, shall be referred to as Sport and Recreation South Africa (SRSA) within the remainder of the thesis.

Despite this recent change in mandate, SRSA made all amendments and/or creation of new sport policies and strategies prior to the merging of this new office (DSAC).

In February 2018, South Africa appointed its first female Minister of Sport and Recreation - Tokozile Xasa. Shortly after her appointment, she coordinated the development of a discussion document that would lead to the eventual formulation of South Africa’s first Women and Sport Policy (SRSA, 2019a). Unfortunately, (as will be explained subsequently), just after the May 2019 national general elections Minister Xasa was replaced as Minister of Sport (Government of South Africa, 2019b) by President Cyril Ramaphosa. The reason for her replacement was never publicly shared, although South Africa is known for abrupt ministerial changes without reasons being provided to the public (Mothupi, 2018; Sport24, 2019).

The work she had begun with the Women and Sport Policy was handed over to the new Deputy Minister of Sport (Nocawe Mafu), who has been tasked to oversee mass participation (active) sport, inclusive of SfD. The new Minister of Sport (Nathi Mthethwa), has been tasked to oversee high performance (winning) sport in the country (Government of South Africa, 2019a; Sport24, 2019).

In June 2019, a month into her new role, the new Deputy Minister of Sport gave an opening speech at SASCOC’s general meeting. There, Deputy Minister Mafu reiterated that more still

needed to be done for women in sport in the country. Although there had been some marginal progress since democracy, she felt that it was now a matter of urgency. She also reaffirmed DSACs (SRSAs) ongoing commitment to completing work and commitments made by her and Minister Mthethwa’s predecessors (Mafu, 2019). The public commitment made by Deputy Minister Mafu includes completing and launching the first Women and Sport Policy. The Department earmarked South Africa’s first Women and Sport Policy for a national launch on 8 March 2020 – International Women’s Day (R. Mojalefa, personal communication, September 6, 2019). However, at the time of concluding this writing, the policy has yet to be launched.

In July 2019, Minister Mthethwa gave DSAC’s budget speech for the 2019/2020 financial year. Although Deputy Minister Mafu had previously mentioned the Department’s ongoing commitment to incomplete work done by the previous administration, not once during his speech did Minister Mthethwa provide an update on the Women and Sport Policy of his predecessor, despite the department’s (SRSA) work behind the scenes. He also did not make any mention of women and sport, as part of SRSA’s strategic focus, especially in relation to the allocation of funds. Minister Mthethwa merely reiterated that DSAC (SRSA) will continue to focus on women in sport, to ensure improvement in participation (Mthethwa, 2019).

On 11 December 2019, DSAC (SRSA) released the draft National Sport and Recreation Amendment Bill, 2020. The aim of this Bill is to amend the current National Sport and Recreation Amendment Act 18 of 2007, in order to “provide for the promotion and development of sport and recreation” in the country (SRSA, 2019d, p. 2). Further scrutiny of the Bill indicates that the planned amendments earmarked to achieve this, would be targeted at:

• the establishment of a Sport Arbitration Tribunal to aid in dispute resolution between sport or recreation bodies; • the provision and regulation of combat sport; • the provision and regulation of the fitness industry; • the provision of support for the bidding and hosting of international sports and recreation events; • the provision for the delegation of powers;

• the provision for offences and penalties and • the provision for any matters related to what has been stated above (SRSA, 2019d).

There are only two amendments within this proposed Bill which touch on equity or gender. The first states that SASCOC needs to “comply with the guidelines or policies to promote equity, representivity and redress in sport and recreation as contemplated in section 13A” of the National Sport and Recreation Amendment Act 18 of 2007 (SRSA, 2019d, p. 6). The second indicates that any subsections within the proposed amendments mentioning a ‘vulnerable community’, would refer to “children under the age of 18, women or people living with disabilities” (SRSA, 2019d, p. 18).

Although there is a proposed Women and Sport Policy being formulated, it is worrying that gender equity and women and sport issues were not included in the draft National Sport and Recreation Amendment Bill, 2020. The reason being that once the amendments in the Bill have been approved, they will be incorporated into the National Sport and Recreation Amendment Act 18 of 2007, providing a new and updated Act, which yet again, does not provide clear guidelines on gender reform and the adherence to it.

3.3.3 Sport Sector

The establishment of gender related policies and prescripts by the UN and its affiliates and their adoption by social development agencies, contributed to the wider use of sport as a means of social inclusion for marginalised groups such as women. It was not long thereafter that the growing praxis for change led sport organisations to critically reflect upon their policies and strategies. This was to assess where adjustments were needed, in order to commit themselves to gender equality/equity and women in sport. This section will therefore provide a brief overview from global to national levels, of select sport organisations that have aligned themselves through their policies to the attainment of gender equality/equity.

The IOC and FIFA are the global organisations that shall be discussed, along with their regional and national affiliates. The rationale for including only these two entities is because the IOC

represents the largest global multi-event sporting competition – the Olympic Games. The IOC’s recent MOU signing with the UN makes it the largest global sport organisation overseeing PPS1 and PPS2. This could lead to the creation of a guiding and supportive mandate for gender equity, in the future, from grassroots to board level due to its reach. FIFA represents what is considered the most popular global sport – football (Das, 2020; Sawe, 2018). FIFA is also working towards doubling women and girl’s participation in football to 60 million by the year 2026, through its targeted Women’s Football Strategy (Fédération Internationale de Football Association [FIFA], 2019a). This global reach provides FIFA with the opportunity to provide the best lessons of experience in implementing gender reform across all levels of a specific sport on a global scale (through its affiliates), irrespective of a nation’s socio-economic circumstances.

3.3.3.1 Olympic sport structures: Global to national.

Global: International Olympic Committee (IOC). The International Olympic Committee (IOC) is the global non-governmental sports organisation responsible for the organisation of the Summer and Winter Olympic Games, held every quadrennial. Founded by Pierre de Coubertin and Demetrios Vikelas in 1894, the IOC was established to revive the ancient Olympic Games (OG), with the first OG in modern times being held on 6 April 1896 (International Olympic Committee [IOC], 2018b). No women participated in the inaugural event, women were only allowed to participate in 1900 in selective events (IOC, 2019a).

The IOC formulated and released the Olympic Charter in 1908. The Olympic Charter is the rules and regulations that guide and govern the Olympic Movement – from administration to participation. The initial charter and its subsequent updates (1911, 1921, 1923 and 1924) were all written in French with no English translations (IOC, 2018b). However, despite the inclusion of women in the games during this period, it was only in the 1924 amendment – Statuts du Comité International Olympiques, règlements et protocole (Statutes of the International Olympic Committee, Regulations and Protocol) – that women were first officially mentioned in IOC documents. Under the general technical rules that applied to all participating countries

at the 1924 games, it was stated that women were being allowed into the OG to participate in selected events that were listed in the programme (IOC, 1924).

Subsequent amendments to this charter over the years made no mention of membership or executive board opportunities onto the IOC for women, and only referred to women’s (increased) participation in events at the OG (IOC, 2018b). It was only in 1981 that women were first included as general members of the IOC (UN Women, n.d.d), thus allowing them some form of contribution towards the IOCs functioning. It took another nine years (1990), before the first woman was elected onto the IOC executive board – the decision-making arm of the IOC (IOC, 2019a). The election of the IOC’s first female executive board member and the changing landscape of women and sport, through prescripts such as the 1994 Brighton Declaration and 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, may have contributed to the establishment of the IOC’s Women and Sport Working Group in 1995 and the 1st IOC World Conference on Women and Sport in 1996 (IOC, 2019a).

The mid 1990s can be deemed a pivotal moment for the IOC and women in sport, as their inaugural conference led to an accepted call for amendments to the Olympic Charter. It was to include guidelines on how the Olympic Movement and its affiliates would address the promotion and inclusion of women in sport across the board within the movement (IOC, n.d.; 2019a).

This inaugural policy amendment by the IOC towards actionable gender equality within the Olympic Movement, by its member nations and sport federations, led to various policy, programme and procedural recommendations, collaborations and reforms over time. Some being in the form of legacy programmes through SDP initiatives, particularly in the global South (Millington & Kidd, 2019).

In 2014, Olympic Agenda 2020: 20+20 Recommendations was adopted, with Recommendation 11 stating the need to foster gender equality within the Olympic Movement. This would be through creating opportunities for 50% participation of women in all events at the OG and the inclusion of mixed-gender team sports were possible and/or applicable (IOC, 2014).

In 2017, the IOC launched a Gender Equality Review Project to aid in the advancement of gender equality across all levels of sport, from administration to participation. This was followed by the Gender Equality Report a year later. The Gender Equality Report provides a solutions-based approach covering 25 recommendations, which fall under five key themes to ensuring gender equality (equal representation) in the Olympic Movement moving forward (IOC, 2018a). The five key themes that need to be addressed in relation to women and sport are: sport; portrayal; governance; funding and HR; and monitoring and communications (IOC, 2018a). Part of their mission and role is “… to encourage and support the promotion of women in sport at all levels and in all structures with a view to implementing the principle of equality of men and women” (IOC, 2019b, p. 16).

Recent increased mobilisation of gender equality/equity and women and sport has led the IOC to form a direct partnership with the UN. This is in order to help address identified and continued gender inequalities in society, through a multi-sectoral approach with all their relevant stakeholders. Scholars generally acknowledge that sport plays an important role in helping to address societal issues and discriminations (Bolling, 2017).

Continental: Association of National Olympic Committees of Africa (ANOCA). The Association of National Olympic Committees of Africa (ANOCA), is the continental affiliate to the IOC. It has no accessible information regarding their policy structure, particularly in relation to gender equality/equity and women in sport. However, ANOCA is affiliated to the Association of National Olympic Committees (ANOC). In lieu of unavailable ANOCA documentation, an overview of ANOC will be provided. It can be assumed that due to its affiliation with ANOC, that ANOCA prescribes and aligns itself to the ANOC constitution and all its gender equality/equity prescripts (ANOC, 2019b).

ANOC was established in 1979 as an intermediary organisation to aid in strengthening cooperation and working relationships between the IOC, National Olympic Committees (NOCs) and International Federations (IF) (Association of National Olympic Committees [ANOC], 2019a; 2019c). A review of ANOC’s most recently amended Constitution from its XXIII General Assembly, makes references to gender equality. Objective 6 mentions how

ANOC will discourage any forms of discrimination, inclusive of gender. Section 13: Executive Council states how the organisation shall allow and ensure a fair gender balance amongst member representatives and elected executive council members (ANOC, 2018).

ANOC established its Gender Equity Commission during this XXIII General Assembly and held its first meeting during March 2019 (ANOC, 2019d). The aim of this commission is to provide support towards the implementation of the IOC’s Gender Equality Report recommendations as they pertain to NOCs. It will also compile and distribute a gender equality survey in 2019 that all NOCs are to complete. This survey will aid in the accumulation of relevant and necessary data relating to gender equality/equity in sport for women and girls, in relation to governance, leadership and funding within the NOCs. The results will assist with best practices that are needed for gender equality/equity in sport (ANOC, 2019d). Unfortunately, further details relating to this survey and its dissemination, especially with respect to timelines, is publicly unavailable.

Regional: African Union Sports Council (AUSC) Region 5. African Union Sports Council (AUSC) Region 5 is one of seven regional sports affiliates of the African Union (AU), entrusted to develop sport. AUSC Region 5 covers the Southern African geographic region, which includes South Africa. Amongst its goals are to support the promotion of policy development and reform for the inclusion of marginalised groups, inclusive of women, so that they may receive equitable access to sport and recreation. Its mandate is not only to develop sport in the region, but to use sport as a vehicle for development in addressing social issues (African Union Sports Council [AUSC] Region 5, 2019c).

AUSC Region 5 recently released a 10-year strategic plan covering 2018 to 2028 (The Association for International Sport for All [TAFISA], 2019). This strategic plan has reiterated under its objectives the need to ensure the attainment of equitable access to sport and recreation through policy development for women. It also highlights that one of its mandates as an organisation, is member states are to align their policies with international prescripts within the field of sport and physical education, relating to and concerning the most vulnerable in society – which includes women. The document also details seven key priorities and their sub-priorities

over a 10-year period, with priority 3.1 Equity and Inclusion being the only one to touch upon the issue of women’s involvement in sport and recreation.

The goal under 3.1 Equity and Inclusion is to oversee and ensure a 40% increase in participation in sport and recreation within the region by 31 December 2028. Gender equity, mainstreaming and inclusion through fair and equitable resource provision and support have also been emphasised as strategic objectives under this priority to be achieved during this period as well. Guidelines on how member states can work towards the attainment of set objectives and measurement tools to be used for verification of expected equity and inclusion targets have also been included (AUSC Region 5, 2019a).

In November 2019, AUSC Region 5, the Confederation of Southern Africa National Olympic Committees (COSANOC) and Commonwealth Games Federation (CGF) jointly hosted an inaugural Regional Sports Forum in Lesotho. Gender was briefly touched upon in its resolutions. Resolution 21 presented a commitment by member states to promote and support the work and initiatives of the IWG on Women and Sport going forward (AUSC Region 5, 2019b). This is in accordance with the five key priorities agreed upon at the 7th IWG Women and Sport Conference held in Gaborone, Botswana in 2018. The five key areas of focus to ensure gender mainstreaming are: media; accountability; representation; research to practice; and communication (Hunt, 2018).

AUSC Region 5 disseminated these above-mentioned two documents amongst the relevant national sports departments and organisations within the South African region, of which South Africa is a part.

National: South African Sports Confederation and Olympic Committee (SASCOC). The South African Sports Confederation and Olympic Committee was formed on 27 November 2004 as the main sporting body in South Africa that would promote, develop and oversee the delivery of high-performance sport in the country, especially at major international sporting events. Prior to this, seven national sporting organisations had been managing high performance sport since South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994. These organisations were: Disability Sport

South Africa; the National Olympic Committee of South Africa; the South African Commonwealth Games Association; the South African Sports Commission; the South African Student Sports Union; Sport and Recreation South Africa and the United School Sports Association of South Africa. At the time, there was a belief that there was an overlap of duties and functions, thus the then national Minister of Sport – Ncgonde Balfour – requested a task team to investigate the remit of these organisations. The investigation confirmed that there was indeed an overlap of duties and functions at times, leading to wasteful expenditure, especially in the delivery of high-performance sport. Therefore, the main recommendation was that most of these organisations were to be restructured or dissolved, with their functions and delivery of sport, as it pertains to high performance and mass participation, split between SASCOC and SRSA. SASCOC would oversee high performance in the country and SRSA would oversee mass participation (South African Sports Confederation and Olympic Committee [SASCOC], 2013). This has changed somewhat as discussed above. However, both entities now work in collaboration, especially with respect to the attainment of representation, as per the Transformation Charter (SRSA, 2011), and in contributing to achieving social cohesion, inclusivity and gender equality through sport, as per NDP 2030 (The Presidency, 2012)

The SASCOC Constitution as it currently stands, only makes brief mention of participatory action in helping to promote women and sport as part of its remit (SASCOC, 2018). In 2012 SASCOC released a statement that it had formed a Gender Equity Commission that would oversee and ensure the growth of gender equity in sport in the country (SASCOC, 2012). However, attempts to gain further information regarding its current composition, full remit and strategic plans to oversee gender equity in South African sport have been unsuccessful. It may thus be assumed that despite no available information regarding how SASCOC is implementing IOC gender equality prescripts, it has aligned itself with them as its Constitution states in Preamble 1.2 that “SASCOC, an organisation belonging to the Olympic Movement, undertakes to comply with the provisions of the Olympic Charter and to abide by the decision of the IOC” (SASCOC, 2018, p. 3).

In January 2020, it was announced that SASCOC leadership had agreed upon ensuring a 50% representation of women for the organisation at board level. In addition to this, there needs to be at least one female representative amongst SASCOC’s immediate leadership (president, first and second vice president). To ensure this comes to immediate fruition, SASCOC brought forward its board member elections, to take place before the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games (Isaacson, 2020a). However, recent developments within SASCOC related to claims of irregularities within the nominations process for board member elections, has led to the indefinite suspension of these elections (Isaacson, 2020b; Naidoo, 2020). This follows in the wake of the postponement of the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games, which will now be held in the summer of 2021, due to the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic (IOC 2020; Zucker, 2020). However, at the time of writing, SASCOC had yet to set a date for its board member elections.

The above discussion has provided some insight into gender equity prescripts for women and girls within a global multi-sport organisational context. The ensuing discussion/s shall present gender equity prescripts from a singular sports perspective – football (due to reasons mentioned above) – in a global context through to a national one.

3.3.3.2 Football: Global to national

Global: Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). The Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) is the international body that oversees and governs football. It was established on 21 May 1904 (FIFA, 2018c), with the first World Cup being held in 1930 (FIFA, 2018d). However, it was only in 1971 that women’s football was given official recognition when an international match between France and the Netherlands was held (FIFA, 2019c). Prior to this official recognition, women had been playing women’s football for nearly 70 years at various levels (Alexander, 2005; BBC Sport, 2005). The first official FIFA sanctioned women’s World Cup followed 20 years later in 1991 (FIFA, 2018f).

Notwithstanding these milestones, prior to this period, FIFA statutes, which governed the organisation and its remit, are not readily available to the public, with the oldest accessible statute being a centenary publication in 2004 of FIFA’s Standard Statutes. Article 48 of this

document briefly mentions the remit of FIFA Women’s Football Committee in dealing with all matters relating to women’s football (FIFA, 2004).

Since 2015, there have been major changes at FIFA as they have attempted to embrace the call for gender equality/equity in sport. In 2015, the first FIFA Conference for Equality and Inclusion was held, to provide a platform that would work towards making the sport free from any form of discrimination, especially gender. This conference has been held annually ever since, with reports and feedback being provided on what has been and still needs to be achieved with respect to equality and inclusion within the sport for women (FIFA, 2017).

This led to FIFA appointing a woman as its Secretary General in 2016 – a first in the federation’s history (FIFA, 2018a), increasing the number of women on its executive council from one to six (one female representative from each confederation) in 2017 (FIFA, 2018b) and as of 2019, having a 20% representation of women as committee members (FIFA, 2019b).

A Women’s Football Division has also been started at FIFA to assist in addressing the continued gender inequality gap in football through allocated resources and a management seat (FIFA, 2017). This division contributed to the development of FIFA’s first ever Women’s Football Strategy document in 2018. The document provides a road map for all involved in the sport on how to increase participation amongst women and girls whilst elevating the profile of the commercial value of investing in the game for women and girls. It also includes building the necessary foundations needed to provide true gender equality within the sport, across all levels of participation and administration (FIFA, 2018e).

At the time of writing, strategic changes by FIFA are aligned with their most recent statute amendment – FIFA Statutes: June 2019 edition. This statute is the most comprehensive ever released by FIFA. It clearly outlines that FIFA will work towards promoting the development and participation of women in women’s football at all levels, along with ensuring that gender barriers in the form of resources, discrimination and support are removed by FIFA and their affiliates, to ensure the attainment of gender equality/equity (FIFA, 2019c).

At the time of writing, the FIFA Global Women’s Football Convention held on the eve of the 2019 Women’s World Cup, FIFA and UN Women made and entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). The MOU seeks to ensure that women and girls around the world are empowered in society through football (and all other sports) as the tool needed to create awareness, provide education and policy reform (UN Women, 2019b). This MOU is like the partnership agreement between the IOC and UN (Bolling, 2017). Like the IOC, FIFA has developed legacy programmes through SDP initiatives, which will now be given further support by UN Women and their stakeholders. FIFA’s legacy programmes and the MOU show its commitment and renewed efforts to social development issues such as gender equality/equity (Millington & Kidd, 2019).

FIFA is the global governing body for football, with regional and national affiliates, whose members ideally align operations to those of the mother body. The ensuing sections provide an overview of this.

Continental: Confederation of African Football (CAF). CAF is the continental body that oversees and governs football and was established on 8February 1957, with the first African Cup of Nations in Football being held two days later on 10 February 1957 (Abul-Oyoun et al., 2013; Confederation of African Football [CAF], 2014). The first Women’s Africa Cup of Nations was held in 1998, 41 years after the men’s tournament and 7 years after the first women’s World Cup in 1991 (CAF, 2017b).

Early CAF statutes and their potential amendments, especially relating to women’s football, are not available or easily accessible to the public. This is due to various issues over the years such as: lost records, fire damage, documents never formalised and some of those involved in the early days of CAF being deceased (Carter, 2012). The earliest available CAF Statute is a 2012 amendment which can be found on the Ghana Football website and the most recent available amended CAF Statute is from 2017, available on the CAF website (CAF, 2012; 2017a). Both available statutes commit CAF to the promotion of football, free from any discriminations, inclusive of gender (CAF, 2012; 2017a), with an inclusion in the 2017 statute

allowing women to put themselves forward for candidature as African members to the FIFA Council through CAF elections (CAF, 2017a).

CAF’s 2012 Statute makes no mention of women in its objectives under CAF Statutes: Article 2 (CAF, 2012) but in the most recent amendment, an inclusion has been made where CAF commits itself to working towards the promotion, development and full participation of women in football, across all levels of participation and governance (CAF, 2017a). Both documents also provide the composition (available roles) of an Organising Committee for Women’s Football, which shall oversee the Women’s African Cup of Nations and all other continental women’s competitions (youth to senior), yet no gender composition of this committee has been clarified (CAF, 2012; 2017a).

The two aforementioned inclusions made in the 2017 CAF Statute may have been due to CAF aligning itself with changes that FIFA (its mother body) had made 2 years prior, in relation to women’s football (Supersport, 2017).

Following these 2017 statute amendments, CAF held its first-ever women’s football symposium at the start of 2018, to discuss ways in which to promote and elevate women’s football on the continent (Ndovi, 2018). This symposium was organised after numerous reports over the years about the lack of support that women in football receive in Africa (Ahmadu, 2017a; 2017b; Komugisha, 2017). It was reported at this regional symposium that CAF had established a women’s football department (Ndovi, 2018), yet further details regarding this newly formed department, are not publicly available.

National: South African Football Association (SAFA). A racially unified South African Football Association (SAFA) was formed on 8 December 1991 through the amalgamation of four (racially) separate football organisations. This newly unified South African football organisation led to FIFA lifting South Africa’s expulsion and formally renewing its membership in June 1992, after having revoked it in 1961 (with a yearlong reprieve in 1963) (Alegi, 2004; South African Football Association [SAFA], 2017a).

Women’s football in South Africa began in 1960, with women forming the first women’s teams around 1962 (South African History Online, n.d.b). However, it was not until the early 1970s that women organised themselves and the South African Women’s Football Association (SAWFA) was formed to govern women’s football. Despite the founders initially forming the Association for the participation of White and Coloured women only, towards the end of the 1970s, it became integrated and was inclusive of Indian/Asian and Black African women. For the purposes of clarification, the term Coloured used in this thesis, is a racial classification in South Africa for individuals of mixed ethnic EuraAfrican descent (Dictionary of South African English, 2020).

As unification talks began for men’s football in 1991, a group of Black African women formed the South African Women’s Soccer Administration (SAWSA). However, once the newly formed SAFA was established, they forced the racially separate women’s organisations to merge in 1992. They began overseeing women’s football nationally and were governed independently from SAFA and the men’s game, although still affiliated to SAFA (Pelak, 2010).

In 1993, South Africa’s national women’s football team played their first international match as a unified team and were runner’s up at their first CAF Women’s Championship two years later (Pelak, 2010). As the women’s game gained global prominence, a similar occurrence was happening around the country. However, this led to some power struggles, because although the women’s game was autonomous from the men’s, there were still a lot of men participating within the structures of women’s football as coaches, managers and referees. The power dynamics continued to grow during the mid to late 1990s, until the forced intervention of the then Minister of Sport, Steve Tshwete. This intervention led to women’s football losing its autonomy and being absorbed into SAFA as a sub-committee in 1999. This decision was adjusted a year later, with SAFA obtaining full control and management of women’s football in South Africa, which has remained the case up until this day (Pelak, 2010).

SAFA Statutes, which govern the Organisation’s actions, was recently updated in 2017. It states in Article 3 that SAFA will not tolerate discrimination of any kind, inclusive of gender. Prescripts relating to women in football can also be found in the Statute. Article 32 states that

the 13-member National Executive Committee of SAFA should include a minimum of three women (SAFA, 2017b), which is currently being adhered to (SAFA, 2017c). Article 48 of the statute makes mention of a Women’s Football Standing Committee within SAFA. Whilst Article 48 mentions the roles and number of members within this committee, it does not state or allude to the gender composition. The remit of this committee is also briefly presented: overseeing policies relevant to the development of women’s football; in charge of all issues relating to women’s football; overseeing women’s football competitions and the submission of reports to the SAFA Council related to the previously mentioned (SAFA, 2017b). No further information regarding issues of gender equality/equity or parity are discussed in the document.

Changes at FIFA in 2018 (Women’s Football Strategy) and 2019 (FIFA Statutes: June 2019 edition) which provide clear guidelines for the promotion, development and equitable participation of women in football, may yet have to be considered by SAFA because, as mentioned above, their most recent available Statute was amended in 2017.

Recent reports on women’s football in South Africa, seem to contradict Article 2.1 of SAFA’s Statutes, which state that SAFA will “… carry on the public benefit activity of administering, developing, coordinating and promoting the game of football in which the participants take part in accordance with the principles as laid down in the statutes of FIFA” (SAFA, 2017b, p. 10). There have been continuous claims made against SAFA about the lack of support that women’s football receives in the country. From ongoing delays of monies promised and/or owed to club teams and even the national women’s team, to the 11 year wait for the professional women’s league to begin in South Africa (Maduna, 2019).

The fact that women’s football in South Africa has only one official sponsor which has been trying to raise the game’s profile over the past decade, whilst the men’s game receives unparalleled support and sponsorship, is also an issue for concern (Payne, 2019). This issue is further exacerbated by the wage discrepancies that the national men and women’s team receives. The last time data was verified regarding wages received, showed that the men’s national team receives R30 000 – R60 000 per match, depending on the outcome, whilst the women received R2 000 – R5 000 depending on the outcome of their games (Moosa, 2016).

The justification for this was that women’s football did not have professional status in the country, the men’s team had many sponsors and the men’s game was far more interesting and popular amongst fans – which equated to greater match attendance for the men (Moosa, 2016). Interestingly enough, despite women’s football claiming a lack of (financial) support, the women’s national team outperforms the men at continental and global level. At the time of writing, the women are ranked 53rd in the world and 3rd in Africa (FIFA, 2019d), whilst the men are ranked 71st in the world and 13th in Africa (FIFA, 2019c).

Present issues which have been publicised in the media, may be why SAFA recently organised the Women in Sports Convention in August 2019. The event provided a platform for women in sport to discuss the way forward in getting more women involved in sport across all levels, whilst finding constructive ways to deal with current issues being faced by women in sport, especially in football. During discussions, the president of SAFA (Danny Jordaan) made an interesting statement:

But I would also like to bring to your attention that before we can do anything else, we must acknowledge that disparity with women is a societal problem and we must legislate it to make sure our sportswomen can thrive. (SAFA, 2019, para. 6).

As this chapter has presented, there are policies and strategies that have acknowledged the gender disparities that women face in society and in sport. Global organisations have provided guidelines and statutes for affiliates to replicate, abide by or adopt according to their institutional circumstances. SAFA for one has aligned itself to its mother body FIFA and its gender prescripts, and stated so in Article 2.1 of its 2017 amended Statute. Yet, for its president to make such a statement alludes to a possible disconnect in the interpretations and implementations that national sporting organisations may have with the prescripts of their global mother bodies when it comes to gender equality/equity and women in sport advocacy.

3.3.4 Social movement: IWG Women and Sport

Over the years, despite the UN and its affiliates making commendable contributions towards the gender equality debate and subsequent actions thereof, a group of ‘pioneering’ female scholars and advocates felt the need to establish an advocacy network within physical activity and sport. This led to the formation of IAPESGW in 1949. IAPESGW provided research to advocate for the growing women and sport movement (Kluka, 2017). As time went by, those within IAPESGW, along with sport administrators and sportspeople, felt that relevant stakeholders were not sufficiently addressing the marginalisation and under-representation of women in sport, especially for those in the global South. This triggered escalating feminist studies and the demand for radical social transformation within the field of sport (Hargreaves, 2002; Walseth & Fasting, 2004). This led to the first International Conference on Women and Sport in Brighton, UK in 1994. This conference was held a year after the world conference on Human Rights – where it was reaffirmed that the rights of women and girls formed integral parts of universal human rights (Millington & Kidd, 2019).

The Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport was the culmination of this conference. The aim of this document was to provide guidance to nations and organisations in the establishment and/or fostering of sport and physical activity opportunities across all levels. This was to be achieved through policy re-evaluation for nations and organisations signing on to the declaration. It was believed that this level of political commitment, would help ensure the provision of equitable rights, resources, opportunities, participation and inclusion of women and girls (Matthews, 2014). This aim was supported by the following 10 guiding principles: equity and equality in society and sport; facilities; school and youth sport; developing participation; high performance sport; leadership in sport; education, training and development; sport information and research; resources and domestic and international cooperation (International Working Group on Women and Sport, 2014).

Each principle had recommendations which provided guidance on how to achieve it and reiterated the importance of equitable inclusivity whilst acknowledging the specific needs unique to women and girls when participating in sport and physical activity. Signatories to this

document committed themselves and their organisations or nations towards the attainment of gender equity, fairness and justice in sport for women and girls (International Working Group on Women and Sport, 2014).

This inaugural event has been held every quadrennial since 1994 at a different geographic location, with an International Working Group (IWG) for Women and Sport being established at the end of the first conference. The formation of IWG as a working group and not an organisation was to ensure financial backing and support from the government of the host nation of the upcoming IWG conference. This would allow the working group a greater remit to co-ordinate with governments and international and national organisations in monitoring social issues pertinent to the women and sport movement – in-country and globally (Matthews, 2014). This approach ensured that IWG lent its voice and support to the gender equity social movement (Kidd, 2008).

Initially IWG was formed to track developments within the field in order to monitor and provide support and advise, when needed, in alignment with the guiding principles of the Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport and later the Brighton Plus Helsinki 2014 Declaration on Women and Sport. The latter document being an update of the original declaration incorporated “… physical activity as an essential extension of organised sport”, something that the original declaration had not included (International Working Group on Women and Sport, 2014, p. 1).

The pioneering work of IAPESGW, along with the formation of the IWG as a working group in 1994, contributed to the formation and development of various women in sport not-for-profit organisations, from international to national levels around the world. These include organisations such as WSI and the South African Women and Sport Foundation (SAWASF) which research, advocate for and work towards changing the sporting landscape and opportunities available to women and girls in sport (WomenSport International, 2018; 2020; Women’s SportsNet, n.d.). Such work has contributed towards and allowed for the dissemination of a progress report at each new conference to provide an overview of the state of gender equity over the previous quadrennial within sport for women and girls. The progress report included new agreed-upon

strategies for action for the upcoming quadrennial by delegates and signatories alike in order to contribute towards global action for gender equity in sport.

Since its inception, the IWG has managed to attract about 580 signatories to the Declaration on Women and Sport and the Brighton Plus Helsinki 2014 Declaration on Women and Sport. At the time of writing, there are nearly 600 organisations worldwide, from local (South African) to global levels that have endorsed and committed to adopting the aims and principles of the document (Fasting, Pike, Matthews & Sand, 2018; Women in Sport Aotearoa, 2020).

The IWG has also evolved from a monitoring watch body to being included in projects and programmes from local to global levels, when needed. Many of these initiatives are implemented by NGOs within the SDP sector, with IWG providing mobilised strategic support to them and all other stakeholders involved in sport and gender, when required (IWG Global Executive, 2019).

At the time of writing, the new secretariat is currently in the processes of launching an online hub to house all necessary information in the field of women and sport for the current quadrennial. This online hub may assist with best practices and the continued attempt at attaining gender equity within sport and physical activity (International Working Group on Women and Sport, 2019).

It is important to note that the South Africa Government is signatory to or has formed partnerships with all the gender and sport related prescripts and programmes of UNESCO, MINEPS, UNICEF, WHO and IWG that have been presented and discussed above.

With the UN and its affiliates having led the way, sport organisations have also made the effort to change their policies to ensure gender parity.

3.4 Summary

This chapter has provided a detailed overview of how societal discourse has influenced the evolution of gender equality/equity prescripts. An analysis of global gendered policy since the inception of the UN, could possibly be attributed to the societal shift that the three waves of feminism brought about, together with the human rights and social justice frameworks that formed the foundations of the UN's ideology and eventual policy formulations. For example, the radicalisation of the second wave of feminism (Krolokke & Sorensen, 2006) can be attributed as a contributing influence to key UN developments in the 1970s, such as the first International Conference for Women, formation of INSTRAW and the adoption of CEDAW.

This chapter has also shown how the South African Government has aligned its constitution to international policies. The South African Government has also ensured theoretical alignment with international prescripts through policy amendments and the formulation of prescripts that include gendered and women and sport issues, to help guide gender transformation in South African sport (SRSA, 2015).

Despite this alignment, there have been reports over the years of the continued inequalities, limited (financial) support and overall lack of representation of women in South African sport, especially at leadership levels (Moosa, 2016; Ndimande-Hlongwa, 2016; Sikes & Adom- Aboagye, 2017), which can and possibly have inadvertently affected participation at grassroots levels. This allows for a case to be argued for the disconnect in the implementation of policy to practice of South African gendered policies (Abrahams, 2017).

An interrogation of gendered South African sports policies presented, also seems to indicate that although they commit stakeholders towards gender equity for women in sport, there is no mention of how this will be achieved. The HOW is key to understanding gender equity as has been argued previously, and the processes involved in discovering the HOW is what Chapter 4 will present.

Chapter 4

Methodology

4.1 Introduction

Research requires probing questions to provide guidance through the process. One key question that needs to be asked is: What do you know that you want to confirm or what do you not know that you want to establish? The answer to this will lead to the research design (how do you think it best to proceed with your study?) and research method (how do you plan to collect the necessary information needed to affirm/refute what you have in mind?). The final results from this questioning influences what the researcher knows and did not know before the study.

This chapter will therefore provide an outline of, firstly, the research paradigms (which constitute the basis of the methodology), and the design, followed by the methods used in this study in order to explore and investigate the research questions: “What are civic society actors’ perceptions of gender equality and gender equity?”; “What are civic society actors’ views and experiences of the implementation of gender equity across all levels of the South African sport and recreation sector?” and “What is the degree of alignment of policies and practices regarding gender reform – from the national to local level – particularly in the context of South African poverty?” Data collection and analysis techniques will also be discussed, along with possible limitations that were considered during the study and the ethical considerations that had to be employed throughout the study.

4.1.1 The researcher’s positioning in the study

The researcher’s own personal experiences within sport as a girl and young woman, strongly influenced her choice of research question for this study, as she fell within the parameters of a marginalised group – a Black African woman in sport. Having participated in sport activities for 12 years during her youth, the researcher often noted how differently her and her peers were treated based on their gender. In adulthood, the researcher noted through social interactions,

experiences and readings, that although many things had changed for women and girls in sport, some things had remained the same since her youth. Therefore, she chose to explore the background and setting to some of the possible challenges faced by women and girls currently in South Africa (Gratton & Jones, 2004). That is why throughout the study, the researcher has been cognisant of her insider perspective and need for objectivity, to ensure that her own personal socialised experiences did not skew identified themes and the presentation of the results. She did this by employing a research assistant to review her work for bias (Creswell, 2014).

The researcher has not designed this research study to help anyone personally but the results may help future researchers learn more about the state of gender equity in sport in South Africa, as it relates to inclusion, fairness and justice. The intent of this study is for people to benefit from it through improved policy guidelines, strategic plans, programmes and targeted resource allocation focused on inclusion, fairness and justice, with the hope of empowering women and girls to improve their lives through the medium of sport.

4.2 Research Paradigms and Design

A research paradigm is an essential element to any research study, as it is a conceptual framework that provides guidance to the researcher’s knowledge base, belief systems and perspectives, which helps to frame the topic under consideration or review in relation to the information that the researcher seeks (Gratton & Jones, 2004). This allows the researcher to approach the identified issue(s) contained in the research questions in a structured manner, in order to extract meaning and understanding from the data collected, which informs what is already known and what remains to be investigated (Fields, 2015; Kivunja & Kuyini, 2017).

The study was influenced by the human justice and social justice frameworks, African feminism, Stiwanism and Nego-feminism as was introduced and discussed in Chapter 2. The human rights and social justice frameworks allowed for an analysis of policy, to gauge whether or not they provided a guiding framework that ensured a person’s rights (from policy to practice) when organisations utilised gendered policies. African feminism, Stiwanism and Nego-feminism were used to provide a yardstick upon which to measure behaviour and

action(s) in society, that would be shared by participants (Klugman, 2011). The focal point of this study was to explore the experiences and opinions of those involved with women and girls in sport in South Africa, with regard to issues of fairness and justice (Gratton & Jones, 2004; Mackenzie & Knipe, 2006). This is why the researcher has also chosen constructivist and transformative paradigms.

Research designs are important as they provide specific direction on how a researcher should proceed in a research study (Creswell, 2014). A research design is the strategy that one chooses, in order to provide guidance as to the chosen procedures needed in addressing the research problem or research question(s). In this study, the final research approach chosen has been influenced by the research questions under review, the researcher’s own experiences and the proposed target audience.

Studies on the exact nature of the gender equity discourse and possible issues concerning how African countries are experiencing the prevention of justice and fairness, is sparse (Fasting, Huffman & Sand, 2014). This is why the exact social factors and stakeholder associations influencing the actioning of gender equity policy implementation in South African sport – focusing on the needs of women and girls – as experienced by those who work within the field in various capacities, were chosen to be examined (Creswell, 2014). This allowed for a better understanding of the current situation in South Africa (Fields, 2015) through the reporting of lived experiences and situated knowledge. The study therefore ensured that it documented, presented and considered the silent voices of civic society in South Africa within the current SfD discourse.

Experiences and perspectives from a targeted group were captured and interpreted. This required having conversations. Thus, qualitative research was deemed to be the most suitable approach in order to aid in addressing the research questions. This was because qualitative research designs are usually flexible and require an approach that accounts for any possible challenges or developments that may arise during the course of the study (Maxwell, 2012).

The research paradigms and designs that were used in this particular study, shall now be discussed below.

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4.2.1. Constructivist and transformative paradigms

Methodology and research paradigms are used together in the formulation of a research study. The theoretical framework chosen influences the research approach utilised and is often referred to as a paradigm. It influences what is studied and how it is interpreted as it is the initial step taken in research (Mackenzie & Knipe, 2006).

Although it is not common for two research paradigms to be used in a single study, the nature of the study warranted this unique combination and, therefore, constructivist as well as transformative paradigms were chosen. The rationale behind this was to explore the lived experiences of a marginalised group (women and girls) and the observations and experiences of actors in civic society regarding the power dynamics that they experienced within South African sport, in relation to gender equity. This met the objectives of the three research questions.

4.2.1.1 Constructivist paradigm.

The constructivist paradigm grew out of studies of interpretive understandings of how people experience the world around them. German philosophers such as Edmund Husserl and Wihelm Dilthey mainly conducted such studies (Mackenzie & Knipe, 2006). The constructivist researcher views the participants as the focal point of the study in relation to the issue under investigation. Constructivists believe that people will be able to form subjective opinions and views through their experiences and observations of the world around them. This paradigm required that the researcher engage with individuals in order to understand the setting or issue(s) under investigation (Fields, 2015). In order to capture this, semi-structured or open- ended questions are used so that participants can freely express themselves (Creswell, 2014). This approach aided the researcher in representing the voices of men and women who have knowledge and experience regarding how decision makers and implementors within sport perceive and implement gender equity in South Africa. This was important, as their perceptions and viewpoints would provide much needed clarity on whether or not the implementation of gendered sport-related policies was actually contributing towards gender equity in South African sport. This would allow for greater meaning and context in the construction of the

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current situation and challenges experienced by women and girls. The constructivist approach gave guidance and provided meaning to the study.

4.2.1.2 Transformative paradigm

The transformative paradigm can be linked to the rise of various social movements by marginalised groups of women within feminism in the 1970s. It gained prominence in the 1980s and 1990s as research grew, due to existing theories and practices at the time noted for being skewed towards heteronormative, white male and able-bodied perspectives. The majority of studies have excluded a considerable number of the world’s population – those who were marginalised (i.e. women of colour) and experiencing various forms of injustices and inequities (Mackenzie & Knipe, 2006).

Thus, transformative approaches became more concerned with the marginalised and disenfranchised in society, of which woman and girls made up a considerable number. Their focus was on how to identify and address issues facing various marginalised groups. When dealing with women and girls as a marginalised group, transformative approaches aim to investigate and address the social issues that impact upon the experiences of fairness and justice, which have led to continued gross inequalities and limited to no experiences of empowerment, despite women’s liberation in the 1970s (Kelly, 2006). This is because there are still social issues contributing to the marginalisation of women and girls – despite nations becoming signatories to international prescripts (such as the Brighton Declaration, UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and UNESCO’s Priority Gender Equity Action Plan: 2014- 2021), which have made a call to nations to implement actionable gender equity reforms (International Working Group on Women and Sport, 1994; United Nations, 2016; United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2013). This is particularly prevalent in Africa, where patriarchy and traditions continue to disadvantage and seemingly even punish women from a physical, emotional and societal perspective (Ahikire, 2014; Burn, 2011; World Economic Forum, 2017).

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For the study, a transformative paradigm helped identify specific issues relevant to the South African context. Thus, with the researcher already aware of certain social issues experienced by women and girls, the study sought the views and lived experiences of men and women. This, in keeping with the research questions of the study, was in order to gain insight into identified, observed and experienced societal issues that civic society was aware of, that were creating possible barriers towards the implementation of gendered sport-related policies.

This exploration aims to assist with much-needed change that has been theorised, but which appears to be dragging in terms of application in certain areas (Alba, 2018; Trolan, 2013). That is why this study adopted a relevant approach to the research for collection of data.

4.3 Methodology

4.3.1 Ethical considerations

Before the study began, the researcher applied for ethical clearance, which the Faculty of Health Sciences at the University of Johannesburg approved. An ethical clearance number (HDC-01-107-2017) was given to include in all communication with prospective participants. The contact details of the study supervisor and departmental head were also included in the communication. This was to allow for a transparent process for the reporting of any perceived ethical violations.

The following ethical guidelines were strictly observed throughout the study, relating to the following aspects:

4.3.1.1 The right to privacy, confidentiality, anonymity and protection against harm

High levels of ethical conduct were observed throughout the process and all research participants were guaranteed complete confidentiality. Anonymity, freedom of choice and safeguarding against harm was observed in the protection of their dignity and right to equality, whilst participating in the study. Pseudonyms were used throughout the interview process, ensuring that no references to their identities, designations or roles were made. Face-to-face

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interviews were conducted at locations chosen by the interviewee, to ensure the privacy and confidentiality of the interview was not breached (Gratton & Jones, 2004). All interviews were recorded with participants’ permission, with audio-taping equipment. All field notes were kept and the researcher transcribed the material with coding, and identity markers. All material is secured, remaining in the private possession of the researcher for the completion of this study. All the recordings will now be locked up in a safe for at least five years, after which they will be destroyed (Creswell, 2014). Once participants made the decision to participate in the study, they were requested to sign an informed consent form as official confirmation of their intent to participate in the study (see Annexures E, F and G).

Research participants were also treated with the utmost respect without any bias or form of discrimination by the researcher, and were protected and interviewed at their request of place, method (via Skype, WhatsApp or telephonically if unable to meet face to face) and time. They were informed of the termination of the interview at any time during the process without facing any consequences, and under no circumstances during the interviews were their identity and opinions traceable to them personally or to their professional position within an organization (Creswell, 2014).

4.3.1.2 The right to freedom of choice, expression and access to information.

All research participants were fully informed about their rights and that they were participating voluntarily in the research. They were made aware that they were free to express personal opinions and make official statements off the record for context. Relevant quotes from their interviews were selected for Chapter 5 and participants were informed that they would have access to the report on request (Creswell, 2014).

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4.3.1.3 The rights of the community and scientific community.

The researcher will communicate all the data to the different organisations and individuals on request, whilst the researcher also plans to critically reflect and publish on relevant discourses relevant to the scientific community (Creswell, 2014: Gratton & Jones, 2004).

4.3.1.4 Risks and benefits.

The study did not pose any professional risks, however, participants were informed that if there were follow up questions that made them feel uncomfortable, such as disclosing (professional) information that was not publicly available or known, they were under no obligation to answer and were able to request to move on to other questions. Fortunately for the researcher, there was no such instance throughout the research process (Creswell, 2014).

4.3.2 Interpretive approach

Scholars and researchers can find the approach to knowledge production in research along a continuum of mixed approaches – anchored by positivism on one end and interpretivism on the other. Positivism is more suited to settings where objectivity and tangibility form the basis of the data collected. For this particular study, individuals’ data needed to be collected to provide information on how sport in South Africa was addressing gender equity (Gratton & Jones, 2004). The data collected was subjective and intangible as it dealt with persons, which is why interpretivism was chosen as the relevant approach. Interpretivism allowed for exploration into the views, experiences and perspectives of those identified to participate in the study, in order to uncover and present the reasons as to why gender equity (or the lack thereof) in South African sport is the way it is.

Despite the suitability of interpretivism, there were some minor weaknesses to this approach that needed to be kept in mind. Owing to the subjective nature of this approach, the researcher had to ensure that data collected was interpreted truthfully (by verifying the interpretation of certain quotes with participants) and as accurately as possible, to ensure credibility and authenticity.

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4.3.3 Generalisability

Care also had to be taken in not generalising the results to settings (rural versus urban and informal settlements), which may differ from what was undertaken in the study. The researcher needed to remember that although Africa is seen as a homogenous continent, within each country there are different cultures and value systems which can affect how various communities conduct themselves and are even perceived by outsiders. This is especially true when dealing with marginalised and impoverished communities in urban or rural settings.

The main setback of this approach that was experienced, was the resources and time needed for data collection (Gratton & Jones, 2004). It took 6 months for data collection, which contributed to an increase in the resources required for completion.

The extended data collection period was mainly attributed to the schedules and availability of the identified participants, as they were spread out across South Africa in urban, peri-urban (combined rural and urban features in the same space) and rural settings. Despite the researcher informing participants during initial contact of the data collection period, there were many cancellations and rescheduling of agreed interview times. In some instances, participants forgot that they had scheduled for an interview, and when follow ups were made, suggested dates went beyond the allocated data collection period. As participation in the study was voluntary, the researcher accepted these delays as part of the process, and accommodated participants. Despite these minor issues, the approach was relevant as it aligned with the research paradigms chosen for the study (as discussed above), which helped to formulate an appropriate methodology.

4.3.4. Sampling and recruitment of research participants

The researcher conducted desktop research to gauge the various actors involved in sport in South Africa. Those who were also involved at civic society levels or had civic society ties, were of greater interest. This allowed for participants to be purposefully identified and selected according to their knowledge, expertise and experience with women and girls in sport.

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Selection of these individuals also required them to have links to civic society organisations. This was in order for the researcher to gain their perspectives on how actors in the field of sport were supporting young women and girls and treating them in relation to policy stipulations of fairness and justice (Bless, Higson-Smith & Sithole, 2013; Creswell, 2014). Although this purposeful sampling technique had the potential of leading to non-representation of the population, that was not the case for this study (Bless et al., 2013). The participants selected were representative of both genders, various races (Black African, Coloured, Indian, White and Multi-racial) and worked in organisations which were spread across 6 out of the 9 South African provinces. The represented provinces were also a mix of high and low socio-economic status: Eastern Cape, Kwazulu Natal, Gauteng, Free State, Northern Cape and Western Cape.

In South Africa, civic society organisations are perceived to play a major role in providing life skills training to vulnerable youth using the medium of sport, making them suitable for this study (Edwards, 2013). Individuals chosen were issued a letter of invitation to participate, which explained why and how they were selected, the aims and objectives of the study, along with how the data would be processed, as well as the production of the study and eventual dissemination of results (see Annexure A). The researcher informed them that participation was voluntary and that they could withdraw at any time without penalty (Gratton & Jones, 2004). Participants received the interview questions prior to the scheduled interview. This ensured that they were aware of the type of questions that would be asked of them in order to prepare accordingly (Creswell, 2014). Snowball sampling was also utilised once interviews were completed. Participants were asked to refer colleagues within their network whom they felt would be willing to participate, to provide added insight to the study (Phillips, 2014).

In all, 38 potential participants were contacted via email (28), phone calls (4), Twitter (1), Whatsapp (1) and spoken to in person (4) between May and October 2018. Of the 38 potential participants that were identified, 28 agreed to be involved in the study, 6 gave tentative confirmation to take part but were later unreachable, 2 declined immediately and 2 never responded to communication attempts. All forms of communication were conducted in English, as this was the first language spoken by the researcher. Despite South Africa having

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12 officially recognised national languages, all participants were proficient in English and had no issues with the interview process.

4.3.5 Data collection procedures

The researcher chose qualitative research to collect the necessary data, analyse and interpret it – which involved choosing an appropriate research method (Creswell, 2014). Interviews were deemed to be the most appropriate method to use, as it was the only method that allowed for the exploration and capturing of participants unfiltered points of view. It also allowed for further probing on perceptions and opinions relating to gender equity and sport in South Africa (Groenewald, 2004).

The researcher was also cognisant of the fact that she had to set aside any preconceived assumptions or opinions regarding the subject matter, to allow for in-depth probing. This was because the conceptual framework presented in Chapter 2 highlighted various gender-based inequalities for the researcher, which she needed to ensure she did not divulge to participants in order to sway their views and opinions. By ensuring that participants’ experiences were presented unfiltered, it allowed for a clear and unbiased account to critique current policies (Finlay, 2009; Lester, 1999).

The researcher used semi-structured interviews as the main medium of data collection for this study due to the unique ability of this method to allow for the formation and construction of information regarding the true level of engagement, views and opinions on the topic under investigation. This is because the initial approach of the questioning was slightly informal and allowed for flexibility (Doody & Noonan, 2013), as it asked participants to talk about themselves and their experiences leading to their current positions. This provided the researcher an opportunity for self-disclosure – by sharing a bit of her background if a commonality was discovered, thus allowing the participants to also ask questions of the researcher. This approach provided the foundations for dialogue and a shared connection and some trust, which encouraged the participants to freely engage and candidly express themselves regarding their experiences, issues and ideas (Creswell, 2014) that they felt were relevant to the proceeding

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probing questions, thus allowing for a free flow of information (Brinkmann, 2014). This methodology also allowed for clarification questions, especially when the researcher had not considered information shared to be sufficient or clear enough. As participants were allowed to express themselves however, they saw fit, this contributed to less obvious but relevant themes that were eventually generated.

Ethical conduct was observed throughout the study as has been detailed above. Before each participant was interviewed, they were provided with an information letter written in English and were requested to sign a consent form only once they acknowledged that they fully understood the contents of the letter and what the study entailed (Traianou, 2014).

4.3.6 Data collection

Of the final 28 participants involved in the study, 9 were interviewed face-to-face at their offices or public venues of their choosing, 10 were interviewed via Skype video call, 6 were interviewed via WhatsApp call, 2 responded to emailed questionnaires and 1 was interviewed telephonically. All interviews lasted between 60 to 90 minutes and were audio recorded.

To also further assist in ensuring that the data collection yielded usable results, before initiating interviews, the researcher always confirmed with the participants that they understood and were fully informed of the purposes of the study. The researcher also ensured that the questions asked covered aspects which may be relevant to the study (Gratton & Jones, 2004). Furthermore, the researcher tried to ensure that all questions were such that they probed and inquired about issues and viewpoints relating to women and girls in sport and in South African society (see Annexures B, C and D), irrespective of the participants’ gender or organisation affiliation.

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4.3.7 Data analysis

After transcription, the data was imported into Atlas.ti for analysis and coding, using thematic analysis in order to identify common and emergent themes. Selecting thematic analysis for this study enabled the researcher to organise and make sense of the data that was obtained through interview transcription and document analysis (Basit, 2003). The researcher did this through dividing and subdividing the information obtained through interviews and documents into categories and sub-categories, by analysing the language used by the participants and the information reflected in the documents accessed. The categories were given labels that described the relevant information in each one, or according to a specific link to the research questions under investigation. The information under each category or sub-category was either in the form of words, phrases, sentences or even entire paragraphs, as long as they fit into the identified label. These categories and sub-categories were further assessed and reorganised where necessary, so that they could eventually be condensed into themes, which are presented and discussed in Chapter 5 (Basit, 2003; Saldana 2013). The ordering of the data into themes proved to be the most appropriate approach in addressing the research questions (Milles, Huberman & Saldana, 2014).

Figure 1 illustrates the exact process followed in analysing the data. The identified themes were: ideology or mind sets (how people think about gender); how women are treated, a norm constructed on how ‘women should be treated’ and how poverty and violence interact to affect women, that questions the meaningfulness of participation or involvement in sport. This will be presented in Chapter 5.

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Figure 1: Data Analysis Diagram (as cited in Creswell, 2014, p. 197)

The data analysis process developed by Creswell (2014) was utilised in the following manner:

Step 1: The collected data was organised and prepared for analysis. The researcher transcribed interviews verbatim and typed up field notes.

Step 2: Once transcribed, the researcher read through the data and assessed the general views, opinions and ideas that participants had provided.

Step 3: Data was coded by looking through the views, opinions and ideas already highlighted in the previous step. A word or phrase was then used to label, categorise and group similar views together.

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Step 4: The above process allowed the researcher to begin describing the current situation as it pertains to women and girls in sport. This aided in the generation of themes for this study, which eventually became the findings of the study – helping to describe current experiences of gender equity, fairness and justice.

Step 5: The researcher reviewed the identified themes and made a decision on their presentation in the findings chapter. The researcher decided that a detailed discussion of the themes shall be pursued, with the use of direct quotes as support.

Step 6: The researcher then performed an interpretation of the identified themes to help in assessing whether their analysis supported or refuted the research questions, in order to provide the necessary recommendation(s) in the concluding chapter.

The study used not only interviews, but also relied on document analysis of national sport policies in South Africa as they pertained to gender equity and equality, along with regional and international gender-related policy documents and strategic plans geared towards actionable gender equity reforms by relevant signatories. This was to assess experiences within sport in South African communities and society, through a critical feminist (African feminism) lens. This lens allowed for an interrogation of whether relevant stakeholders were applying fairness and justice to women and girls. It also allowed for the study to investigate whether women and girls were experiencing this as per the international prescripts that government has aligned itself to (Bowen, 2009) and used to develop national policies and strategic plans for implementation.

The researcher chose document analysis to aid in the study because documents, unlike interviews, can be accessed at any time and usually represent written evidence on data and information that has been carefully compiled for public consumption. The information contained in identified documents, particularly policy documents, provided evidence against which the researcher assessed the study’s three research questions. Despite this, there were some challenges that presented when utilising this approach. Some information was unavailable on public platforms and even when the researcher employed creative methods to

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access information, they were not always fruitful. Some documents were also incomplete, which raised questions of accuracy and relevance (Bowen, 2009; Creswell, 2014). Despite this, the researcher was able to gather enough information to aid in coding and verifying the data collected.

4.4 Trustworthiness and Triangulation

Qualitative research does not use instruments to measure data, therefore it is slightly more challenging to ensure that the data collected measures what it is intended to (accurate) and that it can be replicated by others (thorough) (Cypress, 2017). This requires rigour in the research process, by ensuring that the research design is of quality, reflects and enhances trustworthiness in the process adopted (Cho & Trent, 2014). To ensure trustworthiness of the study, the researcher had to ensure that the eventual findings of the data collection were credible, transferable, confirmable and dependable (Elo et al., 2014).

The researcher ensured credibility of the data through the representativeness of the research participants – who reflected both genders and various racial groups and geographic regions of South Africa, as was described above. During the interview process, participants from various regions and backgrounds of South Africa raised similar points about certain aspects of gender equity and sport in South Africa, which supported the authenticity and accuracy of the data collected and the themes identified (Elo et al., 2014).

The researcher tried to ensure that transferability was viable by providing as much detail as possible throughout the various steps involved in the research process. This allows for possible application of the research findings, as the focus was on civic society perceptions and experiences of gender equity in South African sport. This niche focus on civic society and the detail provided allows the study to be applied in various regions in Africa or parts of the world with similar socio-economic and cultural settings to that of South Africa, where gender equity in sport for women and girls is proving to be a challenge (Elo et al., 2014; Shenton, 2004).

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For confirmability to take place, the researcher had to maintain total objectivity throughout the research process, by being continuously aware of her internal biases towards the study, based on her feelings around the human justice and social justice frameworks. She made a conscious effort to present the experiences, opinions and views of participants during the analysis of the data for themes, by presenting information as it was recorded, so that participants’ responses were accurately presented (Anney, 2015). She further tested her objectivity by sharing interview transcripts and identified themes with her supervisors, to compare her identified themes with theirs.

The simplistic nature of the data collection process through the medium of semi-structured interviews with civic society and document analysis of government policies and strategic plans, contributes to the dependability of the study. In other words, if other researchers want to assess gender equity discourses and possible issues preventing justice and fairness for women and girls in sport in specific countries or regions, it can be possible (Elo et al., 2014; Shenton, 2004). This is further strengthened by the detail that the researcher gives in this chapter regarding the data collection methods and research process taken in the study (Cho & Trent, 2014).

Trustworthiness can be further strengthened through the introduction of triangulation into the research process. Triangulation can be used to further strengthen the data collection process, in order to provide an in-depth understanding of the data collected to ensure its relevance and authenticity (Denzin, 2012). Triangulation in qualitative research is the use of at least two data sources, researchers, methodologies, theories or methods of analysis (Thurmond, 2001), in order to test the reliability and validity (Carter et al., 2014; Golafshani, 2003) of the collected data. Carter et al. (2014) talk of four main types of triangulation which represent and encompass the various resource uses mentioned above. Each type of triangulation will be briefly presented, along with the chosen method and the reasons behind the choice.

Data triangulation requires the use of 3 main data sources which involve time, space and people. Since time and space were not relevant to the study, the researcher excluded this method. Investigator triangulation required the involvement of variously trained researchers – observers, interviewers, coders or data analysts – to work on the study. As the study was part

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of a doctoral thesis, only one researcher was involved in the process, thus this study also excluded this method. Finally, methodological triangulation requires the implementation of at least two different research methods (Carter et al., 2014). The two main forms of data collection were document analysis and in-depth interviews; hence the choice of methodological triangulation. This was in order to assess and compare the validity of the themes identified from the interviews with the content pertained in government prescripts, through the lens of the conceptual framework discussed in Chapter 2 (Thurmond, 2001). Government prescripts state the provision of fairness and justice to women and girls in the country, so if the themes from the interviews did not fully support this, the conceptual framework provides support and guidelines as to why (Carter et al., 2014).

4.5 Advantages and Disadvantages of Methodology

As is the case with any data collection method, there are advantages and disadvantages. This method allowed the participants to speak freely about their experiences in the manner in which they saw fit, which allowed for greater insight into the possible issues being faced in terms of gender equity in sport in South Africa, and which other research methods or even more structured interview questioning may not have allowed. The interviews conducted face-to-face and via video call allowed the researcher to note down nonverbal cues, which were used during the analysis of the data collected. Owing to the conversational nature of the study, the researcher was also able to develop a history regarding how the SfD field has experienced effects or changes since gender equity policies were established in the country (Doody & Noonan, 2013; McIntosh & Morse, 2015).

Despite the merits discussed above, there were also some disadvantages to the semi-structured interviews. It required more resources than other data collection methods due to the varied nature used to conduct the interviews across different platforms and the face-to-face meetings at various venues chosen by the participants. At times the researcher also encountered overly assertive participants who tried to lead the interview process, which led to some degree of unnecessary information being captured, which could have influenced the quality of the data. To mitigate this, the researcher would wait for a pause from the participant, make an

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appropriate comment regarding the information shared, then ask them to clarify a point/question that had been touched upon earlier. This allowed for the questioning to be steered back to information that was being sought (Doody & Noonan, 2013; McIntosh & Morse, 2015).

The use of a digital audio recorder assisted in this regard during the interview process, with the researcher also making handwritten notes as a reminder to read up on certain issues or events of interest that were mentioned during an interview so as to assess their relevance to the eventual study. The researcher also noted follow-up questions for elaboration when the need arose, due to the semi-structured nature of the questions initially posed (Creswell, 2014). The interview data was transcribed and reviewed several times for emergent categories and themes, which shall be discussed in the following section.

4.6 Summary

This chapter has provided an overview of how the research paradigm, design and methods were chosen and used in the study to investigate:

• the experienced degree of alignment (or lack thereof) of policies and practices regarding gender reform, particularly in the context of South African poverty; • the participants’ views on and experiences of the implementation of gender equity across all levels of the South African sport and recreation sector; and • civic society actors’ perceptions of gender equality and gender equity.

The constructivist paradigm used helped make the participants the focal point of the study and this helped the researcher to represent the voices of men and women who have knowledge and experience concerning how gender equity in sport in South Africa is viewed, experienced and implemented. The representation of civic society voices in the gender debate on sport in South Africa, with the understanding of the intersectionality presented, makes this study a unique contribution to the field.

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This has provided a backdrop against which to critically reflect on the experiences and opinions shared, with the document analysis conducted in Chapter 3, whilst providing a critical intersectional feminist lens to underpin the resultant discussions relating to the marginalisation of women and girls (Gamble, 2006). The findings of this shall be presented in Chapter 5.

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CHAPTER 5

FINDINGS

5.1 Introduction

Twenty-eight (N=28) research participants (18 women and 10 men), representative of different sport-related stakeholders across six of South Africa’s nine provinces were interviewed. Perceived, experienced and/or observed challenges and issues facing women and girls within sport – including SfD activities, recreation, competitive and leadership positions in sport in South Africa – were explored and identified. Research participants represented the SfD NGO sector, sport administrators from the competitive sport sector and activists. Of the 28 participants, 23 were South African nationals, with the remaining five being foreign nationals who had spent a minimum of five years living and/or working within the SfD space in South Africa. The demographics of the research participants can be viewed in Table 1.

Table 1. Demographics of research participants

INTERVIEW INTERVIEWEE NATIONALITY GENDER ETHNICITY TYPE

NGO Director A In person South African F Black African

NGO employee A In person South African F White NGO employee B In person North American F Multiracial NGO Manager A WhatsApp South African M Coloured Email Administrator/Activist A South African F White questionnaire Administrator/Activist B In person South African F White NGO Founder WhatsApp European F White Sport Activist Phone call South African F Black African NGO Director B In person European M White Administrator/Activist C In person South African F Black African

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INTERVIEW INTERVIEWEE NATIONALITY GENDER ETHNICITY TYPE Administrator/Activist D Skype South African F Indian Administrator/NGO Email South African F White founder questionnaire NGO Director C Skype South African F White NGO Board WhatsApp South African F Black African Member/Activist NGO Programme Email South African F Coloured Manager A questionnaire NGO Programme Skype South African M Black African Manager B NGO Director D Skype South African M Multiracial NGO Sports Co-ordinator WhatsApp South African M Coloured NGO Manager B Skype South African M Black African NGO Programme In person South African M Coloured Manager C NGO Director E Skype European M White NGO Manager C Skype South African F White NGO Director F WhatsApp South African F Black African NGO Project Manager Skype European F White NGO Director G Skype South African F White NGO Manager D In person South African M Black African NGO Manager E WhatsApp South African F Coloured NGO Director H In person South African M White

Research participants were selected based on either having worked within the NGO sector or having been a gender sport administrator and/or activist. Those who were involved in gender sport administration and/or activism, had done so for between 25 to 40 years, with those with NGO experience having done so for periods ranging between 5 to 25 years. Research participants also represented the following ethnic demographics: 12 White, 8 Black African, 5 Coloured, 2 Multiracial and 1 Indian. This diverse racial and geographic representation contributed to the multi-voice representation and saturation of the data, as various

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participants raised similar points and issues. This further supported the authenticity of the findings, which produced the following identified themes – ideology or mind sets (how people think about gender); how women are treated, a norm constructed on how ‘women should be treated’ and how poverty and violence interact to affect women that questions the meaningfulness of participation or involvement in sport.

5.2 Cultural Viewpoints and Attitudes: Gender

For many of the research participants, the issue of how South African society views women and girls and their place within their respective communities (mostly populated by Black African impoverished households) was of concern, especially in relation to sport. Women and girls within more affluent communities (mostly inhabited by the White population), were seen to have more freedom and opportunity than their counterparts from Indian, Coloured and Black African communities. Black African and, to some extent, Coloured women and girls, were pinpointed as struggling the most in terms of issues of gender equity and personal autonomy.

Some White participants expressed frustration and frequent anger that non-White communities, especially Black African communities within the rural areas and townships in South Africa, still seem so male biased when it came to a woman’s place in the home and society. Girls and women in these communities are largely suppressed and not exposed to opportunities where they can showcase their abilities in a public space. This has ultimately affected their ability to participate in community and SfD programmes. NGO employee A (White female) shared the following in this regard:

We have been told and I have overheard it being said, that after school, a girl [Black African community] should stay home, do the cooking and cleaning and look after younger siblings. She should not play sport.

As she was sharing this view, NGO employee A appeared somewhat tense and annoyed. When probed, she shared that there was ‘more to a woman or a girl then being forced to stay at home and care for it and the people in it’. Although necessary at times, she felt that it was unfair that young girls in Black African communities are always the ones ‘suffering’ or being ‘left out’

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and not allowed to enjoy what was being offered to them – such as participating in SfD programmes. NGO employee A also admitted that at times she struggled to contain her views during such situations, especially when programme volunteers informed her that she would not understand the situation because she was White. She felt that statements like this were unfair both because gender equity was not an issue of race or ethnicity and should, therefore, be acknowledged and practiced, irrespective of a person’s background, and because her opinion should not be dismissed on the basis of her race or ethnicity either.

A (White male) NGO Director E, whose organisation works mainly within Black African and some Coloured communities made a similar observation as that of NGO employee A, who was a White female:

Within the communities that we work, there are defined gender roles and expectations, we picked it up a little bit in our programmes. For example, if we did after school programmes, it seemed much easier for the boys to attend than the girls, because the girls were expected to do chores after school or look after younger siblings or things like that.

When probed about his views on this observation, he said that it seemed that was how things are done, and he was not in a place to judge, although it is disappointing. His organisation does try to engage with communities and show them the benefits of their SfD programmes. Only once the success of their sport development initiatives had translated into improved academic opportunities for some participants, did it sway some parents within the communities somewhat to allow their daughters to participate in his SfD programmes. However, situations sometimes differ, as NGO Director E went on to state further that although their programme has seen an increase in female participation since its inception, many of the girls are still expected to contribute to household chores and look after younger siblings on their return home.

A (White female) NGO Founder also made an observation regarding cultural norms in the communities that her participants came from:

In the Sotho culture, there is a big difference between what girls do and what boys do. At a certain age, you are expected to start behaving like a Sotho housewife then it’s … you know, it’s challenging to escape from that.

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The NGO Founder indicated that the Sotho (Black African) ethnic group in South Africa has a practice of instilling certain gendered expectations from a very young age. Such expectations she believed were reasons why she has more boys within her NGO programme and why girls begin to drop out of her programme once they reached their teenage years. She mentioned that the dropout rate is usually due to teenage pregnancies or fear from the parents that their daughters may be led astray and engage in sexual relationships. At the same time, there is much familial pressure on teenage girls to contribute to the household by engaging in household labour such as cleaning, cooking or caring for younger siblings or aged relatives.

When the researcher probed Black African research participants regarding observations made by their White counterparts, their responses highlighted the cause of such observations. NGO Director F stated that as a Black African woman, she was aware that:

Our society does not believe that women are capable of doing much.

When probed further on her response, she said that in her life growing up she had observed and experienced that Black African culture expected very little from women within the private and public domains, be it in relation to leadership roles or even basic employment capabilities – especially in male-dominated fields. This opinion of women and girls is especially true in the rural village that she grew up in. She also mentioned that when she was growing up, young girls in her community were discouraged from participating in sport as it would not take them anywhere in life. In the village setting, the expectation is to marry young (and financially well), have children and provide for one’s family upkeep and survival. It was only when she moved to the city to further her studies that she realised that, although mind-sets were slightly different regarding a woman’s place, especially in relation to sport, there were still struggles that had to be overcome. An example she gave was how when she first started playing sport, she would sometimes be the only girl amongst boys and would play barefoot, wearing a skirt and ill-fitting bra when playing soccer. She jokingly referred to it as not knowing better at the time but such an example is indicative of the basic challenges that girls from marginalised communities face when trying to participate in sport – challenges that are taken for granted by those who are more privileged.

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Administrator/Activist C who has been involved in sport for over 30 years, believed that the reason behind continued challenges for women and girls in sport is not always physical. She stated that:

It is mental and that is why I am saying it’s tools that we need. To say how do we then start this work and come up with tools [to change] the mind-sets.

She was of the opinion that the reason behind the continued challenges is due to the fact that despite South Africa becoming a democratic state, mind-sets in many communities, especially marginalised communities, have not been liberated in the same way that the country was constitutionally liberated. She stated that within most Black African households, what a man says and believes is expected to govern how things are done, irrespective of how it may affect a girl and/or woman. This approach has also filtered its way into South African society, whereby most people in control of the resources and decision-making processes are Black African men – especially in sport. This is particularly true when girls want to play soccer – a traditionally male-dominated sport. She believed that the only way to change the status quo is to find a way to engage with and change the perceptions of these men.

Most parents and adult community members also prefer girls to take part in more feminine sports such as netball should they be in favour of their daughters and female members taking part in sport. This view was confirmed by the NGO Sports Co-ordinator:

People in the community [predominantly Coloured community] are narrow- focused in terms of how women or girls are involved [participation] in sports, by making sure that if they do play, they must stay with netball for instance. It is a woman’s dominated sport, one of those sports for them [women and girls].

The observed attitudes toward gendered roles that were discussed with research participants, were said to be linked to observed gendered expectations, which were reinforced by the culture of the women or girls’ families.

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5.2.1 Expectations: Gender

When it came to sharing observed gendered expectations which participants see as a by-product of gendered ideology within the communities that they operated in, White research participants presented rather frank views. Sport Administrator and Activist B stated that:

The problem … I realised, is that many girls culturally are not assertive. Submissive is the word. They are submissive.

Being a White woman, Administrator/Activist B viewed a lack of assertiveness as an indication of submissiveness, which in her mind contributes towards continued gender inequities and sexism. The researcher then pointed out that as a Black African female herself, despite being raised in what Black Africans would consider a ‘liberal household’ – parents who shared household chores equitably and encouraged and supported her interest and love for sport – she saw beyond Administrator/Activist B’s understanding of submissiveness. The researcher added how she understood that from a cultural and even ethnic perspective, not being assertive or even appearing to be submissive is considered to be a sign of respect. It is a form of accepted behaviour (normative behaviour) that is groomed into many Black African children. She further added that in the African context, although women are expected to be submissive, it does not necessarily mean that they are passive, especially when it comes to issues of inequity, as history has shown. When this perspective was offered, Administrator/Activist B, acknowledged that it may be part of culture but it was not an approach that would help win ‘the fight’ for gender equity; an issue, in her opinion, that seems to be going nowhere slowly, despite what policies and the South African government says.

NGO Manager D, who is a Black African male, echoed this perspective on expected and even assumed behaviour from communities and parents. He shared the following:

There’s some sort of resistance from some of the parents, particularly with us because we use soccer. Many parents have cried foul and said “I don't want my daughter to turn into a tomboy. These girls who play soccer they look like boys and dress like boys”. That’s the perception that is out there and that's why many parents are so reluctant [to allow] their girls to actually play sport.

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It kills the spirit from the girls because the brother gets recognition and gets support.

Participants viewed the opinion that some parents and communities have regarding playing sport and its influence on a girl wanting to become like a boy from two perspectives. The most obvious one in NGO Manager D’s opinion is the fact that in Black African communities how their culture expects a man and a woman, or a girl and a boy to conduct themselves publicly, extends to how they are expected to dress. Gender is assigned masculine and feminine traits in behaviour and dress code, as well as physical adornments. Boys and men are expected to wear trousers and shorts for daily activities and sport, whereas girls are expected to wear dresses and skirts that would not be too short or ‘revealing’. It is still acceptable for them to wear tracksuits for sport participation or if they should wear shorter skirts, to wear some trousers or ski pants underneath. Black South African culture (as experienced and observed), sees anything beyond this expectation as a reflection of improper upbringing or a rejection of expected cultural roles and not abiding to the norm of heterosexuality or not looking and behaving as a ‘woman should’.

Some girls clearly reject this norm and intentionally dress ‘boyishly’ or in a more masculine manner in order to try to fit in when playing sport with and/or amongst boys. They know that physically they are different but sometimes feel that they need to try as much as possible to ‘blend in’ so as to show that there is not much difference between them and the boys in order to try and gain some level of acceptance. There is thus a contradiction for girls to belong to a private sphere where cultural norms dictate a particular feminine physical appearance that is different from how they are expected to dress and behave when they play soccer where sporting norms require a more masculine appearance and behaviour so that male players will accept them on the soccer field.

NGO employee A however, did not agree with expected views on the behaviour of young girls within their programmes or communities that they work in. From her perspective as a White female, she mentioned that:

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They are expected to accept when someone treats them badly. If you are a 25- year-old and you have been told your whole life that you are worthless because you are a female, of course that is your reality. That’s why the coaches are part of our mission and they are considered secondary beneficiaries of our programme.

Her organisation works not only to help change cultural thinking about gender but also to change the behaviour of their programme participants and even their volunteer coaches. Self- respect and confidence are integral to the expected outcomes of their programmes, as the organisation recognises that gendered perceptions of the communities often have the potentially damaging effect of devaluing them as human beings. She mentioned how, upon feedback at the end of a particular programme’s life cycle, many children, especially girls, have shared how the programme has changed their lives, to the extent that it has made them realise that they can, indeed, do anything that they set their minds to. One simple example that she gave was a young girl who joined their water-based programme but was too scared to actually get into the water. This carried on for a few months until one day, some older girls encouraged her and offered her support when she got into the water. The comradery that this presented, gave her the courage to venture a little into the water. For the next few weeks, she would either venture deeper or stay longer in the water, always with support, until one day she went in on her own, refused support and did not want to get out when the programme had ended for the day. When questioned she said that that day she had decided to be brave and face her fears and when she did, she realised that there was nothing to fear. She now believed that she could face any other problems or fears she had, because of what she had proven to herself.

The example of this young girl mentioned by NGO employee A showed that it was not about being a boy or a girl, it was merely about wanting something – wanting to see a change in one’s life and being able to use the tools and coping skills that had been taught to achieve such change. This is, essentially, how life and sport participation should be approached to have personal meaning. Some participants of the NGO’s programme felt that it had helped them to live more fulfilled lives and/or that it had given them hope for a better future. Another example was given of how some female programme participants from one of the organisation’s most difficult communities – a gang-controlled community – shared their renewed hope of being

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able to finish high school (without inadvertently falling pregnant as many young women in their community do, not having any deliberate focus on a future outside of their immediate environment or circumstance). Furthermore, they expressed a hope to one day even move their families to safer communities. They credited the life lessons, skills and coping mechanisms that the SfD programme had taught them, to cope with their situations.

NGO Director C has been involved within SfD for over 20 years. She strongly believed that:

There should be no difference between male and female, but boys still look down on the girls, it is not just [about] building up the girls’ confidence and leadership. The boys should also understand the girls have a place to stand.

When probed further on this, she said that they have observed young boys believing that girls are not meant to play sport. They also believe that even if they do, girls will not be that good and will waste their (the boys) time in mixed game settings or when a sport field needs to accommodate boys or girls separately. NGO Director C opined that such thoughts at a young age were due to how children have been raised and is part and parcel of their socialisation practices. Nevertheless, she also believed that such expectations and opinions of women and girls being the ‘weaker’ sex can be challenged. Her programme addresses this by ensuring a 50/50 gender representation split in their programmes to ensure that both genders realise that they are equal on and off the field of play. The issue of menstruation was highlighted as the only difference that separates the genders.

The issue of menstruation was introduced into programmes because NGO Director C’s organisation often deals with adolescent children and often older female participants will not participate in their programmes when menstruating. The reasons she gave behind such absences is twofold. The most prominent of the two is that most girls in their programmes cannot afford to buy sanitary pads or other sanitary products when they are menstruating. This means that if they cannot find alternatives (such as newspapers or old rags) to aid them during this time, they stay away. The other reason is that some girls have been made to believe (by their parents) that it is unhealthy or not becoming of a young girl/woman to be physically active and/or out of the house during a time when she is ‘sick’ and needs to be kept away from others. It was also

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mentioned that it is a common occurrence for many young girls to miss school and SfD programmes whenever they menstruate, due to either of these reasons.

This is why NGO Director C’s programme educates boys and girls about the basic facts around menstruation, so as to remove the stigma and show that girls are ordinary people as much as the boys are, with menstruation being the only difference between them:

We do not make any division between boys and girls; we really see them as kids, as equal. The only thing [difference] is the menstruation that’s the different issue, it is the menstruation but really, the boys must know it. We have we just had a workshop on Friday, we had all our youth leaders here with the males and we discussed in detail the menstruation situation.

She said that this approach has worked well over the years and has been one of the reasons that her organisation has been operational for so long.

The often subconscious views of gendered capabilities were a point that NGO Manager B felt needed to change desperately. He felt that:

I wish that we did not have to be defined [what is expected of us] by our culture or society.

His views related to his opinion that society still unfairly boxes women and girls into particular roles and responsibilities and prescribed spaces which they can occupy. Gender stereotyping is visible in how parents raise their daughters and sons, as girls are raised for their future roles as mothers and wives from an early age, compared to boys who enjoy more freedom as potential fathers and decision-makers. For him, this was particularly true within Black African communities as he lives within one and works with marginalised and abandoned children.

NGO Manager B was critical of the low social status of girls and women in some communities and said it bothered him as he believed that there is enough space in society for women to operate and that there was no need for men to ‘fear’ being overshadowed by women. He believed that:

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We need to allow women to know that “I am much more than what the world makes me out to be. There is so much more I am able to accomplish. There is so much more that I can be proud of and so influence change.”

He felt that it was time that men and women challenge the narrative in order to truly change how women and girls in South Africa are treated, not only in sport or SfD, but also in society in general. For him sexism is a societal issue and men and women alike should challenge it. He believed that women should reconsider their own expectations of themselves and this cannot be done by women alone. Men need to be involved in breaking the stereotypes that they themselves have created and which affect women. In his opinion, this impact has led to many women and girls in marginalised communities not appreciating their worth and capabilities, especially with regard to their participation in even the most recreational of sporting options. This was something that his organisation works hard towards combatting and he provided an example of how a SfD programme can change a life, especially for girls. The example he used was of a teenage girl who has been in their programme for a few years and had recently gone all the way to national level within her chosen sport. She is currently (during the time of data collection) a shining example (in his opinion) within the community and for other girls in the programme, of what is possible.

This also speaks to the lack of role models from whom other girls can draw inspiration, to follow a path much like the one as laid out by this girl who has shown what can be achieved, irrespective of societal expectations, one’s gender and/or background. For many girls, local role models are a source of inspiration and an example of what they may be able to achieve with their lives. Male role models and idols are promoted by the media and enjoy a high level of recognition in local communities, particularly in sport, whereas female role models and idols are not afforded such visible platforms and recognition. This was why NGO Manager B expressed how his organisation had plans to invite female sports role models to give talks to girls (and boys) in their programme:

We would like to introduce and welcome sports role models, women, who have done things before, so that they come and share with the kids their own journey, such as prejudice they might have had such as in rugby which was not for girls but now it is open.

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What NGO Manager B is trying to achieve by introducing female sport role models into his organisation, is to show his conviction regarding accepting girls in traditional male sports that challenge societal expectations of gender-appropriate participation.

5.3 Gender Profiling and Inter-gender Relationships

The gendered expectations and patriarchal-inspired norms that continue to permeate South African society and especially Black African communities, is not unique to marginalised communities and grassroots initiatives. The research data provided evidence that despite policies on equal opportunity for women in sport, gendered mind-sets and expectations have superseded formal policy. The study also discovered that the ideology discussed above was pervasive within the field of play of organised sport, as well as within decision-making structures. Seasoned sports administrators/activists introduced the issues here. Their views provided an understanding as to how gendered ideology in South African society seems to continually control women in sport (behind the scenes), despite the public veneer of cooperation.

One research participant that stood out with regard to the frankness of her stories and opinions shared, was Administrator/Activist B, who has been involved in sport for about 40 years. She shared two specific instances from when her organisation appointed her as the coach of a women’s team some years ago. During the initial stages of her appointment, whenever her team played, management gave them the men’s kit to wear for their games. She found this ridiculous and insulting and stated that she went to fight management over this issue. Management then informed her that there was no money to buy the women’s team a kit, so either they played in the men’s kit or did not play at all. She accepted the situation at the time but added that she fought tooth and nail (though it took a few years) to get proper kit designed for women for her players to wear.

Her fight for appropriate kit for her team coincided with another kit issue – sports bras. This was another uphill battle she had to fight as management did not see the importance of providing female players with sports bras. She argued and provided details and evidence of the

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need for sports bras for females playing sport and even provided the cost of a comfortable and supportive sports bra, which was beyond what many of the female players could afford. When she eventually won the battle (she thought), the day that ‘they’ arrived, her kit manager (male) rushed to her in triumph. However, when she opened the, box she got angry:

“You got that?” I said to the manager for the kit. I said, “This is not a sports bra! It’s a one size fits all vest for a heart rate monitor!”

When Administrator/Activist B probed the kit manager for this ignorant purchase, he could not come up with a plausible reason for his mistake. She mused during the interview that perhaps her anger at the time had rendered him unable or too embarrassed to defend himself. In her mind, this situation and the one prior to that regarding wearing the men’s kit, made her realise that men in ‘no way, shape or form were interested in accepting women to play’ or be involved in sport. Should they be ‘allowed’ to participate it would be on men’s terms – in men’s clothes and compared to male players. The men’s team had a sponsor, and it was well known (within management structures) that this same sponsor could easily provide a women’s kit and durable and quality sports bras but no effort was made in this regard at the time. The argument of women being allowed to play, means that they have to make do with male attire and as men do not need the same protective underwear, it was not on the agenda of what is considered as sport kit. This made her double her efforts and she fought even harder for her players. It was difficult but she believed that it was a battle that women needed to fight because she viewed many of her players as submissive, especially when men were around. This also demonstrated how these girls have accepted their submissive role in society and sport. She realised that it was a cultural issue that needed time to be addressed; hence she needed to fight the battle on their behalf at the time, in order to get what they deserved as players – proper kit and supportive clothing.

She believed that she was not the only woman experiencing such issues in women’s sports. She felt that there was a possible solution, yet no one seemed to consider it on a bigger scale:

I do not understand why big companies that [make] women’s products [clothing, underwear and menstrual products] do not sponsor women’s sports. I don’t understand why all women’s sports are not sponsored by women’s companies [companies selling female products and clothing].

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Administrator/Activist B believed that if a way can be found to engage with such organisations, it will then alleviate the constant fighting with (and at times begging of) management to provide women involved in sport with appropriate kit and support.

She provided an example of how women’s sports issues also played out in the boardroom. She mentioned how when there are meetings involving her sport, she is often the only woman in the room during these meetings. Not only that, men in charge usually relegate issues about women in sport to the final issue on the meeting memo. What then happens, usually, is that:

I go to the meetings, it’s all men and they want to talk about this and that and when it’s my turn, half of them go to the toilet. The others fall sleep; it’s useless! I fight when I go there but am a lone voice there. I just don’t know if it’s ever going to change, I am not confident.

This behaviour in her opinion, shows blatant disregard and lack of respect for issues pertaining to women and sport, which need to be addressed. She stated that issues like this played out in many boardrooms across the country, where women found themselves to be outnumbered in terms of representation, which was usually the norm. This was especially true in sports which are male dominated in terms of players and leadership. She also believed that it is an ongoing fight that she will have to continue fighting either until she retires or dies.

Administrator/Activist C had a similar sentiment and views similar to Administrator/Activist B. Unlike her counterpart, Administrator/Activist C has worked within the structures and sat on the boards of multiple (and very different) sports within South Africa during her approximately 30-year career. She mentioned that although the researcher should be aware that each sporting structure had a different culture and environment, the one thing that stuck out for her through her various appointments, was that, no matter what:

Where there are women appointed somewhere in sport, you will find that they are not treated with respect.

This issue has bothered her greatly and like Administrator/Activist B, she has fought for gender equity for women in sport within each organisation that she has been in, using lessons from previous organisations to try to effect change at the next one. She shared that she has often

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experienced great pushback from men within the structures of male-dominated sports, yet it has not deterred her and more often than not, their biased opinions have justified her efforts. This made her realise that she needed to continue to do more, which is why, for nearly 20 years she has been lobbying to get a women’s-only sports desk reinstated within sport federations and provincial sport departments in South Africa. She mentioned that in the late 1990s, South Africa had such a set-up within sport but it was dissolved less than five years after its inception. The national sports minister who had approved of this women’s-only sports desk was replaced after a term in office (four years). His successor believed that this gender-focused sports desk was unnecessary, and dissolved it. However, the Department of Sport never really made public any reason for this and an apparent lack of funds was one of the reasons being bandied about unofficially within sports structures.

Such continued experiences of herself and her colleagues within sport, is the reason why Administrator/Activist B and other activists have submitted proposals to SRSA lobbying for the need for a gender desk or office to monitor gender equity in sport in the country. She stated:

I am going to be honest with you, I have been to all of the ministers since then [the dissolution of WASSA – former women’s only sports desk], but no one is keen.

She stated that SRSA always turned down her proposals without reason. Nevertheless, she does not want to believe that a lack of resources could be the issue, as it is known that there are women who have been and continue to volunteer to the gender equity in sport movements in South Africa.

When the researcher broached the topic of a women-focused desk within sport federations and structures with other research participants, many responded that it was a good idea if it could be achieved through policy development or implementation. When this particular commendation was shared with NGO Director A, she firmly stated that:

As women we must not be fooled by the policies that are there, they are old. I feel that some of the policies were done by people that had a different agenda. So as women we must be able to innovate, because if we are able to see things

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in different ways, then we can overcome all these challenges that we have, because a lot of men will tell you that we do not have resources [funds for women’s sport] for this and we do not have resources [equipment and/or kit for women’s sport] that. So, let us be creative with what we have, because then we can achieve more.

She was of the opinion that the reason that the women in sport agendas has become stagnant, especially in relation to gender equity in South Africa, has been due to the over-reliance on policy that has not been amended to represent and comply with challenges that women and girls faced on the ground. She believed that men write sport policies for men, due to the bare minimum acknowledgement of women within the documents. This lack of acknowledgment of women in policies, along with how policies do not provide much guidance in terms of practical support for women and girls in sport, is indicative of institutionalised male hegemony within sport structures which continue to be supported by vaguely worded, gendered policies. Her rationalisation was that an effective policy was one that is adhered to without excuses and which one can measure up against actionable change. Unfortunately, in South Africa, this has not been and is not the case. Men continue in attempts to vindicate themselves for non- adherence to gender equity reform in sport by stating that there are never enough allocated resources from government and that they try to distribute what they have as fairly as possible. Nevertheless, resources always seem to be either available or easily acquired when it comes to men and sport. This was why she believes that women fighting against men for what is rightfully theirs, is a waste of time. Her view is that women need to look at how to change the narrative so that the powers that be can hear them and allow them access to the opportunities and resources that they deserve and need. This is an opinion that the researcher agreed with, although it would need the support, guidance and inclusion of pro-feminist men if real change was to be achieved.

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5.3.1 ‘How women should be treated’

The narrative that emanated from conversations with most research participants concerned proposals as to the way forward for women and girls in South African sport. Suggestions varied but the core message was that sport in South Africa needed a coming together of the genders. The first research participant to broach this idea was NGO Manager A. He felt that:

There is a need to come together, to put issues aside and to be on an equal base. This is in order to provide equal opportunities for women as well as male participants.

Upon further probing on this statement, he acknowledged that yes, men were initially the cause of gender inequity and that they had done some damage to the psyche of women, especially in South Africa. He believed, however, that (as he considered himself to be one), there are now men who are ready to help rectify the problem that has been caused by their own gender bias. Many men have opposed implementing gender reform since equality has become a part of the rhetoric in policy-making, being of the view that in society, women cannot be treated the same way as men. Nevertheless, there are men who acknowledge and realise the need for equity (providing equal treatment, opportunities, and access based on need), instead of equality. These men were willing to assist in ‘opening doors’ for women and girls, so to speak, to initiate fair and just processes. However, NGO Manager A felt that women crush their efforts and some still believed that men were the ‘enemy’. He also said that, from his observation, in some instances equal opportunity was being forced for the sake of ‘ticking a box’ (i.e. a perceived cooperation with general policy statements regarding gender equality, merely for the sake of being seen to do so).

He felt that this may disadvantage not only women but men as well. This, he surmised, could be because when women have ‘failed’ in a new (predominantly male-dominated) role, it has been because they have not been supported (by men) in an enabling environment, which has then affected their ability to succeed in that role. He went on to say that these women have been seemingly ‘dumped’ into such positions and expected to succeed (with the hope that they will fail). Subsequently, some men have then also made things difficult (sometimes purposively sabotaging attempts for gender reform) and directly contributed to their failing, as they have

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felt women are being appointed in positions that should ‘rightfully’ be given to men. This could well lead to the unfair assumption (by a woman in such a situation) that ‘most men’ do not want a woman to succeed. Ultimately then, a man who is indeed willing and able to provide support to ensure the success of the appointed woman, will not be seen (by her) as playing a supportive role. He believed that both genders need to dispel such distrust when gender equity is raised. He felt that this is important as there are indeed a few men who are willing to become mentors for the next generation of future female leaders and role models, and that these men could help abate the attempts (of other men) to cause women in newly-appointed roles to fail.

Another male research participant, an NGO Sports Co-ordinator, strongly agreed with NGO Manager A when his views were explored. He stated that:

Men should not be ignored in this fight. They also have a huge role to play. The contribution of men is to better the lives of women. Men should not be like they do not understand, this is not for me or whatever. They should stand up for women and they should play their part in changing the lives of women. Men should really play a role in getting things moving for women. We need to start engaging men, you know, because we're always talking about men being at the centre of these things, you know? I think that's what we need to start doing, is have men work with women so we can really help women.

His views were based on the fact that those men who were ready, willing and able to support women, needed to show women that they were not the enemy and that they were willing to learn and engage. He believed that, in this regard, it is common knowledge that men hold the key to most, if not all the resources, especially in sport. Thus, men in leadership positions should acknowledge this, accept it and find ways to work alongside women in the fight for gender equity. He was of the opinion that it just needs enough men (especially prominent men) in the field of sport, who are well connected to the gatekeepers of resource allocation and decision making to stand up for and with women.

When the researcher broached the topic of women engaging with men to achieve gender equity with female research participants, some were quite responsive. NGO Directors A and F had the following to say respectively:

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We have to educate men to give women the space, to be able to allow women to take their positions, as supported by law.

There’s still a long way to go, but there is education that still needs to be shared with our men about the differences and similarities between the two genders and also the power I think that women have in the field and also the lessons and learning that they can share. So that we can educate each other and be better.

NGO Director A believed that the reason that policies are not being adhered to by men, is because there are no guidelines. Society has not taught men in South Africa, especially Black African men, how to view women as equals from a cultural and societal perspective and now there were laws stating that they are expected to do so, without providing any examples of how this is to be accomplished. Thus, men need the guidance and tools to do so, which education can provide.

This education, NGO Director F believed, should be based on how men and women can and should leverage off each other’s differences and how, by doing so, gender equity can one day be realised. Both genders have differing ways of addressing issues and challenges that face them. Such approaches, are founded and built further on by inter and intrapersonal experiences which need to be shared, so as to provide evidence that experiences are not always based on gender but, perhaps, rather on circumstance and/or situations.

A female Sport Activist added to the above opinion through her support for the following:

I prefer a man to mentor a woman, because they do not have to knock doors down. It is not that we are saying women are incapable, but we have to be able to recognize and see the limitations that women do not even see themselves sometimes. It is just the way things are, and we need to acknowledge when we as women need help to rise.

She said that educating men was all well and good but since women are already many steps behind their male counterparts, male to female mentoring is needed to further bridge the gap. This is, she said, because men have been involved in dealing with issues of change and development at this level and in this way for much longer than women have (they have largely remained outside of this process, until relatively recently). So, to now ask women to join in

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these processes without the benefit of prior experience (as men have) would put them at a further disadvantage. This is why she believed that the mentoring can be viewed as women catching up on what they missed when they have had no prior access and exposure to processes and decision-making. To ensure that male to female mentoring has a greater effect, however, men need to be educated on its rationalisations, benefits and importance.

NGO Director G provided an additional and different perspective, stating that:

We need to teach boys how to help girls empower themselves and how to treat them equally.

NGO Director G’s statement highlighted the importance of positively influencing intergenerational mind sets. She added that it was all fair and good engaging with men and educating them on equity and equality but we should also not forget the next generation of men who are now currently boys. We need to work with all generations on this matter.

5.3.2 ‘Women can also be the problem’

When the researcher explored the idea of working with all generations to achieve gender equity it was raised that despite the barriers that men sometimes, knowingly or unknowingly, present towards gender equity, blame could not solely be placed on men. The way women sometimes perceived other women and the way they presented themselves, especially when they reached leadership positions, also affected how gender equity is exercised and affected.

Administrator/Activist C was very blunt in her viewpoint:

I think at an awareness level we have done a lot, but I think somewhere we need to blame women themselves, because we are not organized. I mean the story that I am seeing is we [activists] have been doing all these things for years, but tell me, where are the other women [South African women in general]?

She believed that the issue of gender equity in sport should not only be a woman in sport problem but that it should be a unified South African women’s problem. Issues that women in sport face are similar to issues faced in other sectors and fields and she believed that a united

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and unified voice pushing for actualised gender equity across South African society can help propel the cause.

She later returned to an issue that that women often ignore:

Women should not feel too comfortable when they are in [leadership] positions and think that now that they are in, then its fine. We need to actually make sure that once we are in, we open up for others to come [in as well].

When probed about this, she stated that if one is to reflect on the peer group composition of women in sport leadership and decision-making positions, most of them are stalwarts who have worked within sport for more than 20 years (some nearing 30 to 40 years of experience). The next generation, in effect, are generally missing even from middle management. The youth, those who engage with and represent the voices of the women and girls in South African sport, often occupy entry level or lower levels roles in sports structures or find themselves working in SfD organisations. There is no established succession plan to groom future women in sport leadership to take over and bring new vision to a fight that has seemingly become stagnant. She felt that the way to remedy this was to ensure that:

In each and every federation there should be some gender-empowerment programme[s].

These programmes, she said, should be leadership focused, with a mentorship component, so that the experienced stalwarts with decades of experience and knowledge, can engage with and help guide those with the potential to take over. The lack of an attempt to ensure succession by older women themselves was rather disappointing. She pointed out that if and where possible, some women hold on to various positions and roles within different sport organisations or structures and that this is not fair to younger women who want to make their voices heard and contribute towards achieving gender equity in sport.

NGO Director A, who concurred that, supported this view:

There is no support base where women can be groomed, supported and be empowered to go to a different level. So, what is really lacking in our society

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are bodies that can be watch dogs to say this is where it is going, let us do this, we don’t have that.

She believed that succession planning needs to be purposeful and monitored. Furthermore, although it is not a unique case to South African sport (lack of succession is more obvious with men in sport), it is an issue that may continue to affect gender equity in sport. In her nearly 30 years of involvement in sport, she believed that women should not still be complaining about the same issues contributing to gender inequity. If issues remain the same, then new approaches need to be explored and this can only be done with the inclusion of ‘new blood’.

An NGO Project Manager provided a more nuanced view of the above. She felt that:

Some people are still sceptical about women in leadership a lot of times. I think that is an international thing. Women in leadership get attributed with being non-female, being a bit aggressive – not really a nice person. There are a lot of negative attributes [associated].

From her perspective as a foreign national who has lived and worked within SfD in South Africa, she believed that the lack of succession could not only be attributed to the women who were already in leadership positions themselves. She felt that, in some cases, the way that those who are younger perceive women and who want to be like them, can have an impact. This could be due to how many female sport leaders portray a public image of being tough and difficult to approach or engage with. This is especially true, she felt, if a younger woman has been able to make initial contact and subsequent attempts thereafter have been ignored/forgotten or not met with as much enthusiasm as during the initial meeting. For women, this type of behaviour could put them off, leading to them discontinuing attempts to get closer to those in leadership. However, she added, for men, this type of behaviour presents a challenge that needs to be met and overcome because, if they were to finally prove successful, they will be proving that they have leadership potential. She stated that this is not unique to South Africa alone, but it is a global issue or phenomenon that needs exploring.

However, a set of issues that she felt was unique to South Africa – which has led to her decision to work in South Africa – was the underlying factors of poverty, gender-based violence (GBV)

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and general public violence. She felt that these are issues which have a greater impact on gender equity in sport, especially at the grassroots and participation levels and which organisations such as hers can help to address.

5.4 The Female Face of Poverty and Violence: ‘Enemies of Sport?’

The aforementioned NGO Project Manager was not the only research participant who touched upon poverty and violence in South Africa and its impact on how women and girls choose to participate in sport. A few of the other research participants, especially those within the SfD sector, also raised these issues that they felt underpinned their programmes. Internationally, South Africa is acknowledged as the most unequal society in the world. This inequality (gap between rich and poor) inadvertently contributes to the violence experienced within communities and society in general. This was because poverty is an ongoing and underlying issue that has got worse instead of improving since the advent of democracy. It ultimately contributes to the problematic foundations of marginalised communities and the individual’s ability to partake in sport. On the issue of poverty, quite a few research participants had sobering observations to share.

An NGO Board Member/Activist mentioned that:

Because of our history and apartheid and so forth, the challenges that a black child or black girl faces in sport or whatever, is like almost like three, four or five-fold [more difficult] because they are black, they are female. They come from very, very disadvantaged homes.

When asked to expand on this, she stated that disadvantaged homes found in the townships (especially) or rural areas, are not like the homes found in the suburbs. Here, poverty dictates how people live their lives and families are more focussed on survival than anything else. This, she pointed out, means that issues of gender equity or even sport, are not even considered as most families were more worried about putting food on the table. She further expanded by stating that since women in South Africa cannot pursue a professional paid career in sport like men, it is rather the boys (if they show talent) who are encouraged to pursue sport as a means to save their families from poverty.

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Administrator/Activist D felt that poverty needed to be addressed first, before pursuing other issues (such as sport). She shared that:

People living in abject poverty need jobs. So, coming back to what you are saying about society, those are probably the most vulnerable women and girls in our society. That’s where our focus should be at the moment. It’s the squatter camp, the townships you know…

She felt that the only way that gender equity can stand a chance of gaining traction within South Africa’s current socio-economic dispensation, is if government and society should find a way to alleviate poverty and unemployment and do more. She believed that trying to talk about issues of gender equity and sport to a ‘hungry’ person (parents/guardians), is a waste of time.

NGO Director D. supported her views. He opined that:

There is no support at home, so how can there be equity and equality, and how can we talk about it when the very basic foundation of that child, has a gap [due to poverty].

He agreed with Administrator/Activist D that government and society need to work together to address this issue. However, he felt that it may end up falling on civic and civil society to work towards poverty alleviation, by contributing in an organised and united medium to help identified individuals and communities. He pointed out that there have already been reports (in the media) of this happening across the country but it needs to be coordinated to achieve more of an impact.

NGO Director H felt that NGO Director D’s proposal was possible, because:

There are a lot of kids in this country that have a lot of potential and they don’t realize it because they don’t see it, based on their background, based on the situation they come from [poverty].

However, he felt that a possible way to ensure a more organised and united medium, is to create an incubator for SfD. This is because:

If you have an incubator, you can create a platform for NGOs, where you will have correct policies in place [sport and social development]. You will also

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have the correct people in place to help or guide them. You can then go to a corporate and show them that you have structures in place. That is what they want to see, and they will [usually] give you their money.

NGO Director H believed that there are enough people within civic society with the knowledge and networks to contribute to poverty alleviation and bridge the gaps where government is struggling; it just needs people to come together to form a coherent structure (such as an incubator) that will include and involve the necessary stakeholders.

NGO Programme Manager B felt that not all was lost despite these circumstances. His view was that:

Poverty is about isolation, yes, but when you take someone from an isolated shell to a different environment where they meet other girls, they see they are the same. And through that [sports] exchange when they play [sport] and they exchange, it automatically makes them feel good and they are influenced in a positive way. Influenced to see that there can be a way out of poverty.

NGO Programme Manager B shared that that is one of the core components of his organisation’s programmes, which they try to ensure, depending on available funding. He believed that using sport as a medium to bring together young girls from different backgrounds, provides them with opportunities to see that their backgrounds are often the only things they do not have in common. He felt that this type of exchange also allows those from marginalised communities the opportunity to see that they are more than their circumstances and that it does not always have to define them and their abilities.

NGO Manager E supported this perspective, stating that with his organisation’s participants

We always tell them, we exist because we want to give them the confidence and dignity back that poverty takes away from them. Everything else [sport] kind of just happens.

NGO Manager E strongly believed in this approach, as many of her participants come from impoverished communities where violence and GBV seem to be the norm. Acts of violence within the communities that her participants hail from often take the form of petty crimes or arguments that lead to provocation and eventual grievous (at times fatal) bodily harm. These

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types of situations are usually bolstered/and or aggravated by drugs and alcohol, she said, and are nearly a daily occurrence and more prominent on weekends, when many people do not have to work. Men are usually the perpetrators of such acts, with women and girls often being innocent bystanders who find themselves caught in situations that render them victims of violence and/or GBV.

When probed to expand on GBV in the South African context, she described that it can be viewed as various acts of violence (sexual/physical) and other minor acts. Minor acts to her, are any forms of unwanted contact, attention, verbal exchange and even actions of a sexualised nature towards women and girls. She said she had heard many stories and discussed many issues relating to this with the boys and girls within her organisation. Many other research participants had also observed that GBV was part of sport and SfD in South Africa.

NGO Manager E went on to further state that:

We sit with a lot of gender-based violence in the communities. So, we have had those types of conversations with our boys and girls, because a lot of them will tell you that they were taught that a woman belongs to a man. So, if a woman does not listen, a man has the right to hit her.

Her reason for sharing this was because she wanted to highlight the fact that violence, especially GBV has almost become normalised in South African society. Her reason for saying this was because she found that her organisation has had to schedule a few workshops to engage with their participants to unpack the seemingly casual approach/view to GBV. For many of her NGO participants, seeing an adult male figure hit the women and/or girls in the household (at times on a daily basis) appears to be the norm. This therefore has appeared to desensitize some, especially the girls. Although their workshops have helped in teaching their NGO participants why GBV is wrong, it is still an issue, she said, that they frequently grapple with, especially when new participants join their NGO.

Other research participants mentioned that they had either encountered or overheard similar situations as was shared by NGO Manager E. However, the only NGO Sports Co-ordinator

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within the research participant pool, shared something that was more disturbing. He mentioned the following:

We also picked up issues of physical abuse of girls in the sports that we were working in. These were perpetrated by the boys in our programmes and a lack of understanding of personal and physical boundaries between genders and general stereotypes of how boys are expected to behave and how girls are expected to behave.

Such behaviours from participants in their programme showed that children were mimicking the unequal power relations within their surrounding communities. He described the prevailing situation thus: their communities expected women (or girls) to be submissive/passive, non- vocal and to accept instruction from men (or boys) without question. However, if a woman (or girl) ‘dared’ to challenge a view or instruction and become vocal about it, a man (or boy) was within his right to ‘bring her to order’ by disciplining (hitting) her to remind her of place and ‘a man’s place’ within society; the gendered societal position being that men (or boys) have overall authority.

What he shared was disturbing, as SfD NGOs are supposed to provide a safe space for children, especially girls. They are meant to provide a reprieve from the community and environments that the participants occupy. When the researcher shared this opinion with him, NGO Manager E said that although it may be difficult to grasp, the boys were merely imitating what they observed their older male relatives doing. So, in a manner of speaking, they did not know any better because children imitate what they are continuously exposed to, whether it is good or bad.

Participants from NGO’s were not the only ones to observe this type of abuse. Administrator/Activist B stated that during her nearly 40-year career in sport:

We’ve had some abuse problems in the past. Some problems with men as coaches of women's teams, with sexual harassment, because to them it is so easy to get away with.

She shared her frustration that more often than not, the victims did not report such acts, perhaps due to fear. When they were reported, it usually ended up with the male coach being asked to

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leave and he merely moved on to another team. There has not been much meted out in terms of repercussions for the perpetrators. This was why she believed that GBV has become somewhat ‘normalised’ in South Africa. Those affected by GBV have not done enough to report it and when reports have been made, perpetrators have rarely been punished while victims have been humiliated. In her experience, it has often affected decisions girls make on whether or not to continue with organised sport, as they get older.

The fear for safety that some parents had towards girls participating in sport was a broader societal issue. A seasoned Sports Activist was very frank about the situation. She stated:

I am going to be critical with what is happening in the country, where young girls as young as six months are being raped. How much more am I going to trust for example my 12-year-old girl being safe? If I am a parent in a township, how do I risk my child going to that sporting facility? So again, the issues we see in communities will affect me now as a parent to let my child go to sport.

For her, the communities that SfD organisations work in to engage with and empower young girls, are often the same communities that pose the greatest threat to a young girl’s life. She emphasised that stories of females experiencing rape (from babies to the elderly – the most vulnerable), was a daily and ongoing occurrence in South Africa and an issue that is getting worse and more horrific as the years progress.

Administrator/Activist D agreed that our communities, especially Black African and Coloured communities are becoming increasingly less safe. She shared the following:

We need to make our communities safe, first and foremost. I do not want to say people are so corrupt, but maybe it needs to come back to what our officers are doing and people like that in charge. If you make the society safe, you can get those children to play sport and be children. We just need to protect these children. They need to feel safe.

She believed that there was a greater issue behind the violence present in marginalised communities. What that issue was, however, she could not pinpoint. To her, it just did not make sense why GBV was getting worse, when South Africa has a Department of Women, various

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GBV organisations and 16 days dedicated annually to promoting and advocating for prevention of violence against women and children. Nevertheless, the situation does not change. The reason she felt, was perhaps that these 16 days of activism were seen as a nationally sanctioned ‘truce’ (albeit to reduce and eventually eliminate GBV), yet as soon as the 16 days ended the ‘war on women’ continued.

When this issue was raised with other research participants, instead of dwelling on the matter, the NGO Founder said that it was an issue that we struggle with and often do not understand. Nonetheless, we (those of us advocating for gender equity), should not let it deter us from our ‘mission’. Her justification was that:

The girls are scared of staying in the location, that is, we still call it that. They are scared of what might happen to them. It is a big problem actually around here, but they still come to us.

The sanctuary that her NGO (and other NGOs) provide for young girls in marginalised communities offer a reprieve (no matter how minimal) from the horror that surrounds them. She believed that the lessons and skillsets learnt whilst involved in programmes, provide some form of empowerment for the girls and that it strengthens their resolve to find ways to either cope with their circumstances or one day escape their situations. For her, all was not lost thanks to the work that is being done, despite the insurmountable challenges.

For matters to improve, she believed that NGOs need greater support and training to better equip their participants in managing these societal challenges of poverty and violence, if gender equity is to be achieved. She believed that people such as researchers or academics need to listen to what NGO implementers and even participants have to say about their lived experiences and challenges. By listening and sharing in their reality, she hoped that it will get researchers to help them (the implementers) to create workable solutions and provide relevant and necessary training to combat some issues. She emphasised that this was crucial for NGOs like hers because they operate in rural communities, which means that they rely more on passion to make a difference, than actual knowledge of necessary theories that can be actioned.

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She also hoped that NGOs will consider working together more, as it is often difficult trying to do so much, with so little (in terms of resources) in an environment such as hers, in isolation.

5.5 Gender Equality v Gender Equity: Another Barrier to Reform

In order to meet the objective of the research question “What are civic society actors’ perceptions of gender equality and gender equity?” all participants were asked, “What is your understanding of gender equality and gender equity?” (Question 6 in Appendices B, C and D). Without exception, responses indicated some confusion as to the difference between equality (treating men and women the same) and equity (providing equal treatment, based on need). Some of the responses were as follows:

Gender equality and gender equity is about treating both boys and girls with the same respect, and also respecting their differences (NGO Programme Manager A – female).

Gender equality would basically mean to me that the genders are equal, they both carry equal weight when it comes to decision making or values in speaking and gender equity, I have no idea, I would not know what that means (NGO Manager C – female).

I think equality is every one doing the same thing. Everyone starts from the same place and then fairness, actually the same opportunity, we must ensure equity before we can enjoy equality. So, I think there are huge gaps to ensure that women get to the place where men are really now, whether in sport or in the field (NGO Director D – male).

Equity is fairness for all things regardless. Equality is to be equal (NGO Director B – male).

After some explanation and further discussion, research participants shared views and observations which were in agreement on certain crucial points. Many acknowledged that policy now dictates the support of gender equality which is, admittedly, oftentimes being paid lip service to. When probed, some research participants expanded and elaborated that due to policy, many within sport structures claimed to support women and sport, but were not taking observable action to initiate reforms. This has resulted in limited, noticeable and positive change in terms of gender reform in some South African sport practices. Once research

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participants were able to understand and distinguish between gender equity and gender equality, it was highlighted that gender equity in South African society is rare. Some felt that it can also be deemed non-existent when analysing the various levels and structures of sport, from participation to decision-making and leadership. The consensus was that, until the true meaning of equity is both understood and identified as being key to sustainable change at every level – from participation to decision making and policy – gender reform is going to remain difficult to achieve.

5.6 Summary

The results presented in this chapter have provided a raw and insightful look into the myriad societal issues that influence and even impact upon gender reform in sport, issues that until this study, had not been considered as having an impact on sport. The findings presented in this chapter have achieved the stated objectives of the study. The findings have shown that South Africa is still a patriarchal society with institutionalised male hegemony that controls sports structures. This has caused a lack of adherence to policy and legislation, leading to minimal gender equity implementation. This lack of policy adherence continues, as there are no monitoring bodies to ensure correct implementation, especially at leadership levels. Here, men in positions of power have been shown to fear losing their decision-making capabilities, thus creating barriers which continue to prevent women from attaining leadership positions.

This study has also identified poverty as dealing a double blow to women and girls in sport. Poverty lends itself to men having greater control over decisions taken within patriarchal households on whether a girl participates in sport. Poverty also leads to women and girls’ experiences of violence and GBV perpetrated by men who want to protect their positions of power which poverty has eroded. Overall, control of power emerged as an issue that affects women and girls at all levels of sport within South Africa – from leadership to SfD participation levels.

Therefore, what is needed is a new approach to addressing the gender reform debate in South Africa. The approach needs to move from focusing on achieving gender equality (treating men

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and women the same) to focusing on gender equity (providing equal treatment, based on need). Policy makers should also view and accept the issues affecting gender reform as a societal issue (just like poverty for example). This will allow for a possible re-evaluation of structures and institutions to assess the gendered policy practices that government are implementing (if at all). This shall all be discussed in detail in the final chapter to follow. The proceeding discussions shall also conclude with a proposed agenda for change in order to truly contribute towards achieving gender equity in South African sport for women and girls at all levels.

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CHAPTER 6

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 Introduction

South Africa views itself as a sporting nation, to the extent that government has proclaimed that sport can and should be used as a means of contributing towards addressing societal issues such as social inclusion, in aiding to address identified social issues, of which gender inequality is one. This has been endorsed by government through the inclusion of sport within the NDP2030 (The Presidency, 2011). Thus, this thesis chose to explore the intersections of gender and sports ideology and its impact on gender inequality in the South African context from a civic society perspective.

The findings presented in Chapter 5 shed light on the contentious issue of gender equity in the country, especially within sport. The narratives that were presented indicated that women and girls still continue to struggle as females in terms of acceptance, recognition, participation, involvement and various forms of support (Ndimande-Hlongwa, 2016; Sikes & Adom- Aboagye, 2017). This, despite the South African Government’s proclamations of policy alignments to international gendered policy in sport participation and involvement across all levels. Culture was highlighted as the core issue influencing behaviours, attitudes, views, perceptions and expectations concerning the involvement of women and girls in sport. The narratives and identified themes that emanated from the study have provided a stark picture of an environment that is not responding to policy proclamations and expectations. It could be argued that it is due to the failure of these policies to take the intersectionality entrenched in African society into account, which needs to be acknowledged and incorporated into policy. As this study has presented, this failure can be viewed as being hostile and even sometimes dangerous for women and girls in society and in sport in South Africa. The narratives of this study fill a gap in scholarly output, whereby the societal complexities influencing barriers for women and girls in sport in South Africa, has been explored and unpacked.

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The narratives of Chapter 5 will now be critiqued using the conceptual framework that underpins this study and relevant academic discourses.

6.2 Ideology and Human Rights Policy Frameworks

Sport has proven to be one of the key institutional sites for the study of the social construction of gender. (Dworkin & Messner, 2002, p. 17)

Sport is a social construct due to the various forms of shared belief systems that bring individuals together to either participate, contribute or be involved in its processes (Henning, 2001). These diverse belief systems are inherently rooted in power and privilege that has mimicked various social issues and movements throughout history (Dworkin & Messner, 2002). Such systems have contributed towards a sports ideology which has been recognised by critical scholars as often being characterised by gender inequality expressed in masculine terms and marginalising policy frameworks and practices (Dworkin & Messner, 2002; Hardin, Whiteside & Ash, 2014). Such approaches express existing hegemonic practices that favour those in power who control access to resources – mostly men (Burton, 2015). This view of the general state of sport was echoed numerous times during the interview process with research participants.

As previously discussed, human rights, within the context of this thesis, relates to experiences of human dignity, respect (given and/or received) for the decisions taken by individuals in relation to how they choose to live their lives. This freedom of choice should be without any purposeful, driven hindrances, whilst being open to all, yet this is often not the case (Clapham, 2015; UNICEF, n.d.b), especially for women or girls in pursuit of involvement in sport at any level – decision-making, management or participation. If an individual encounters no institutionalised barriers or hindrances during the pursuit of her own informed choices, then it can be argued that fairness and justice has been achieved. Thus, a woman or girl may be deemed to be empowered in accordance with international gendered prescripts such as Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SGD5) and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (United Nations, 2019c; UN Women, n.d.e), if she is afforded access (and given reasonable support) to personal decision-making processes that address identified needs and expectations.

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During the interview process, research participants responded to the question of what empowerment meant to them within the context of South African society and in the sport environment. The findings indicated that empowerment appeared to be an issue that women and girls struggled with as it was assumed that accessing power is an individual responsibility for taking ownership of change within (gender) discriminatory social structures – a neo- Colonial perspective evidenced in policies and normative practices (Forde & Frisby, 2015). These limited structural opportunities would often contradict claims of gendered policy implementation and support by government. The study showed that various societal influences can impact upon the construction of norms and strategic actions of men and women that are meant to ensure fairness and justice (Dudai, 2014).

Observations and conversations that took place in the field when interviewing NGO Director E and NGO employee A highlighted the constraints that some girls within Black African communities face in their quest to take part in SfD activities. These are constraints that relate to fairness and justice and which ultimately affect their freedom of choice – although in most instances these choices are relatively limited when compared to those afforded to their male counterparts. Consequently, this leads to inequitable opportunities for women and girls in sport, despite acclaimed gender equity/equality policy prescripts (Nelken, 2014).

These constraints were associated with high turnover rates of female participants in SfD initiatives. Some interview participants admitted that although some NGOs boast of large numbers of participants, if one was to critically analyse attendance, separating the amount of returning participants from those who only participate on a once-off basis, it was often the latter that contributed to the large overall numbers. Research participants also acknowledged that despite these large numbers, the actual recruitment of female participants and even volunteers to assist in their programmes (SfD) is challenging due to family commitments and community views that sport is mainly a male domain.

The core-contributing factor to poor NGO programme attendance was due to parents in some communities preventing girls within their households from participating in SfD activities. The reasons were varied but the reasons that stood out most during discussions was the view that

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girls are meant to be at home after school doing chores and attending to family members (young, old, frail, sick etc.) who need to be cared for. This was shared by NGO employee A, with NGO Manager D also sharing that within the community that he worked in, sport is considered a male pursuit. Such views meant that either from the onset or once they discovered that a girl is attending a SfD activity, she was removed from the programme. This was particularly the case when a specific sport was ‘masculine’ in nature by parents (Cooky, 2009). This often led parents to prefer that their daughters only participate in ‘feminine’ sports which do not involve force or overt physical contact and are not generally played by men and boys – such as netball. This was because the general attire worn for a sport such as netball, adheres to perceived cultural norms of feminine attire (skirts) and it does not require as much mixed (gender) team settings as other sports (Plaza et al, 2017).

Research participants shared instances of how unilateral choices are made for girls (with regard to their involvement in SfD initiatives) whereas boys are given relative freedom to be involved in SfD programmes, indicating that patriarchy is at play within households and communities in which children and youth are socialised. Such actions take away freedom of choice for girls, which disempowers them and indicates how gender roles within marginalised communities are predetermined and enforced on young girls (Mukoni, 2015). The research participants said they had to accept these types of decisions taken by the parents, as they reflect ethnic and cultural gender role norms and identification. It must also be borne in mind that multiple influences impact on the lives of participants in sport, in different ways as each has his/her own experiences and backgrounds.

6.2.1 Patriarchy

Research participants shared various examples during interviews, which indicated that patriarchy is an ongoing societal issue in South Africa (Dhlamini, 2019; Thobejane, 2015), but more so within marginalised and underprivileged communities which many of them work in. They shared how communities’ patriarchal ideas are not just confined to older members within the communities but are often expressed by young men and boys as well. This was indicative

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of inter-generational male-biased and hegemonic ideology that has become enculturated and entrenched through socialisation practices and gendered-role constructions.

Interviews indicated that the expressions of patriarchy that young men and boys usually display, play out in their interactions with and behaviour towards women and girls. As expressed in the findings, these behaviours frequently lead to subtle and overt displays of expected gendered roles and acts of aggression and physical violence towards girls during social interactions and encounters (Lee, Yoo & Hong, 2019). Forced displays of aggression (linked to expressions of dominant power), such as was shared by NGO Manager A, can evolve into issues of bullying (Meyer, 2009).

These views (or opinions) and examples of micro-aggressions (on all levels of participation and involvement), may be indicative of the fact that despite what has been enshrined in policy (gender equity/equality), some South African men continue to fear the assumed loss of their established power and privilege that gender equity may bring (Johnson, 2004). Before South Africa’s democracy (which is only 26 years old) Black African men in particular, experienced over 45 years of servitude during apartheid (Modiri, 2012). It could thus be expected that racial issues would be prioritised above that of gender and Black men who have acquired power and privilege, may be reluctant to share it now with women (McClellan, 2012). As presented in Chapter 5, male hegemony finds expression in behaviour by men and women in broader society and in sport (Schell & Rodriguez, 2000). This may be why activists interviewed for this study, continue to experience both overt and subtle forms of oppression within gender equity and sport, especially amongst people of colour (Jean-Marie, Williams & Sherman, 2009).

If biased behaviour towards women and girls is not only expressed by parents at the grassroots level but is also experienced by custodians (administrators) of sport as was shared by research participants such as Sport Administrator/Activists B and C, then there is indeed a problem in South African sport. Sport federations and organisations have made public commitments to gender equity in sport (Isaacson, 2020a; SAFA, 2017c), yet experiences of female administrators have provided a different reality. The continued gender inequality issues in

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South Africa may be due to ingrained patriarchal ideology, male-dominated structures and male-biased practices.

6.2.2 Feminism

Many research participants talked about the need for the redistribution of power, resources and opportunity, in order to aid in gender reform, especially within their work. These discussions highlighted that despite initial assertions, many participants displayed feminist or pro-feminist ideology (Chiweshe, 2018). However, a critique of their views and opinions showed that they were often utilising western feminist approaches in order to achieve gender equity goals and/or reform – western feminism which, as previously discussed, does not always take into account African culture, traditions and experiences – which is stubbornly patriarchal. It also does not acknowledge the intersecting and multiple layers of ethnicity, class and locality that impact upon disenfranchisement experienced by women and girls in Africa, and which frequently compound discriminatory gender practices (Ahikire, 2014). This may be why some activists found their contributions to gender equity being thwarted by men and falling short of intended goals to address identified issues (Rampton, 2015).

Many of these research participants continually highlighted ‘fighting’ men in order to combat issues such as: gaining access to resources; ensuring that girls can freely participate in sport and SfD; and combating expressions of animosity when they attain leadership positions. Despite this, there were some participants who shared actions that they planned to take or had initiated or felt needed to be taken, in attempts to contribute towards gender equality/equity. The information shared was reminiscent of previously discussed branches of third wave feminism – African feminism, Stiwanism and Nego-feminism (McQuaid & Plastow, 2017; Morountodun, 2019; Nnaemeka, 2003). This was especially apt when many research participants mentioned the need to educate men to ensure that dialogue (involving both men and women) begins around gender inequality/inequity, the experiences of women within sport and South African society in general. Such reality and insights point to African feminist ideological leanings (Wang’ondu, 2019).

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NGO Director A and F’s views presented in Chapter Five provided the best explanation of participants’ views (unbeknownst to them) on African feminism. Many felt that there is a need for mediated, open and honest dialogue between relevant stakeholders across different sectors. This would be in order to make both genders realise that women are not seeking to disempower men and that women are merely seeking fairness and justice conferred to them in legislation (Atanga, 2013; Gatwiri & McLaren, 2016).

NGO Manager A’s viewpoints also fell directly in line with nego-feminism, and the need for both genders to negotiate (as highlighted by Nnaemeka, 2003). Negotiating without ego shows that men and women realise the need to move from descriptive to normative egoism by making gender equity their core focus (Moseley, n.d.). A male research participant having shared this view, provides a fresh perspective on the gender inequality/inequity debate – a perspective that indicates that some men realise the need for men to be included in the discussion of addressing gender issues in order to ensure understanding from both sides. Mediated discussions to provide understanding could be the necessary catalyst to ensure gender equity starts truly taking effect (Chiweshe, 2018). Some research participants also touched upon the lack of inclusion – adding men to gender equity conversations – and the need to rectify this. This again is an important aspect of African and Nego-feminism.

These views expressed by various research participants indicate that some women are now realising that they cannot successfully challenge gender inequity/inequality alone and that not all men are part of the problem (Cornwall, 2000). Some of the male participants argued for the much-needed inclusion of men to fight gender inequity, which was ‘commendable’. It made female research participants realise that not all men were part of the problem and that they have come to believe that it is a ‘women’s issue’ that is trapped in a situation of conflict with men at all walks of life – from the boardroom, to fathers, male coaches and participants of all ages.

The views of NGO Sports Co-ordinator and NGO Manager D can be linked to stiwanism due to their recognition of barriers that women continue to face and the need for men to collaborate with women in order to dismantle these barriers (as expressed in McQuaid & Plastow, 2017). The findings highlighted that despite the ‘wariness’ of feminist ideology in a patriarchal system

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such as South Africa’s, unbeknownst to themselves, some male and female participants were either practising or believed in the various branches of African feminism. This indicates that despite media reports (for example, of wage discrepancies as discussed in Chapter 3), views and opinions (as experienced and shared by research participants in Chapter 5), there are men and women who are willing to work together in order to contribute towards gender equity. Studies and reports have shown that this is the best approach (Alkali & Talif, 2016; Nnaemeka, 2003; Thobejane, 2015).

One may need to actively seek them out but there are individuals who have African feminist leanings who could provide the much-needed framework towards addressing gender inequity (van der Gaag, 2014). This is because these individuals are aware of the societal factors that underpin and affect gender inequity in sport participation and involvement in South Africa.

6.2.3 Cultural norms and beliefs The findings of the study have shown that gender ideology is unfortunately deeply rooted in various cultural norms and practices in South Africa, which have not kept up with changes to and adaptations of the interpretation of gender identity, norms, practices and expectations that have taken place elsewhere in the world. This was reflective of participants sharing that the reason most parents refuse to allow the girl child in their care to be involved in sport, is due to the perceived culturally masculine and sometimes aggressive nature of sport.

Many parents (fathers especially) were reported as seeing sport as a physical pursuit where displays of strength, skill and power are required and which are inherently masculine in nature (as highlighted in Burnett, 2018 and Coakley, 2015). Thus, by allowing girls to participate, many believe it will, in turn, defeminise them, especially regarding those who choose 'masculine' contact sports such as boxing, soccer or rugby (Engh, 2011; Kidd, 2013). Hence it can be argued that their belief in excluding girls from participation has been necessary in order to retain cultural beliefs and expectations of women and girls, especially within the Black African community (Walter & du Randt, 2011).

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Research participants also shared that despite South African sport legislation supporting the pursuit of gender equity/equality in sport (SRSA 2007; 2011; 2013a; 2013b), society is still not entirely reflective of that. Their views highlighted ongoing reports of experiences of marginalisation and unequal treatment of women and girls (as is supported by Dhlamini, 2019 and Obasola, 2013). Some research participants shared how they believed that it is often also how the media (an easily accessible platform today) frames male role models and idols in sport, that contributes to sport being perceived as a mainly male domain (as discussed in Chapters 3 and 5). This can frequently be wholly accepted, especially within marginalised communities, who use it to support their cultural viewpoints of sport being a male domain, as Chapter 5 has indicated (and as Asakitikpi, 2010, has also suggested). This indoctrination may have bearing on the lack of female role models at all levels and structures of sport (Meier, 2015; Walker & Bopp, 2011). This has continued to inadvertently support gender inequality in South African sport participation and its management, as the findings have shown that men are still seen (and still consider themselves) to be the custodians of influence, power, privilege and resources in the country (Coakley, 2015).

From the information shared by research participants, it is clear that by barring young girls from being involved in sport (even at the most basic level of SfD and using culture as a shield of validation), many parents and guardians do not recognise that young girls have any kind of human rights (Maluleke, 2012). They disempower the girls by discouraging access to play, physical activity and sport (Eagle & Long, 2011; Ssenyonjo, 2007). Continued discouragement based on gendered cultural beliefs could ultimately affect young women and girls later on in life, as they struggle to reconcile securing their rights to fairness and justice and wanting to adhere to culture (Becker et al., 2014). Black Africans in South Africa also often view culture as superseding any ideological views or policy prescripts, especially as it relates to gender (Eagle & Long, 2011).

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6.3 Societal Context: Poverty and Violence

Poverty is a pervasive, integral aspect of South African society, especially when one introduces the intersectionality of gender, with studies indicating that the more marginalised and impoverished a subset of a population is, the more profoundly discriminatory their views on gender (Chifwafwa, 2016). This became blatantly evident during the interview process.

Research participants shared how poverty was a burning societal issue in South Africa. Thus, for some parents, their social circumstances and existing socialisation practices informed by cultural norms, influences their children’s, especially daughters’, involvement in sport. South Africa is currently experiencing a nearly 30% unemployment rate (Statistics South Africa, 2020) making poverty and survival issues that many SfD participants and their families have to deal with on an ongoing basis. The latest reports (at the time of writing) of the average monthly income for an impoverished family, ranges between R561 and R1 227 (at the time of writing, approximately $32 to $70 per month) respectively (Statistics South Africa, 2019d). This means that for many of the parents, having a child involved in sport could mean a hungry child at the end of the day. This was an issue that interview participants highlighted, sharing that many parents stated they literally could not afford to provide extra food or any material support for their children who take part in sport activities. This correlates directly with the fact that of South Africa’s current population of approximately 58 million people (Statistics South Africa, 2019b), nearly 20% of this number struggle with food insecurity and are from Black African and Coloured communities (Statistics South Africa, 2019a).

Therefore, the debate of girls being involved in sport is not only a cultural issue as was highlighted by some research participants but is also a bread-and-butter issue for many as well (Burnett, 2002). Research participants said parents expect girls to care for younger siblings and the home after school hours. This is in order for them to either provide support to aged guardians, to parents who were out seeking some form of employment to support their families or to assist those who worked long hours, far from home in low-paying jobs. In poor households, domestic labour involves female members carrying out the burdens of care of such a household. Boys are exempt from such responsibilities after school due to cultural norms and

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expectations of gender roles within a household and gender role socialisation that affords them access to public spaces, especially where homes are small and many have to share the few available rooms (Helman & Ratele, 2016). This is particularly true in rural areas (poor households predominate), where households consisting of four or more individuals were more commonplace than in urban areas (44.9% compared to 35.1% in urban areas) (Statistics South Africa, 2018).

An issue that was also raised was that despite the best intentions of implementers in SfD programmes, success or identified change in the lives of young girls through gendered life skills acquisition, would probably be minimal. The reason for this was reported to be that once the girls leave the controlled environment of an SfD programme, they return to the uncontrolled, and often impoverished environments of their communities. Thus, expecting behavioural change as a force of will, ignores structural and environmental influences such as the disempowering effects of poverty, violence and patriarchy (Dalton, Ghosal & Mani, 2016). Such (dis)enabling environments often entail ideologies and discriminatory practices that contradict lessons and behaviour taught to girls in sport or SFD programmes (Helman & Ratele, 2016).

Some research participants said that a possible way to ensure a positive, sustained impact of gendered life skills being taught, would be to simultaneously find ways to address the challenges within the impoverished environments that many of the girls find themselves living in. This would need the assistance of identified stakeholders who have the resources and capabilities to help address these community and societal issues by working to find sustainable methods to help alleviate identified impoverished circumstances. In the same vein, whilst sharing possible solutions, research participants also shared their scepticism, as poverty levels in the country have seemed to have gotten worse since apartheid (Chutel, 2017; Rogan & Reynolds, 2019). What respondents also raised was that with issues of poverty in South Africa, come issues of violence, with violence being viewed as a means of control.

The control that men of colour (particularly Black African and Coloured) seem to have over women in South African society, can translate into the physical space that women and girls occupy as well. Violence has become a national concern in South Africa (Gould, 2014; Roman,

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2019), one that the government does not seem to have control over (Fröhlich, 2019) and which has led to continuous reports of gender-based violence (GBV) (Cohen & Vecchiatto, 2019; De Lange, Mitchell & Bhana, 2012). GBV in the context of this thesis as was previously mentioned, shall refer to: acts of violence; any forms of unwanted contact, attention or verbal exchange; unequal power relations that lead to perceptions of women and girls as ‘objects’ or ‘possessions’ that need to be controlled; and actions of a sexualised nature towards women and girls (Ott, 2017).

Many research participants raised the issue of violence within communities as being an ongoing problem. This is unfortunately not rare in an unequal society such as South Africa, as there have been studies which have suggested possible links between high levels of violence and poverty, especially amongst communities of colour (Muller, 2013; Parkes & Unterhalter, 2015). The issue that therefore arises for many SfD programmes working in these communities is the safety and security of participants – especially the safety of females as they make their way to and from various activities. The inequalities that permeate class and ethnicity in South Africa, has led to the forced demonstration of male power within marginalised communities, which often renders women and girls vulnerable to acts of oppression and violence (Bhana, 2012). Many research participants acknowledged this to be of concern to as there is only so much that they can do to protect those involved in their programmes.

The opinions shared when the topic of violence arose, reflects a growing concern in the country regarding GBV, which seems to be increasing (Cohen & Vecchiatto, 2019; De Lange, Mitchell & Bhana, 2012), despite legislation which lays out the repercussions for perpetrators (Department of Justice, 1998; Republic of South Africa, 2000; 2011). Women and girls continue to have their rights violated, often violently so, yet there seems to be no reprieve from such actions (Hans, 2019). It has now reached a point where it has become an issue that has filtered into sport (Engh & Potgieter, 2018; Mail & Guardian, 2009) with the media providing coverage over the years of some of these abuses (South African Press Association, 2012). Unfortunately, in some programmes, the very people in charge of ensuring the safety of these young women and girls in sport, are also the very same ones who perpetuate acts of GBV

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against their charges (Groenmeyer, 2010; van Niekerk, 2015) – as shared by Sport Administrator/Activist B. This is worrying, considering that legislation in South Africa is meant to ensure the protections of children and young people from any forms of abuse, especially girls who partake in sport (van Niekerk, 2015).

Some research participants also shared the fear that girls themselves expressed, regarding their walking just within their communities (Bhana, 2012), due to the inability of many to afford public transport and having to often walk long distances between home, school, sporting activities and other necessary destinations. Yet the attraction of being involved in SfD programmes and sport itself and the safe space provided for a few hours a week, was shown to be worthwhile to many girls, despite the inherent dangers.

The information shared by NGO Manager E and the NGO Sports Co-ordinator regarding violence amongst young boys towards their female peers in their programmes, is again indicative of how behaviour in a society and environment can become enculturated (Schoeman, 2010; Ndinga-Kanga, 2015). It seems that hegemonic masculinities seem to have become entrenched in South Africa’s ongoing battle against patriarchy (Messerschmidt, 2018).

6.4 Sectors and Stakeholders

6.4.1 Government: Policies

The study provided evidence through the findings that there is an obvious and identifiable shortcoming in terms of ‘policy to practice’ implementation. The reason for this critique is because despite available prescripts, the findings of the study indicate that there are men in sport and South African society in general, who continue to marginalise women or set them up for failure. There also seems to be continued focus on those who do not adhere to racial transformation in sport (Pelak, 2008), whilst non-adherence to gender transformation is barely discussed (Mphahlele, 2019; Sibembe, 2019). This is despite lines of action to follow for non- adherence to gender transformation being available. These lines of action do not cover gender inequities in recreational sport (SfD and sport clubs), they focus on inequities within competitive and elite sport (SRSA, 2019). Gender equality/equity is not merely about

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quantifying gender representation (SRSA, 2015). It needs to be about addressing the patriarchal views that continue to justify gender issues as ingrained cultural views that need to be respected (McQuaid & Plastow, 2017).

6.4.2 Sport for Development sector

The excerpts provided in Chapter 5 raise a worrying thought: some of civic society feels that the South African Government is failing women and girls (in sport) with respect to gender equity and some believe that this may never change. This study links this belief to the limited guidance and direction found when one refers to the discussions in Chapter 3 on South African gendered sport policies (SRSA, 2007; 2011; 2013a; 2013b). One could perhaps pinpoint the vague assertions to the attainment of gender equity in sport within these policies as the reasons for a failure to achieve and ensure sustained gender equity in sport. A continued patriarchal hegemony that seems to rule sport structures in the country (Atanga, 2013; Selden, Widdowson & Brooker, 2005) influence these failings that go beyond policy or political rhetoric. This hegemony is a continued influence even at leadership levels within sport. It becomes particularly apparent when one refers to the number of women accepted into positions within sport – especially decision-making positions (Cricket South Africa, 2020; SAFA, 2017c; South African Rugby Union, 2018). The lack of women in key decision-making positions and structures has had a snowball effect on how resources are allocated to women and girls in sport. However, it is not about the gender of the decision-maker but their gender-mindedness, as men have a significant influence when it comes to ensuring gender equitable resource allocation and shared leadership. The inclusion of women in key positions is required if actions are to be implemented that truly achieve intended outcomes of policies – including clear guidelines and appropriate rationalisations (O’Neil & Domingo, 2015).

The above views, combined with the known length of time it takes to amend legislation in South Africa, also contributes to how the future of women in sport in South Africa is in question. The former national minister of sport (Tokozile Xasa) launched a discussion document to form the foundation of a Women and Sport Policy in 2018 (SRSA, 2019a). In 2019, the newly appointed Deputy Minister of sport (Nocawe Mafu) made a public

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commitment towards the completion of this policy after stepping into office. Soon after this pronouncement, personal communication with R. Mojalefa (September 6, 2019) highlighted that the policy would have a national launch on 8 March 2020. However, at the time of writing, the Department of Sport has yet to launch the proposed Women and Sport Policy and there is no further information regarding its release.

6.4.3 Corporate sector

One interesting issue that was presented in the findings, was Sport Administrator/Activist B’s opinion regarding corporate sector support – which is generally received through sponsorship. Her views on this indicated and supported how the lens of commercial interests (as highlighted by Douglas, n.d.) is usually used to view sponsorship. There have been global debates over the audience appeal of men versus women’s sports as a justification for the minimal amount of investment made by the corporate sector into women’s sports. Some corporates appear to believe that women’s sports do not generate as much return on investment (ROI) as men’s sports (van der Merwe, 2018; Sport Business, 2019). One can challenge these views however, as the gendered portrayals of sport by the media influences how (women’s) sport is viewed by society (Fink, 2015).

A recent exploratory research study documented consumer behaviour. Researchers found that the way consumers perceive sponsorship initiatives, especially in relation to social responsibility, influences consumer-purchasing decisions. If CSR and sponsorship initiatives are well crafted, embraced, and supported by a consumer base, it could possibly lead to educating consumers regarding identified/highlighted issues chosen as a focal point by corporates (Melovic, 2019). So, it was believed (by Sport Administrator/Activist B), the logical step would be to lobby corporates that made women’s only products – hair, clothing, make-up, hygiene products – for support for women and girls in sport, if other corporates that sponsored sport still gave less or nothing to women and girls.

Women constitute approximately 51% of the South Africa’s population (Statistics South Africa, 2019c), and women are considered to be greater consumers than men (Brennan, 2018;

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Matthews, 2019; Silverstein & Sayre, 2009). Nevertheless, those who benefit the most from women’s consumption (women-focused corporates), have not truly considered supporting them with regard to gender equity issues – especially in sport – an area where women’s products are sorely needed in order for them (women and girls) to compete and participate freely. So, if women are greater consumers than men, it can then perhaps be argued (as Sport Administrator/Activist B did) that if corporates focusing on women specific products were to support women in sport, this may lead to an increase in their consumer base and eventual ROI. It was hoped that this would be an approach that women within sport structures and leadership positions would consider working on together to ensure fruition.

6.5 From Policy to Practice

6.5.1 Structure and leadership

Discussions on issues hampering women and girls in sport which were touched upon by sport administrators and activists, included the lack of a dedicated gender office within sport structures in the country. When asked to elaborate, some of the research participants recalled the now defunct organisation – Women and Sport South Africa (WASSA). SRSA formerly launched WASSA in 1997 to ensure the attainment of gender equity in sport for women and girls. WASSA was mandated to develop and coordinate policy relating to women and sport in South Africa. The process was to be decentralised by providing a women and sport desk within each national sporting code and provincial department of sport (Jones, 2003). This would allow for a greater co-ordination, monitoring and evaluation of policies that were to be developed and implemented across the country (Women and Sport South Africa, 2011). Unfortunately, WASSA was dissolved less than 5 years after its inception (Burnett, 2018), with no plausible explanation provided.

Research participants who discussed WASSA, believed that the dissolution of it was one of the reasons why gender equity in sport within South Africa has become stagnant and why sport seems to be dealing with the same issues of inequality since 1994 (Botton, 2019; Leadership Online, 2018). Many were of the opinion that if a WASSA-type of structure or dedicated desk

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were to be reintroduced; it could help establish a monitoring function to provide accountability between policy and practice, with regard to gendered prescripts. Although there are no identifiable studies on the benefits of having a dedicated gender office or desk within an organisation, there are organisations and institutions in South Africa that have a dedicated gender equity office or unit (Commission for Gender Equality, 2014; University of the Witwatersrand, 2019). However, the media have debated the benefits that some of these offices provide towards gender equity due to the ongoing gender issues that women and girls continue to face in South Africa (Ho, 2019; Pilane, 2016).

The struggle to re-establish a women’s only desk with national and provincial sport structures to oversee gender equity in sport, could allude to a subtle approach by those (men) in power in limiting and controlling the amount of influence that women have in South African sport, especially at civic society level. For without a structured and co-ordinated approach towards addressing gender inequities in sport, women’s participation and influence in sport (especially at leadership level) is generally limited and controlled at the behest of those with power and privilege – the men (Claringbould & Knoppers, 2007).

Many attributed the struggle to re-establish a women’s only desk with the continued predominantly male-dominated sports leadership landscape of South Africa, despite South Africa having a female Deputy Minister of Sport tasked with the mandate of mass participation in sport (Claringbould & Knoppers, 2008; SRSA, 2019). This situation within sports structures is in opposition to the latest figures highlighting a 46% representation of South African women at the highest levels of national office – parliamentary structures (Gender Links, 2019). The leadership landscape of sport is not unique to South Africa, as studies have shown that men continue to dominate leadership positions from global to national levels, even when it comes to decision making regarding women and girls in sport (Burton, 2015; Claringbould & Knoppers, 2008; Pike et al, 2018). Some research participants believe that the reason behind a lack of women in leadership positions is due to a lack of leadership development programmes and mentoring opportunities for women (a view echoed by Leberman & Burton, 2017 and Pike et al, 2018).

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Within the South African sports fraternity (organisations), there are informal leadership development programmes and mentoring opportunities provided for men by men, especially for those who transition from professional participation, to managerial roles. This favoured bias is indicative of male hegemonic power and privilege influencing decision-making outcomes (Walker, Schaeperkoetter & Darvin, 2017) in opposition to adhering to required gendered prescripts and the availability of suitably qualified (though at times limited) women for consideration (Auster & Prasad, 2016).

Ultimately, it is believed that such actions, along with continued institutionalised patriarchal structures and practices, has contributed to the laboured pace of women advancing to sport leadership positions in the country (Burton & Leberman, 2017). This is further exacerbated by the fact that those who seem to implement fair and just processes in achieving gendered policy prescripts – more often than not – are not fully held accountable for their (in)actions towards achieving gender equity in sport (Isaacson, 2020c; Oxford & McLachlan, 2018; Pravitt, 2020). This lack of inclusivity in sport leadership structures is a reflection of a barely disguised lack of commitment towards gender equity prescripts (Rhode, 2017).

It was believed that only once those responsible for implementation and decision making are more reflective of those that they represent, will the voices of the marginalised truly be considered (Adriaanse, 2016; O’Neil & Domingo, 2015). Research participants felt (as reported in Chapter 5) that amongst the minor issues contributing to the gender (in)equity debate, is how gender equity is assessed in terms of men permitting women to actively engage. This does not take into regard how women in positions of power (at all levels, also highlighted by Rhode, 2017) facilitate other women’s access to the same opportunities (something they felt needed to be monitored to ensure proper implementation). Therefore, understanding how the mentorship and facilitation of women by women into key positions in South African sport affects gender equity, offers an important avenue for future research.

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6.5.2 Monitoring and evaluation

Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) of programmes, policies and projects developed for social inclusion, is sorely needed to assess their viability for gender reform within sport and SfD. However, M&E was an issue that many research participants acknowledged was sorely lacking in South Africa (a view echoed by Maleka et al, 2017), especially when considering those that focused on or were linked with gender equity. This is because it is well-known that good governance – transparency and accountability – in South Africa, in relation to ‘policy-to- practice’ implementation, is plagued by issues of corruption and maladministration due to a lack of M&E (Maropo, 2018), which can be attributed to impinging on informed decision making, as the findings have shown.

Of the 28 participants interviewed, 23 worked within SfD. All 23 of these participants implemented or included gender equity in some form within their programmes. Interestingly enough though, only four of the 23 SfD participants actually admitted to utilising (guiding framework) and implementing M&E tools within their organisation. This was not uncommon within the SfD field in South Africa (Maleka et al, 2017). One can thus argue that the lack of M&E of gender equity programmes or the implementation of gender equity prescripts is a cause for concern within South African civic society.

It could be argued that the lack of effective M&E tools or even guidelines with respect to gender equity in sport, could be due to the fact that gendered policy prescripts do not provide guiding principles for those within civic society. The provision of the end goal (equal opportunity for all) is commendable but if no guideline assistance is given to civic society, with markers as to how to obtain/ensure it within a patriarchal system, issues with M&E application could arise. This could further affect the ability to discern which programmes/workshops/activities geared towards the attainment of gender equity in sport – within certain contexts – do or do not work (Harris, 2018).

Participants who did not partake in M&E admitted that they struggled with the concept and how to utilise and implement the various (internal/and or external) options available for M&E,

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especially when faced with environments or issues which differ from what they were prepared for. This was due to the lack of formal training on M&E (Kaufman, Rosenbauer & Moore, 2013; Maleka et al, 2017; Massey & Whitley, 2019). A few felt that incorporating M&E into their management functions to ensure good governance, without the relevant training or assistance, could add more work to a programme and/or organisation that was already struggling with funding and functioning often with limited human capacity to run their operations (highlighted by Harris, 2018 and Jeanes & Lindsey, 2014).

The researcher probed the four organisations that utilised M&E about their reasoning. They believed that M&E allowed for the future preparation and sensitisation of coaches regarding gender equity programming, after an analysis of how their programmes were influencing gender reform within the communities that they operated in (as suggested by Harris, 2018). Research participants stated that this could help ensure the alignment of the programming with the cultural and environmental values of the communities that NGOs worked in, to ensure that the programmes had the intended impact. A process of feedback interviews or talks with NGO coaches and children in their care (Hayhurst, 2016) usually achieved this with regard to the programmes being implemented. This feedback loop not only helped these NGOs that utilised M&E in improving their programme offerings but it also provided evidence-based data that highlighted good practices within their organisations which could then be included in funding applications (Massey & Whitley, 2019).

Most of the feedback loops were acquired pre- and post-programme implementation, in order to assess the overall impact of the programme. The results were later incorporated into reports and measured against the initial intended outcomes and expectations of donors. If areas of misalignment exist between results from data collection and the expected projections of donors, justifications for the differential(s) were provided and supported by data. This was highlighted as a central issue which donors weighed in on when allocating funds – evidence of the results that programmes could achieve in improving the lives of participants (something also identified by Svensson & Hambrick, 2019 and Whitley et al, 2020). Many within SfD acknowledged it was also a growing concern that could have an impact upon their ability to attract and retain

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(overseas) funding – which was often challenging and very competitive – if they could not implement M&E directives (also pointed out by Shin, Cohen & Welty Peachey, 2020).

The discussions on M&E during the study and the discovery of its lack of utilisation within South African sport and SfD, could be linked to the continued policy to practice challenge. M&E can assist with ensuring that relevant stakeholders and decision makers are held accountable when gender equity reform fails. This could aid in best practices and lessons of experience within the field.

6.6 Conclusion

The research questions that formed the foundation of the study undertaken with direct bearing on the concluding remarks, are:

(i) What is the degree of alignment of policies and practices regarding gender reform – from the international to local level – particularly in the context of South African sport?

(ii) What are civic society actors’ views and experiences of the implementation of gender equity across all levels of the South African sport and recreation sector?

(iii) What are civic society actors’ perceptions of gender equality and gender equity?

These questions allowed for an in-depth investigation into gender as a social construct within the South African context. It captures and reflects upon the views of civic society agencies towards gender inequality and inequity as it relates to sport within the sport sectors. It explores how these perceptions, experiences and realities are influenced by policy and practices, and how policies articulate with existing practices at grassroots levels of sport.

The analysis of gender equity within a human justice and social justice framework that informs the national framework of South African sport-related policies and structures, resulted in key theoretical insights emanating from a broad social justice and transformation agenda, underpinned by critical feminism which included insights from Black African feminist scholars.

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The inclusion of a brief (yet detailed) discussion of the history and background of gendered policies, globally and the impact of these policies on societal discourse and sport at the regional and national levels, allowed for the framing and understanding of their impact in the South African context. A two-pronged approach (utilising critical feminist discourse and policy analysis to frame the study) allowed for a critical analysis of ‘policy to practice’ in the South African context of gender inequality evident in current gender discourses and public debates.

The conceptual framework of the study and methodological approach, allowed for the capturing of the actual, lived experiences of women and girls in sport in South African – with particular relevance to individuals living in relatively impoverished communities.

As a result, the study provided detailed evidence of actual experiences and observed conduct in terms of the implementation (or lack thereof) of gender-related sport policies. The analysis of these data highlighted the disconnect between policies and their implementation as they relate to issues of gender in South Africa. The identified disconnect between policy and the implementation thereof (from policy to practice) was attributed to societal issues which are influenced by institutionalised male hegemony and influenced by patriarchal thinking (Budgeon, 2014; McKay, 2003). This has resulted in continued experiences and practices of gender inequities at all levels and structures of sport.

The exploratory probing of this study produced key insights that have contributed to the body of knowledge surrounding gender equity in sport from a South African perspective.

6.6.1 Contribution to theoretical insights and the gender discourse

The conceptual framework that underpinned this study recognised that gender is a socially constructed view of the world that has placed men and their roles in society in positions of dominant power and privilege. The research findings indicated that this apparent status quo is generally accepted and often left unchallenged within and amongst marginalised communities and different ethnic populations, despite South Africa’s post-colonial society and democratic state. This study expressed and identified institutionalised, expected adherence to culture as the

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rationalisation for these continued, skewed power relations amongst the majority of the population (predominantly Black African). Thus, gender inequity in South Africa is identified as being influenced by multiple layers of disenfranchisement – ethnicity, social class, culture and locality (such as urban versus rural).

In this thesis, gender is non-binary and fluid – a concept that challenges what it means to be feminine and masculine within society and sport (Zipp & Nauright, 2018). However, the findings of this study generated insights which revealed that gender in South African society is still viewed by the majority of men (mainly those situated in marginalised populations) at various levels, as a rigid and binary cultural paradigm that needs to be instilled, accepted without question and adhered to. This binary view expects women to be feminine, passive, and biddable and stigmatises women who refuse to be weak or compliant and those who appear ‘masculine’. To ensure that such behaviour does not occur and that women ‘remember their place’ in society, research participants shared examples of how men continue to impose their dominance and authority over women and girls, almost as a reminder of cultural expectations and unquestionably indicative of an active support of the persistent paradigm.

This has led to categorical discriminations that highlighted that: more men and boys take part in sport (recreation to elite levels) than women and girls; more males coach sport than women; and more men hold the majority of the leadership positions within sport (federations) structures. This ethos has infiltrated all levels and structures of sport and SfD, and can be attributed to the identified non-compliance of gendered sport-policy prescripts and the ongoing struggle of women and girls in sport to be afforded fair and just opportunities, resources and support.

The struggle of South African men to accept gender equity due to their patriarchal views is the contributing factor to continued hegemonic, sexist practices in sport. These practices have led to the identified gap of ‘policy to practice’; unequal political power struggles within sports leadership and decision-making; and the prioritisation and support of men and boys in sport, over women and girls. This lack of acceptance is underpinned by stereotypes and patriarchal ideology

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that a woman has a perceived place in South African society is one, which should render them passive, non-vocal, and accepting of men’s ‘privileged’ positioning (Holmes, 2007).

The continued existence of hegemonic, sexist practices in South African sport has led to the identification of three main discourses. These are: contextual and societal lived realities relating to sport and gender; the policy to practice disconnect; and civic society actors’ experiences and observations of (presumed) stakeholder’s (in)actions surrounding gender equity in sport. This has all contributed to supporting the opinion that women and girls are still marginalised and often oppressed.

6.6.2 Contextual realities relating to sport and gender

This study has provided three contextual realities for women and girls related to sport and gender. The first contextual reality being experienced within sport has shown that within the informal sports sector (grassroots perspective), girls from marginalised communities are discouraged and often forbidden to participate in informal play and structured activities offered in SfD programmes. Secondly, the lack of recognition and support of SfD’s contribution to women’s participation in more competitive and active sport can be linked to government’s acknowledgment that participation levels (recreation and competitive) of women and girls in the country are far below what is required (SRSA, 2015). Thirdly, from a leadership perspective, the experienced reality that emerged from this study was that men and women in power may derail or even prevent women from obtaining leadership roles if the person in power is not gender-minded or if policies are not being adhered to or monitored.

These three perspectives show that South African women and girls in sport are experiencing barriers to equity, fairness and justice both from the top-down and bottom-up. These barriers may be why (as mentioned by some research participants) one currently finds very few female role models for women and girls in competitive sport and in leadership positions and management structures.

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Furthermore, the realities experienced externally to sport in relation to gender equity in South Africa, have led to two key social development issues being identified that are well-known in research but, until this study, have not been highlighted as having a significant impact on gender equity in sport. These are the additional, interrelated realities facing many marginalised communities in terms of sport or SfD – poverty and gender-based violence (GBV), as discussed under 6.3 above.

6.6.3 The policy to practice disconnect

This study has also highlighted that, unlike international policies that South Africa aligns itself with and has apparently used to formulate its own gendered policies, South African gendered sports-related policies are vague and lack clear guidelines on gender reform and expected adherence to them. In policy as it currently stands, gender falls under an umbrella term – marginalised groups – which also includes youth, ethnicity and those with disabilities. Yet none of these populations are homogeneous with respect to their perceived and experienced barriers to fairness and justice. This lack of recognition and emphasis within policy (especially sport- related policy) of gender as separate from other marginalised groups may be why this study identified multiple barriers that are not explicitly addressed in policies. The study also found that they are entrenched in practices to such an extent that the exclusion of women and girls in different spheres is justified as being the status quo.

There are also no robust monitoring and evaluation (M&E) tools or frameworks put in place by government and public policy actors to ensure that actors within sport implement policies and report transgressions. The lack of M&E in the sport sector, especially with regard to gender equity as part of social transformation, can be highlighted as the chief contributing factor to the ‘policy to practice’ disconnect identified in this study. This identified disconnect contributes to issues such as:

• a lack of progress on identified issues (i.e. lack of women in sport leadership positions and lack of resources and support to women and girls in sport);

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• a lack of societal understanding of what the actual issues are that impinge on gender reform work; and • ineffective use of already limited resources (Langer, 2015; Maleka et al, 2017; UN Women, 2010).

This has led to the stagnation of the women and sport movement due to the lack of a nationally appointed structure focused on gender equity in sport in South Africa. Some research participants also highlighted that in the last 26 years, post-democracy (1994-2020), ‘not much has changed’ for women in society and in sport. If the view of civic society is that not much has changed, despite gendered sport-related policies that is evidence of a clear disconnect that government needs to address urgently.

The findings indicated that implementers (NGO employees and administrators) confused or lacked basic understanding of the two concepts – gender equality and gender equity. The findings of this study also present management and leadership actors as often contributing to barriers that hamper gender reform. This could be seen to further imply that both parties have limited or lack of understanding of gender equity and gender equality and are confusing these two concepts, not realising that they are not the same in terms of interpretation and implementation.

Gendered sports policies are supposed to assist with gender equity (providing equal treatment, based on need), however the presentation and justifications for gender reform within policies (as presented in the thesis), show alignment to gender equality (treating men and women the same). This has led to the confusion for implementers referred to above and limited actionable change and implementation within sport structures and levels.

6.6.4 Civic society perspectives: Role of stakeholders

This study has also highlighted the lack of partnerships and engagements amongst various stakeholders involved in the sport and SfD sector. For gender equity in sport to succeed, especially in South Africa, it needs collaboration and partnerships between the public sector

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(government), policy actors, the business sector, the sport sector (federations) and civic society (NGOs, implementers, activists, academics, scholars and researchers). The public sector are the custodians of public spaces used in sport, especially those required by impoverished communities. These spaces are in the form of facilities and clubs found within communities and schools. The public sector usually provides the material resources, human capital and transport needed to ensure the effective running of sport (in schools, clubs, communities, and federations). The business sector also contributes resources (funding and material requirements) to national government and sport federations on rare occasions. Volunteers, especially female volunteers who have multiple roles to fulfil at work and at home, mostly manage South African sport federations which are often poorly resourced. In instances where government (or even a particular NGO) struggles to deliver, NGOs fill this gap, although most have limited resources at their disposal. It should be a collaborative partnership and effort, with the strengths of each individual stakeholder assisting to minimise any identified weaknesses of others.

This critique stemmed from a conversation with Administrator/Activist C, who shared the following:

I have been to [stakeholder] meetings, I don’t know how many times on how we should work together and whatever, and sometimes they do and sometimes they don’t. And it’s one of the things that is making it difficult to make sure that the programmes spread out throughout from top to bottom.

This study has shown that civic society seem to be influential actors working towards trying to ensure gender equity in grassroots sport practices. Nevertheless, civic society actors have also admitted amongst themselves that they often work in silos – unaided and dependent on short- term funding from a donor organisation (Rose, 2014). Despite this, research participants highlighted the fact that civic society actors in South Africa are ready, willing and able to mobilise and act on identified shortfalls of policy and practice in order to contribute to gender reform in sport.

The key insights presented above indicate that the current situation in South Africa is not tenable as the government has publicly committed itself to national (NDP2030) and

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international (SDGs) prescripts that are aimed at social change, and which reference sport and gender equity as contributing to this change.

6.7 Recommendations

This study has identified a critical shortcoming in how gender equity and equality features at the policy and practice levels in the South African sport sector. The shortcoming concerns the lack of policy implementation across all levels and structures of sport in South Africa. This is linked to socio-political issues and various societal conditions associated with poverty-related manifestations such as GBV. As was mentioned by various research participants, these need to be addressed through processes of interactions and mediation involving both men and women. To achieve such an approach, African feminism underpins the contributing foundational framework for each recommendation.

This study has identified five stakeholders as potential actors to meaningfully address gender inequity in South African sport, if they are able to operationalise. Based on the findings, specific recommendations are assigned to each stakeholder for consideration and dissemination.

6.7.1 Stakeholders

6.7.1.1 Government.

This study has shown that current policies are vague and lack actionable content. The equality clause of the South African Constitution states that it will afford women protection against discrimination and that decision-making powers should include a reflection of the gender composition of the country (Republic of South Africa, 1996b). The White Paper on Sport and Recreation for the Republic of South Africa commits to the provision of equal access to women across all levels of sports structures (SRSA, 2013b). Furthermore, the National Sports and Recreation Plan commits to making women a priority in sport through greater inclusion in sports processes, providing opportunities and access to sport, greater financial support and the design of programmes focused on their empowerment (SRSA, 2013a). These documents do not acknowledge the challenges that gender reform faces in South Africa, nor the impact of

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culture, ideology and the socio-economic environment. This is indicative of neo-colonial underpinnings of current policy frameworks, as the challenges faced in a multicultural country such as South Africa, are not recognised. There are also no M&E structures in place to guide the implementation and to ensure the accountability of these or future prescripts. Thus, the following recommendations need to be considered in order to fill the gaps that this study has identified.

Recommendation 1: Analysis of policies, frameworks and action plans. This study therefore recommends that a more detailed and critical analysis of sport policies, frameworks and action plans should be conducted immediately.

Recommendation 2: Collaboration and cooperation between government departments in terms of addressing social issues that are barriers to gender reform. Policy actors and representatives from relevant government departments and institutions should also collaborate to find resolutions to the social issues and barriers to gender inequity within sport (in particular poverty and GBV) that this study has identified.

An example would be cooperation between the Department of Sport, Arts and Culture (henceforth referred to as the Department of Sport) and the Department of Social Development to lead an investigation into specific social issues that need urgent redress and which affect gender equity in sport. Results from this proposed investigation could contribute to the creation of a strategic framework related to (and linking) sport and social development, with specific and targeted indicators. The creation of a joint task force between these two departments could achieve this. The mandate could be to use the developed strategic framework to create training workshops for lower level departmental employees, to equip them with the skills and knowledge needed to educate marginalised communities on gender equity and reform. Such training would utilise an approach that would help sensitise communities about the identified attitudes and treatment meted out to women and girls, especially in relation to sport.

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Recommendation 3: Cooperative provision of training. The Department of Sport and the Department of Social Development could also further strengthen their structures and cooperation by providing immediate education and training to top-level decision makers to ensure appropriate and correct execution of policy formulation, development and compliance. This would ensure that future policy amendments would exclude unambiguous wording and directives and would highlight and clearly define the correct usage of the terms ‘equity’ and ‘equality’. Lower level management, decision makers and relevant employees should also be given training to provide them with the necessary tools and support needed for them to efficiently implement policy prescripts. This would ensure that they are able to offer the necessary support to other stakeholders within the sport sector (see under NGO section below). Training (in the form of workshops or short courses) should be provided by relevant and government-registered training service providers. The Department of Sport and the Department of Social Development could also initiate gender equity education workshops similar to, but more basic than those planned for their employees. These would be targeted at specific, marginalised communities with deeply entrenched patriarchal structures and issues. Such a bold move (if initiated), could galvanise other government departments into taking similar action.

Recommendation 4: Gender desk. This study has shown that SRSA does not have a gender desk or commission and there is no information on SASCOC’s Gender Equity Commission either. This proves that federations will struggle to rely on SRSA for guidance, as this study has shown the shortcomings in policy implementation. Therefore, a recommendation is the reinstatement of a women’s desk within government (national Department of Sport) as a ‘watch dog’ to oversee the implementation of gender reform throughout the levels of sport management. There may be government actors who disagree with this recommendation due to how such as desk was closed down nearly 20 years ago. However, as this study has disclosed, there were no official justifications given (at the time) and the integration of women’s issues across various government departments and portfolios does not render the desired effects regarding the delivery of gender equity within the different structures and practices.

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Recommendation 5: Sport policy amendments. Furthermore, it is recommended that current sport policy amendments be recalled and re-attended to, so as to reflect issues being experienced by women and girls across all levels of sport, that this study has presented. These new sport policy amendments should offer strategic guidelines to SRSA’s (yet to be released) Strategic Plan 2020-2025. This document (upon release) needs to provide specific gender targets for leadership, management and coaching positions to be achieved within designated timelines. An example of such targets could include phased approaches towards ensuring a minimum of 40% female representation of SfD programme coaches and a 40% female representation within management and board level structures of sport federations. This could be achieved over a five-year period. This would, in turn, also allow for a more equitable approach and consideration towards the allocation of resources and support in sport (for women and girls). Current policy amendments (as discussed in Chapter 3) do not include any gender targets, although it has been acknowledged by government that gender equity in sport is not being achieved (SRSA, 2015).

Recommendation 6: Legalisation of collaborations through inclusion in policy amendments or strategic plans. It is also recommended that identification (along with necessary support) by government of stakeholder collaborations that are necessary for gender equity, should be legalised, by including them in policy amendments or new strategic plans (SRSA’s Strategic Plan 2020-2025). This recommendation could then also encourage current stakeholders to either stop working in silos, or could provide clarity for less powerful stakeholders (such as NGOs) on whom to collaborate with (due to their limited resources), as the findings have shown some confusion in that regard.

Recommendation 7: M&E. Another recommendation is for the Department of Sport to establish official governance structures to ensure transparency and accountability within sport. This would allow for the monitoring and evaluation of structural reform in sport, with clearly stipulated punitive measures to be taken for non-compliance, and the provision of incentives for the achievement of various levels of gender equity reform. Structural reform would be in the form of gender-targets for positions (as mentioned above). Gender targets could be specific,

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such as SASCOC’s recent commitment by the board to ensuring a 50% board representation at their upcoming board elections (Isaacson, 2020a). The type of resources and support to ensure that women and girls are prioritised in sport (to ensure gender equity) due to their continued marginalisation, should also be explicitly stated, along with a commitment (by government) towards tax rebates for corporates that contribute towards women’s sports, as mentioned below. This would allow for M&E to take place, to ensure an enabling environment for gender equity, as at the moment, M&E within sport is non-existent. Therefore, no one is being held to account for continued gender inequities.

Recommendation 8: Tax rebates for private corporations’ CSR contributions toward women and girls in sport. National government structures (Office of the Presidency, Treasury and South African Revenue Service), should consider official tax rebates for private corporations which spend portions of their annual revenue or CSR budget on women and/or girls in sport initiatives. The greater the contribution, the greater the rebate should be.

Recommendation 9: Access for researchers to government officials and politicians. Finally, government officials and politicians need to be encouraged to allow access for researchers for future studies. Access to such stakeholder actors could provide greater context and in-depth knowledge of gender-related sports issues from a policy perspective. Lack of access to government officials and politicians (as noted in Chapter 1) was a great limitation to this study.

6.7.1.2 Sport Federations.

SASCOC is the only sport structure in the country that has been identified as having a Gender Equity Commission to oversee gender equity in sport (SASCOC, 2012; 2018). This is important, as SASCOC is in charge of promoting, developing and overseeing many of South Africa’s sport federations. At the time of writing, information on the composition of this commission and the functioning regarding gender equity relevant to sport federations, was not available. However, the Transformation Status Scorecard 2017/18 released in 2019 by national government indicates that South African sport is generally failing in terms of gender reform.

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The report audited transformation levels (race and gender) across 19 of the most popular sports (by participation numbers) in the country. The report indicated that gender equity was an ongoing challenge, as 16 of the 19 federations audited were battling with gender equity issues, which was affecting participation of women and girls. Some of these (16) federations were also targeted in the report as being apathetic towards gender reform (SRSA, 2019a).

Recommendation 10: Federation audits with regard to gender equity. What is recommended is that each sport federation in South Africa, does an audit (with the assistance of government and university researchers) of their policies and structures, with regard to gender equity. This will allow for the identification of the exact barriers to gender reform within a specific sport organisation (at management, senior sports women, junior sports women, schools sport and club/recreation levels) within elite and amateur structures. The identification of barriers specific to a particular sport, will allow for the development of appropriate measures to amend federation policies (to align more with gender reform) and actionable initiatives to contribute to the attainment of gender equity.

Boxing South Africa is one organisation which has already undertaken the approach recommended above. Prior to 2001, women were not allowed to box professionally in the country but this has changed. Boxing South Africa evaluated its structures and this led to an amendment of its policies in order to attract women to the sport (SRSA, 2004; The Presidency, 2001). This evaluation also led to the implementation of initiatives targeted at women, such as women-only tournaments and obtaining financial assistance from government to support female boxing promoters, who in turn identify, support and promote female boxers (Magesela, 2018; Ravele, 2017). Boxing was also the first male-dominated sport federation in South Africa, to have a female as its president (Brand South Africa, n.d.). Such actions led Boxing South Africa to be one of only three of the identified 19 sport federations audited in the Transformation Status Scorecard 2017/18 to receive a clean gender report. This indicated that they had met government gender requirements within their sport. Other federations would do well to emulate this federation’s examples of gender equity.

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6.7.1.3 The corporate sector.

The sporting community generally considers corporates to be the main sponsors of sport in South Africa, yet they target mainly male-dominated sports/men’s teams/individual male athletes (Campbell, 2020; Nielsen Holdings, 2020). This is evidenced by soccer and netball being the only ‘professional’ women’s sports in the country. Until the start of 2020, women’s soccer had been semi-professional for 10 years (SAFA, 2020) and netball is still currently running a semi-professional domestic league (Rekord Pretoria, 2019).

Recommendation 11: Corporative sponsorships of women’s products, women’s leagues, teams and athletes, and GBV and other women’s advocacy issues. Therefore, as raised by Administrator/Activist B during the interview process, corporates that produce women’s products such as clothing, underwear and menstrual products should be incentivised (through tax rebates by government, as recommended under Government above) to consider allocating some of their annual revenue or CSR budgets towards supporting gender equity sport initiatives. Initiatives could be in the form of financing the creation (and sponsorship) of professional women sport’s leagues and providing greater support to national women’s teams and individual athletes, as well as financing gender equity projects and programmes undertaken by NGOs in SfD. They could also provide support and funding for targeted GBV and identified women’s advocacy issues within specific communities or identified sports. Targeted financial allocations specific to identified and verified need for gender equity in sport, should also be considered. This can all be implemented either through collaborations with national sport federations, school sport, sports clubs or NGOs within the SfD field.

Recommendation 12: Brand awareness. All corporate budget allocations and support should also have branding which could raise brand awareness and contribute to an organisation’s eventual ROI. Such an approach to multiple initiatives could help get more girls involved in sport at all levels, as the lack of key items such as sports bras and menstrual products grossly hinder many women and girls in South Africa from participating in sport, especially at grassroots and amateur levels.

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6.7.1.4 NGOs.

During the interview process, findings highlighted that the NGO sector could be mobilised to take ownership of gender equity initiatives within sport and SfD. Ownership of such initiatives by NGOs would mean that they would no longer have to solely depend on government for assistance and/or guidelines in achieving gender equity, and could focus on a bottom-up approach to contribute to gender reform. This is because research participants at these levels shared views on the shortcoming in policy implementations and identified and/or confirmed the issues that continue to contribute to gender inequity in sport. With NGOs working on the ground (within communities), they are able to see the issues that hinder policy implementation first-hand.

Recommendation 13: NGOs taking ownership of addressing issues and shortcomings. Therefore, it is recommended that NGOs take ownership of the need to address the issues and shortcomings mentioned above and be bold enough to approach government and academic institutions for collaboration and training, and government and academic institutions should in turn be open to such partnerships and dissemination of knowledge and information. (See also recommendations under Government above and Universities below regarding providing NGOs with appropriate training to enable their employees and volunteers to gain an essential understanding of policies and how they are meant to be implemented. Such training could be in the form of workshops and/or training programmes).

Recommendation 14: Partnerships with sport and social development training service providers. To ensure relevant and appropriate training that supports policy implementation, further partnerships with accredited sport and social development training service providers registered with the South African Sector Education and Training Authority are recommended. NGOs also need to ensure that they provide the necessary cooperation and aid to researchers and investigators from either government or universities and other academic institutions working towards the study of and solutions to gender inequality and necessary reform measures.

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6.7.1.5 Universities.

Recommendation 15: Impact assessments. Universities have research capabilities; this would aid them in collaborating with government departments (and possibly also even NGOs) to develop appropriate M&E tools for assessing gender equity in sport. It is recommended that impact assessments on gender equity in sport and SfD programmes be conducted, which would provide the necessary data to support the development of M&E tools, especially for the SfD sector.

Recommendation 16: Accredited courses, informal trainings and short courses. Such research capacity would also contribute to identifying relevant topics for education and training for the sport and SfD field. Universities and other academic institutions could take this a step further with higher institutions across South Africa offering accredited courses or informal trainings and short courses relevant to the sport and SfD sector.

Recommendation 17: Community outreach. All tertiary institutions in South Africa offer formal qualifications in either sport and recreation, sport management or sport sciences at the under-graduate level. Therefore, a recommendation is to include community outreach as part of the course offerings at undergraduate level. This could aid in supporting civic society (NGOs and schools) with relevant services that they may otherwise not be able to afford (such as coaching, talent identification and health screenings). This would, in turn, provide students with much-needed work-integrated learning.

Recommendation 18: Strategic partnerships and collaborations with local communities. Furthermore, community outreach could also provide the gateway to identifying strategic partnerships and collaborations for universities with surrounding communities. Surrounding communities, schools and sports clubs are in need of resources (sports facilities, human capital (students) and equipment) that universities have readily available. It is recommended that these be utilised for sports events that may benefit schools and communities.

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Recommendation 19: M&E training. Universities are also recommended to provide SfD NGOs with relevant and appropriate M&E training for their managers, employees and volunteers. This will provide those working within and for NGOs with the appropriate tools to assess their current programmes (develop future programmes) and make the necessary adjustments and changes to ensure the effectiveness and impact of their programmes on gender reform. This would also train them on how to provide relevant and appropriate reporting to funders/donors and how to provide supporting data to funding applications.

6.7.2 Future research

This study has shown that within the debate around gender equity in sport, there is much focus on policies and leadership, which is necessary but, as has been evidenced by this study, often fails to acknowledge that barriers affecting gender inequity also occur at civic society/grassroots levels. Thus, further investigative research needs to be done on perceptions and experiences regarding gender inequity and sport within marginalised communities across various other geographical regions. This will allow for the identification of core issues impinging on gender equity in different sectors and across various levels of sport. This would ultimately provide a greater representation of data. This is important, as there is a dearth of literature focusing on identified issues impinging gender equity. Therefore, similar research as pursued in this study, should be conducted across other geographic regions (within Africa and/or other parts of the world) and different sectors of sport (i.e. school sport, sport participation and competitive/elites sport). This could allow for a comparative analysis to identify good/best practices going forward.

As has been discussed in this thesis, gender reform cannot be approached homogenously, as women around the world experience gender inequity differently. This is why gender equity approaches need to be tailored to specific groupings and communities in order to properly address identified issues. This will allow for the identification of multiple and intersecting factors that contribute to societal inclusion and exclusion regarding gender reform at global, national and local levels. This could eventually have a spill-over effect into research on ideology and socialisation practices for women and girls. Such research could provide crucial insight into the influences (of parents, siblings, coaches, romantic partners) impacting upon

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observed, learned societal behaviour and norms that women and girls transfer to sport and how this may impact on their degree/level of participation.

Additional research that needs to be considered is an adaptation of the research methodology utilised in this study. The adaptation would focus on comparative analysis regarding perceptions of gender (in)equity in sport and SfD from the perspective of:

• Men and women (separating them during the interview process and/or interviewing them as separate focus groups) • Different age groups irrespective of gender (e.g. compare views and experiences of school age children (12-18 years old); 20-year olds, 30-year olds etc.) – a generational analysis • Mainstream and niche sports, to assess if gender (in)equity is affected by the popularity (or lack thereof) of a specific sport.

An adaptation of the research methodology could also be utilised to: • Identify and assess appropriate measures that could mitigate community level barriers to gender reform in SfD programme initiatives in South Africa (or countries with similar socio-economic contexts). • Identify and assess the appropriate measures needed to ensure relevant actioning of gender reform within sport leadership in South Africa (or countries with similar socio- economic contexts).

6.8 Summary

I raise up my voice – not so that I can shout, but so that those without a voice can be heard. We cannot succeed when half of us are held back.

(Malala Yousafzai, 2013)

This study has epitomised the above quote. It has brought issues to the fore that need urgent redress, yet, to date, have only been whispered on many (sports) fields where thousands of children play and girls wait their turn. The study has highlighted the real disconnect that is

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ongoing, yet remains unchallenged in relation to gendered sport-related policies in South Africa – a disconnect that has contributed to poor gender reform over the last 26 years’ post-apartheid, with the newly democratically elected government paying little more than ‘lip service’ to gender equality enshrined within their policies. This study has communicated the true reality and influence of GBV and poverty and their impact on women and girls in society and in sport. These women and girls are subjected to male-biased cultural influence and desperately require an understanding and commitment to norms and values within society that would recognise ‘women’ as ‘human’ and afford them the rights that they justly deserve. This study also highlights how civic society actors are seemingly ‘at the mercy’ of top-down decision makers in government. This is despite them often being tasked to find donors on their own so as to assist government with the delivery of gendered and needs-based activities for social inclusion. These are the silent workers who deliver sport to the unseen and unheard – work for which the government can later take the credit. This study is dedicated to South African women and girls (in sport) who remain marginalised and are perhaps either too scared to voice their realities or go unheard when they do.

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ANNEXURE A

DEPARTMENT OF SPORT AND MOVEMENT STUDIES RESEARCH STUDY INFORMATION LETTER

November 2018

Good Day,

My name is Nana Adom-Aboagye. I WOULD LIKE TO INVITE YOU TO PARTICIPATE in a research study on: Gender equity in sport-related policies: A case study for understanding empowerment and inclusion in South Africa.

Before you decide on whether to participate, I would like to explain to you why the research is being done and what it will involve for you. I will go through the information letter with you and answer any questions you have. This should take about 10 to 20 minutes. The study is part of a research project being completed as a requirement for a Doctor of Philosophy, Sport Management qualification through the University of Johannesburg.

THE PURPOSE OF THIS STUDY is to explore sport-related policies and strategic plans and programmes in South Africa, to assess their current positioning and contribution to gender equity and social transformation. This will aid in providing possible guidelines for improved implementation. 1>

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Below, I have compiled a set of questions and answers that I believe will assist you in understanding the relevant details of participation in this research study. Please read through these. If you have any further questions I will be happy to answer them for you.

DO I HAVE TO TAKE PART? No, you don’t have to. It is up to you to decide to participate in the study. I will describe the study and go through this information sheet. If you agree to take part, I will then ask you to sign a consent form.

WHAT EXACTLY WILL I BE EXPECTED TO DO IF I AGREE TO PARTICIPATE? You will be asked to participate in an interview to discuss the topic researched. The discussions will be recorded (audio or video recording) with your permission. All data obtained, transcriptions and recordings will be kept confidential and you will remain anonymous. Your participation in the study will provide valuable contributions to the empowerment of women and girls in South Africa through the use of sport as a vehicle for change. The interviews will take place at a neutral venue suggested by yourself during a time period that is suitable to your schedule and will take approximately 60 minutes of your time and shall be recorded using audio-taping equipment. For those who may be unable to attend a face-to-face interview, video-conferencing can be arranged and this too shall be recorded (video recording), with your identity being kept confidential through the use of pseudonyms. After analysis of the data, if the researcher feels it is necessary, follow up interviews will be conducted for clarification on themes/points identified.

WHAT WILL HAPPEN IF I WANT TO WITHDRAW FROM THE STUDY? If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent at any time without giving a reason and without any consequences. If you wish to withdraw your consent, you must inform me as soon as possible with a written request.

IF I CHOOSE TO PARTICIPATE, WILL THERE BE ANY EXPENSES FOR ME, OR PAYMENT DUE TO ME? You will not be paid to participate in this study and you will not bear any expenses. 2>

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RISKS INVOLVED IN PARTICIPATION: There may be some risks from participating in this research study. The study may include risks that may be better described as things that could make the subject feel uncomfortable such as disclosing information that you don’t want to share. You may then ask to move to the next question and are under no obligation to answer.

BENEFITS INVOLVED IN PARTICIPATION: This research is not designed to help you personally, however, the results may help the investigator learn more about the state of the sport-related policies in South Africa for gender equity and inclusion. We hope that, in the future, other people might benefit from this study through improved policy guidelines, strategic plans and programmes focused on gender equity and inclusion, with the hope of empowering women and girls to improve their lives.

WILL MY PARTICIPATION IN THIS STUDY BE KEPT CONFIDENTIAL? Yes, to help protect your confidentiality, your name will not be used in the data collection procedure, rather pseudonyms will be used. Data will be stored in storage areas, using identification codes only on data forms, and using password-protected computer files. Only I or my research supervisors will be authorised to use and/or disclose your anonymised information in connection with this research study. Any other person wishing to work with your anonymised information as part of the research process (e.g. an independent data coder) will be required to sign a confidentiality agreement before being allowed to do so. All transcripts will be incinerated after five years and all recordings shall be destroyed after five years of completing the study. Only the researcher will have access to the data and upon written request, participants may view their transcribed and recorded data collected during the process.

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WHAT WILL HAPPENT TO THE RESULTS OF THE RESEARCH STUDY? The results will be written into a research report that will be assessed. In some cases, results may also be published in a scientific journal. In either case, you will not be identifiable in any documents, reports or publications. You will be given access to the study results if you would like to see them, by contacting me.

WHO IS ORGANISING AND FUNDING THE STUDY? The study is being organised by me, under the guidance of my research supervisor at the Department of Sport and Movement Studies in the University of Johannesburg. The study is being funded by the University of Johannesburg Global Excellence Stature Scholarship for Doctoral Studies.

WHO HAS REVIEWED AND APPROVED THIS STUDY? Before this study was allowed to start, it was reviewed in order to protect your interests. This review was done first by the Department of Sport and Movement Studies, and then secondly by the Faculty of Health Sciences Research Ethics Committee at the University of Johannesburg. In both cases, the study was approved.

WHAT IF THERE IS A PROBLEM? If you have any concerns, complaints or questions about this research study, its procedures or risks and benefits, you should ask me. You can contact me at any time if you feel you have any concerns about being part of this study. My contact details are:

Nana Adom-Aboagye

079 483 1975 [email protected].

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Alternatively, you may contact my research supervisor or co-supervisor:

Professor Cora Burnett or Professor Elizabeth Pike [email protected] [email protected]

If you feel that any questions or complaints regarding your participation in this study have not been dealt with adequately, you may contact the Chairperson of the Faculty of Health Sciences Research Ethics Committee at the University of Johannesburg:

Prof. Chris Stein

Tel: 011 559-6686

Email: [email protected]

FURTHER INFORMATION AND CONTACT DETAILS: Should you wish to have more specific information about this research project information, have any questions, concerns or complaints about this research study, its procedures, risks and benefits, you should communicate with me using any of the contact details given above.

Researcher:

Nana Adom-Aboagye

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This research has been approved by the University of Johannesburg’s Research Committee and Ethics Committee.

Ethics Registration number: REC-241112-035

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ANNEXURE B

Interview protocols: Semi-structured questions for research participants

Interview questions for NGO representatives

1. Can you give me some background on your organisation and how you are involved? 2. Can you tell me what programmes you have? Do they focus on gender? 3. What is your model of delivery for your programmes? How do you deliver your programmes? 4. What is your organisation’s vision/position when it comes to gender-related issues in the field within which you work? 5. Do you accommodate diversity in your programmes? What does diversity mean to you? 6. What is your understanding of gender equality and gender equity? 7. What does the term women and girls’ empowerment mean to you? 8. Generally speaking, what challenges do you think girls and women face in their communities and lives? 9. How do you think the communities that you work in view the participation of girls in sport? Women in leadership positions in sport? 10. Do you think sport can do something about these challenges that you have mentioned? 11. Within the sport sector, what do you think is the position for girls and women in terms of equity? Why do you say that? 12. To what extent do you think programmes like yours have a real impact on girls? Can you please explain to me why you say that? 13. What goals/resolutions/policies do you follow in your programmes? In what way? 14. Do you have boys and girls taking part together in your programmes?

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15. What is your opinion on boys and girls taking part together in programmes? 16. What does your organisation do to make sure that you implement programmes for gender equity? 17. What influences guide you to address gender-related issues in your programmes?

18. What do you think needs to be done to get more girls involved in sport in the country?

19. How do you think NGOS can improve their programmes? For example: M&E? Multi-year sponsorship?

20. Are there any issues that you think I should be aware of or follow up on in my discussions with people?

21. Is there anybody else that you think I should talk to?

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ANNEXURE C

Interview protocols: Semi-structured questions for research participants

Interview questions for Activists/Individuals working in sport

1. Can you give me some background on your yourself and how you are involved in sport?

2. Can you tell me what programmes you are involved in? Do they focus on gender?

3. What is the model of delivery for these programmes? How are these programmes delivered?

4. What is your vision/position when it comes to gender-related issues in the field within which you work?

5. Do the programmes that you work with accommodate diversity? What does diversity mean to you?

6. What is your understanding of gender equality and gender equity?

7. What does the term women and girls’ empowerment mean to you?

8. Generally speaking, what challenges do you think girls and women face in their communities and lives?

9. How do you think the communities that you work in view the participation of girls in sport? Women in leadership positions in sport?

10. Do you think sport can do something about these challenges that you have mentioned?

11. Within the sport sector, what do you think is the position for girls and women in terms of equity? Why do you say that?

12. To what extent do you think programmes like the ones you work with, have a real impact on girls? Can you please explain to me why you say that?

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13. What goals/resolutions/policies are followed in the programmes you work with? In what way?

14. Do you have boys and girls taking part together in these programmes?

15. What is your opinion on boys and girls taking part together in programmes?

16. What does the organisation you work with do to make sure that they implement programmes for gender equity?

17. What influences guide the organisations you work with to address gender-related issues?

18. What influences guide you personally, in advocating to address gender-related issues in South Africa?

19. What do you think needs to be done to get more girls involved in sport in the country?

20. How do you think current sport programmes can be improved? For example: M&E? Multi-year sponsorship?

21. Are there any issues that you think I should be aware of or follow up on in my discussions with people?

22. Is there anybody else that you think I should talk to?

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ANNEXURE D

Interview protocols: Semi-structured questions for research participants

Interview questions for sport federations

1 Can you give me some background on your organisation and how you are involved?

2 Can you tell me what programmes you have/help run? Do they focus on gender?

3 What is the model of delivery for these programmes? How are these programmes delivered?

4 What is your organisation’s vision/position when it comes to gender-related issues in the field within which you work?

5 Do you accommodate diversity in your programmes? What does diversity mean to you?

6 What is your understanding of gender equality and gender equity?

7 What does the term women and girls’ empowerment mean to you?

8 Generally speaking, what challenges do you think girls and women face in their communities and lives?

9 How do you think the schools and communities that you work in view the participation of girls in your sport and sport in general? Women in leadership positions in your sport and in sport in general?

10 Do you think sport can do something about these challenges that you have mentioned?

11 Within the sport sector, what do you think is the position for girls and women in terms of equity? Why do you say that?

12 To what extent do you think sport has an impact on girls? Can you please explain to me why you say that?

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13 What goals/resolutions/policies do you follow in your programmes? In what way?

14 Do you have boys and girls taking part together in your sport/programmes?

15 What is your opinion on boys and girls taking part together in sport/programmes?

16 What does your organisation do to make sure that you implement programmes for gender equity?

17 What influences guide you to address gender-related issues in your sport/and or programmes?

18 What do you think needs to be done to get more girls involved in sport in the country? Especially in your sport?

19 How do you think your organisation can, improve their programmes? For example: M&E? Multi-year sponsorship?

20 Are there any issues that you think I should be aware of or follow up on in my discussions with people?

21 Is there anybody else that you think I should talk to?

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ANNEXURE E

Interview Consent Form

DEPARTMENT OF SPORT AND MOVEMENT STUDIES

Gender equity in sport-related policies: A case study for understanding empowerment and inclusion in South Africa.

Please initial each box below:

I confirm that I have read and understand the information letter dated………………….. 2018... for the above study. I have had the opportunity to consider the information, ask questions and have had these answered satisfactorily.

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I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to withdraw from this study at any time without giving any reason and without any consequences to me.

I agree to take part in the above study.

______

Name of Participant Signature of Participant Date

______

Name of Researcher Signature of Researcher Date

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ANNEXURE F

Consent Form (Audio Taping)

DEPARTMENT OF SPORT AND MOVEMENT STUDIES

RESEARCH CONSENT FORM

Gender equity in sport-related policies: A case study for understanding empowerment and inclusion in South Africa.

Audio Recordings: With your permission, we would also like to audio record the interview. All tapes will be stored in a safe in Cape Town and will be destroyed after 5 years. Please sign below if you agree to be audio recorded.

I hereby give my consent for audio recording:

______

Name of Participant Signature of Participant Date

______

Name of Participant Signature of Participant Date

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ANNEXURE G

Consent Form (Skype/Telephonic/Email Interviews)

DEPARTMENT OF SPORT AND MOVEMENT STUDIES

Gender equity in sport-related policies: A case study for understanding empowerment and inclusion in South Africa

Please initial each box below:

I confirm that I have read and understand the information letter dated ……………………2018… for the above study. I have had the opportunity to consider the information, ask questions and have had these answered satisfactorily.

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I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to withdraw from this study at any time without giving any reason and without any consequences to me.

I agree to take part in the above study via the following medium: skype/telephonic/email (please circle) as I will be unavailable for a face-to-face interview.

______

Name of Participant Signature of Participant Date

______

Name of Researcher Signature of Researcher Date

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