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The Creative Destruction of Niagara-On-The-Lake

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The Creative Destruction of Niagara-On-The-Lake The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake CLARE J. A. MITCHELL Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3G1 (email: [email protected]) R. GREG ATKINSON Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3G1 (e-mail: [email protected]) ANDRMl CLARK Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3Gl Heritage shopping villages are becoming increasingly Les villages commerciaux patrimoniaux deviennent de commonplace in rural North America. Their creation plus en plus courants en Amerique du Nord rurale. reflects the demands of post-modern consumers to Leur creation reflete les exigences des consommateurs purchase symbolic capital in the form of unique postmodernes qui achetent un capital symbolique sous products and experiences reflecting a bygone era. forme de produits et d'experiences uniques, evoquant Entrepreneurs have responded to this by une epoque revolue. Les entrepreneurs reagissent en commodifiing heritage and tradition; a process that reifiant le patrimoine et la tradition, processus qui leads to the creation of new landscapes and a mene a I'elaboration de nouveaux paysages et a perceived destruction of the old. This transformation I'apparente destruction du vieux. Cette transformation has been described in the model of creative a it6 ddcrite duns le modele de la destruction creatrice destruction (Mitchell 1998). In this paper the model is (Mitchell 1998). Duns cet expose, le modele est applied to Old Niagara-on-the-Lake,a heritage applique a Old Niagara-on-the-Lake,village shopping village located in southern Ontario, Canada. commercial patrimonial situe duns le sud de /'Ontario, Data on functional change, visitor numbers and au Canada. Des donnees sur le changement residents' attitudes are analysed for the period 1950- fonctionnel, le nombre de visiteurs et /'attitude des 1998. It is concluded that historic Niagara-on-the-Lakeis residants sont analysees pour la periode allant de in the early stages of 'advanced destruction; one 1950 a 1998. I1 est conch que le Niagara-on-the-Lake characterized by major investment, large numbers of historique est parvenu aux premiers stades de la visitors and partial destruction of the rural idyll. Results destruction avancee, qui se caracterisent par de forts of this analysis confirm that while the basic premise of investissements, un grand nombre de visiteurs et la the model is sound, modifications are required to destruction partielle de I'idylle rurale. Les resultats de accommodate some of the studfs findings. cette analyse confirment que mZme si le principe de base du modele semble judicieux, des modifications Key words: heritage; Niagara-on-the-Lake;creative sont requises pour tenir compte de certaines destruction; rural idyll constatations de I'etude. Mots-cles: le patrimoine; Niagara-on-the-Lake;la destruction creatrice; I'idylle rurale The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001) 285-299 0 / Canadian Association of Geographers / LlAssociation canadienne des geographes 286 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark @3----- Rural landscapes have undergone tremendous change the argument by linking these new desires to econom- throughout the latter part of the present century. In ic forces, such as globalisation and time-space com- some localities, primary production sites have been pression. In his own words: converted to centres of consumption (Barnes and the more global interrelations become... and the Hayter 1992;Gill and Reed 1997), while in others, low more spatial barriers disintegrate, so more rather order central places have taken on specialised func- than less of the world’s population clings to place tions, elevating their role in the settlement system. It and neighbourhood or to nation ... as specific is the latter transformation that we are concerned with marks of identity. Such a quest for visible and tan- in this paper; specifically, the creation of landscapes of gible marks of identity is readily understandable commodified heritage. These landscapes, which we in the midst of fierce time-space compression. call heritage shopping villages, represent a new type of There is still an insistent urge to look for roots in post-modern community; one whose emergence can a world where image streams accelerate and be traced both to consumer demand, and entrepre- become more and more placeless. neurial response. Researchers agree that their creation can be financially very lucrative for those who are These ideas have been explored by many (Featherstone involved (Dahms 1991; Getz 1993; Park and Coppack 1990; Zeppel and Hall 1991; Cloke and Goodwin 1992; 1994). If left unchecked, however, excessive invest- Park and Coppack 1994) who also agree that society’s ment ultimately will lead to destruction of the idyllic desire to root itself in the present, forces it to look to rural landscape that local residents formerly enjoyed the past. Others have suggested more practical reasons (Doxey 1976; Dahms 1991; Bunce 1994). The model of for the rise of heritage-seeking consumers. Herbert creative destruction was developed to describe the (1995),for example, speaks of increases in mobility lev- process by which this occurs. To date, it has been test- els that have drawn people to historic sites in the ed only once (Mitchell 1998). The purpose of this United Kingdom, while Mitchell (1998) draws attention paper is to apply the model to a second locality; a com- to growth in discretionary time and income, which also munity that we expect also has taken the path of has facilitated travel to nostalgic localities. To complete destruction predicted by the model. the picture, however, we must add the role of entre- preneurs whose investments enhance the heritage The Creation of a Heritage Landscape landscape so desired by consumers. In the original paper, Mitchell (1998) attributes the The contemporary desire to experience or accumulate creation of heritage landscapes to the actions of prof- heritage is largely responsible for the emergence of it-driven entrepreneurs. This premise is based on the these new consumption spaces. Heritage is an eclectic work of Harvey (1985,1987,1988)who argues that the concept that is normally equated with traditions and quest for profit is a dominant force behind capitalism. objects (both cultural and natural) that are inherited This desire, he suggests, results in a process of invest- from the past (Hardy 1988; Butler 1989; Herbert et al. ment and reinvestment that gives rise to a cycle of cap- 1989; Hewison 1989; Hall and McArthur 1996). ital accumulation. The cycle is not only financial, but Traditions include such things as religious practices, takes on a spatial dimension as investment leads to dialects, customs and ways of life that are built up the creation of sites of accumulation, or what Harvey from time and memory (Collins 1990). The physical (1985) calls, rationale landscapes. manifestation of heritage takes a variety of forms Since approximately 1970, North American entrepre- including artefacts, buildings, sites (groups of build- neurs have invested in the renovation or establishment ings), townscapes and landscapes (Hall and McArthur of venues designed for the production and sale of her- 1996). In combination, these types of heritage repre- itage commodities and aesthetic experiences Uameson sent both the tangible commodities and intangible 1984). Their role in fostering this “commodification”of experiences so desired by today’s middle class. heritage has resulted in the creation of a new type of The quest for nostalgia can be attributed to several rationale landscape; one that appropriates cultural val- things. Konrad (1982, 412), for example, argued that ues and images from a previous “historic and hegemon- the increased emphasis on retrospection was due to “a ic bloc” (Cloke and Goodwin 1992,325).Such landscapes psychological need for continuity, the desire to tran- have appeared both in urban locals (Britton 1991) and scend contemporary experience” and “the urge to rural settings (Park and Coppack 1994).In the latter case, know one’s roots”. Harvey (1990, 427) later extended they take the form of heritage shopping villages; com- The Canadian Geographer / Le Cecgraphe canadien 45, no 2 (2001) The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake 287 8 munities that specialize in both the production and con- past; in essence, the rural idyll” (Mitchell 1998, 277). sumption of heritage-related commodities and experi- There are five stages in the process of creative ences. While yielding significant financial benefits for destruction: early commodification; advanced com- those who are involved, the creation of this new land- modification; early destruction; advanced destruction; scape inevitably is accompanied by certain costs. and post-destruction. As a community progresses through these stages, increases occur in investment The Process of Creative Destruction levels, visitor numbers and negative attitudes towards tourism. This evolution is often inevitable, for in a Shumpeter (1942) and later Harvey (1987, 1988) society driven to accumulate capital, limiting invest- observed that the creation of new landscapes ulti- ment is “counter-intuitiveto the entrepreneurial mind- mately results in destruction of the old. In urban set” (Mitchell 1998, 284). This paper seeks to deter- locales this has been manifest in the wholesale mine if such a process is at work in the southern replacement of ageing industrial
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