Politics and Priests in a Pagan Slavic Principality
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Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 3 Politics and Priests in a Pagan Slavic Principality Roman Zaroff The time frame of the paper is the period approximately from the tenth to the twelfth century and it focuses on the Baltic Slavic principality centred on Rügen Island. Par- ticularly on the development of a peculiar political system there. On one hand, the peo- ple of Rügen, called the Ranove retained an old institution of a tribal assembly, called in Slavic veche, despite emerging local elites and upper class. A common development among many mediaeval Slavic principalities. On the other, however, the most unique characteristics of their political system was the very prominent role of the pagan priest- hood, revolving around a pagan deity known as Sventovit. The paper demonstrates that the Rügen Island the pagan priests were clearly a dominant political force, and in fact they were the real rulers of the principality. Therefore prior to the Danish con- quest in 1168 the system can be described as a theocracy. This finding challenges the commonly accepted notion that Rugian priesthood played a much less prominent role and was the same footing the tribal assembly and local elite or “princes”. Introduction In the year 1168 Danish forces led by king Waldemar I and bishop Absalon ran- sacked a stronghold of Arkona on Rügen Island, destroyed a pagan centre there, and subjugated the island’s Slavic population, known as the Ranove. This event marked the end of the independent existence of pagan Slavic polities between the Oder and Elbe-Saale rivers. This paper explores the political development among the Ranove, between the tenth and twelfth centuries, focusing on the period prior to their foreign subjugation in 1168 and their subsequent Christianisation. In this period, the major political play- ers in the principality appeared to be the pagan priesthood; the tribal assembly – veche; and the emerging tribal aristocracy and local “princely” family. This article aims to demonstrate that the dominant decision making force in Rugian politics was a pagan priesthood and in fact the political system of principality was theocracy- like. The paper is based mainly upon written sources with other material such as ar- chaeological finds serving a supportive or explanatory role. Background The Ranove lived on the island of Rügen, located roughly opposite the port of Stralsund and separated from the mainland by the Stralsund Strait. At the height Collegium Medievale 2007 Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 4 4 Roman Zaroff of their expansion, in the twelfth century they also controlled adjoining mainland territories. The island itself has 926 square kilometres, and including the adjoin- ing islands, 973 square kilometres, and has very favourable conditions for agri- culture with predominantly fertile moraine soils.1 Marshes and meadows also provided favourable conditions for animal husbandry. Saxo Grammaticus con- firmed cattle breeding on the island2 and it is still a major industry there today. The Baltic Sea and its numerous inlets were abundant with various saltwater fishes in the Middle Ages, while in the mainland river estuaries fresh water species were plentiful.3 The emergence of the Ranove principality on the Baltic island of Rügen owes its origins and character to a large extent to its geopolitical location. The Slavs settled the island probably as early as around the middle of the sixth century when crema- tion burials appeared there,4 Between the Oder and Elbe-Saale rivers this change in burial customs is usually associated with Slavic settlement of the region. The Ranove were, like all the other Slavs, farmers who emerged north of the Carpathian Moun- tains far away from the sea. All the Slavs who settled in the Baltic coastal region and the adjoining islands quickly learned maritime skills from their Scandinavian neighbours, and adapted to the coastal and insular environment. The Ranove utilized the rich surrounding fisheries and it is historically confirmed that in October each year their fishing fleet conducted large-scale fishing mainly for herring. The fish were later smoked for preservation and either sold or consumed locally.5 Ships and boats for fishing and commerce were made locally in most Slavic Baltic settlements and were clearly modelled on Scandinavian examples.6 The favourable natural conditions on the island created a food surplus. At the same time, its location facilitated maritime trade across the Baltic. The main com- mercial partners of the Baltic Slavs’ trade were the Scandinavians. Extensive trade 1 Christiansen in SG, 821 (n410). 2 SG, XIV.23. 3 E. Christiansen, The Northern Crusades (London: The MacMillan Press Ltd., 1980), 11-12 and description of Rügen: E. Christiansen, in SG, 714 (n11). 4 A. L. Miś, ‘Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian’, Slavia Antiqua, vol. 38, 1997, 114. 5 J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna Księstwa Rugii 1168-1328 (Warszawa: PWN, 1975), 25. 6 Boats and ships modelled on Scandinavian: F. Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early History and Civilisation (Boston: American Academy of Arts and Science, 1959), 297; and for Viking ships description, see: J. Graham-Campbell, The Viking World (New Haven: Ticknor & Fields Ltd., 1980), 46. Collegium Medievale 2007 Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 5 Politics and Priests in a Pagan Slavic Principality 5 links existed between these Slavs and the Scandinavian ports such as Hedeby, Birka, Sigtuna, Kaupang in Norway and many others. There is no doubt that commercial activities in the region substantially enriched the Baltic Slavs. Herbord, a twelfth century biographer of the missionary Otto of Bamberg, praised and acknowledged the Pomeranian riches.7 By Pomerania he meant the Duchy that included the area where Wolgast, Gützkow and Szczecin are located, but his comment would have also applied to all the peoples who lived in the Baltic basin. This in turn facilitated growth of commercial centres there.8 Ralswiek became a commercial centre from the second half of the eighth century, and archaeological data from this period indicates close links with Scandinavia, and very likely the presence of Scandinavian trades- men or craftsmen.9 The beginnings of Arkona and Gartz date to the middle of the ninth century.10 Numerous finds of Arab, Byzantine and Frankish coins there indi- cate extended trade links.11 There was a substantial production of salt, a much sought after commodity in the Middle Ages, carried by the Ranove of Rügen, the bulk of which was no doubt destined for export.12 One of the largest salt mines and centres of production was Eldena, located on the mainland Ranove’s territory.13 Therefore, it is clear that the Ranove’s economy was versatile and based not only on agriculture, cattle breeding and fishing, but also on intensive commerce and crafts. The Ranove and the other Baltic Slavs, due to their geographical position, developed an economy based to a large extent on maritime commerce on the Baltic Sea. However, they were part of a large Baltic commercial network that included the Slavic Obodrites and Pomeranians, Scandinavians and Balts of the eastern Baltic. The earliest reference to the Ranove comes perhaps from the first half of the eighth century, from Bede. In his Ecclesiastical History he described bishop Ek- bert’s journey to the pagan north that took place around 686-687,14 and briefly listed 7 Herbord, II.1 8 E. Christiansen in SG, 714 (n11) 9 W. Duczko, ‘Scandinavians in the Southern Baltic Between the 5th and the 10th Cen- turies AD’, in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), 203. 10 L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian Północnopołabskich (Wrocław: Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii, 1968), 123n. 11 L. Leciejewicz, 24. 12 J. Osięgłowski, 19. 13 L. Leciejewicz, 138. 14 J. Osięgłowski, Osięgłowski, J., ‘Początki słowiańskiej Rugii do roku 1168’, Materiały Zachodniopomorskie, 1967, vol. 13, 252. Collegium Medievale 2007 Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 6 6 Roman Zaroff the non-Christian people of the north, among them the Rugini.15 The identification however is uncertain, as Bede might have been referring to the ancient Germanic Rugii. Whatever the case, there is no other information about the Ranove for around one and a half centuries. Over that period the Ranove of Rügen must have extended their control over the adjacent mainland territories of Barth and Tribsee district, and they settled the area.16 There is no direct evidence to determine when the Ranove settled this region. However, it appears that the area must have been under their con- trol from around the first half of the tenth century at the latest. This claim is supported by the fact that during Otto I’s campaign against the Obodrites and Veleti (branches of the Polabian Slavs), when the Ranove became involved on the side of the German king, the decisive battle took place on the marshes of the lower Recknitz River, near the districts of Tribsee and Barth.17 Therefore, the Ranove’s involvement was most likely prompted by the fact that they saw the Obodrites as a threat to their interests in the region. In the eleventh century the people of the mainland adjacent to Rügen Island must have been well integrated with the Ranove. The region was regarded as an integral part of Ranove’s principality as Adam of Bremen specifically mentioned them there.18 Taking into consideration the small size and dense population of Rügen Island, it seems inevitable that colonization took place on the mainland. In turn, the influx of the settlers from the island must have speeded up integration and assimi- lation of the mainland Slavic population with that of the insular Ranove.19 Tribal assembly and “dukal” family The existence of a tribal assembly in the principality of the Ranove is confirmed by a number of sources.