Appendix: Interviews with Key Informants

Appendix: Interviews with Key Informants Name Institutional affiliation Date Byun Wha-Soon KWDI Senior Researcher 2000 Chang Kyung Sup Seoul National University, Professor of Sociology 1998 Chang Pilwha Ewha Womans University, Asian Center for 2000 Women's Studies, Head Chang Song-Ja Gender Discrimination Prevention Office, Head 2001 Chin Mi-Kyung Ajou University, Professor of Political Science 2000 Cho Hee-Jin Ministry of Justice, WFP, Head 2000 Cho Hyo-Je Anglican University, Professor of Social Movement 2002 Studies Cho Hyun-ok Korean Women's Political Solidarity 2003 Cho Soon-Kyung Ewha Womans University, Professor of Sociology 2002 Cho Young-Sook KWAU Policy Officer 2000,2003 Cho Yunye MOGE, International Cooperation Division 2002 personal correspondence Choi Myung-Sook Korean WomenLink, Women's Labor Center, Head 2000,2001 Choi Song-Soo Federation of Korean Industries, Social Policy 2002 Division Chon Hyun-Baek Sookmyung Women's University, Professor of 2000 Political Science Chong Kang]a Co-director of Korean WomenLink, Women's Labor 2000,2002 Center, Head Chung Hyun-Back Sungkyunkwan University, Professor of History, 2000 Women Making Peace, Head ChungJung-Ae Chunbuk Government, Women's Policy Unit, Head 2001 GwakBae-Hi Korean Legal Aid Center for Family Relations, Head 1998 Ha Young-Sook PCWA, International Cooperation Division 2000 Han Myung-Sook MD P, Legislator 2000,2002 Hwang ln-Ja Ministry of Government and Home Affairs 2000 WFP, Head Ji Uhn-Hee MOGE 2003 Joshua Pilzer University of Chicago, Fulbright Researcher 2003 Kang Hyun-Hee GNP, Gender Experr 2000 Kang Ki-Won PCWA Chairperson 2000 Kang Nam-Shik KWAU Research Center 2001 Continued 244 • Appendix Appendix Continued Name Institutional affiliation Date Kang Sung-Hye International Cooperation Division, Head 2004 personal correspondence Kim Chang-Suk MPA2 Minister 2000 Kim Eunshil Ewha Womans University, Professor of Women's 2003 Studies KimGi Bong Womens News, Journalist 2005 personal correspondence Kim Hyun-Mee Yonsei University, Professor of Sociology 2000 Kim Jeong-Ja MOGE International Cooperation Division 2001-02 personal correspondence KimJi-Hyun Korean Women's Trade Union 2000 Kim Jung-Rye MPA2, Minister 1999 Kim Kyung-Hee KWDI, Researcher 2000 Kim Myung-Jin Korea Feminist Art Collective 2002 personal correspondence Kim Sok-Joon Ewha Womans University, Professor of Public 2003 Administration Kim Sung-Kwon Korea Institute of Health and Social Affairs 2000 (KIHASA), Senior Researcher Kim Sun-uk Ewha Womans University, Professor of Feminist 2002,2003 Jurisprudence Kim Won-Hong KWDI, Senior Researcher 2000,2003 Kim Young-Ae PCWA, General Secretary 2000,2001 Kim Young-Ae MDP, Women's Bureau 2000 Kim Young-Hee MDP, Gender Expert 2000 Kim Yung-Chung MPA2, Minister 2000 Kwon Huck-ju Sungkyunkwan University, Professor of Public 2000 Administration Kwon Hyang-Yop MDP, Women's Bureau 2000 Kwon Young-Hyung Women's Policy Division 2003 Kwon Young-Ja MPA2, Minister 2000 Lee Ho-Sung KEF, Social Affairs Division 2000 Lee Hwa-Young ULD, Gender Expert 2000 Lee Hyeo-kyeong MOGE International Cooperation 2003 personal Division correspondence Lee Hye-Soon Korean Confederation ofTrade Unions, Women's 2002 Policy Division Lee Hyun-jin Ewha Womans University, Department of Korean 2001 personal Linguistics correspondence Lee Hyun-Kyung Korean WomenLink, Women's Labor Center 2001 Lee Jae-Chun Chonju City, Legislator 2000 LeeJun-Ho League of Women Voters, Head 2001 Lee Kisoon Gender Discrimination Prevention 2002, personal Division, Head correspondence Continued Appendix • 245 Appendix Continued Name Institutional affiliation Date Lee Ki-Soon Blue House, Secretary for Women's 2004 personal Affairs correspondence Lee Mikyong Korean Sexual Violence Relief Center, Head 2000,2002,2004 Lee Mi-Kyoung MDP, Legislator 2003 Lee Ok Ministry of Justice, WFP, Head 2000 Lee Sung-Hee Blue House, Secretary for Women's Affairs 2000 Lee Sunny Korean Employers Federation, International 2002 Affairs Division Lee Yon-Sook GNP, Legislator, KNCW, former Head 2000 Lori Crocker Korean Church Women United 2000 Myung Jin-Sook Korean WomenLink, Women's Environment 2000,2002 Center, Head Na Yong-Hee PCWA, Policy Division 2000 Nam In-Soon KWAU, General Secretary 2000 Nam Sung-Hee Ministry of Education, WFP, Head 2000 NohMi-Hye Seoul Metropolitan City Government, Women's 2000 Policy Unit, Head Oh Han Sook-Ki Feminist author and activist 2002 personal correspondence Oh Hye-Ran KNCW, General Secretary 2000 Park Chang Kuin MOGE Policy Coordination Division 2005 personal correspondence Park Song-Ja Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, WFP, Head 2001 Park Sook-Ja SCCWA, Research Expert 2000 Park Sung-Tae Ministry of Labor, WFP, Head 2002 Park Woo-Keon PCWA Cooperation and Liaison Division, Head 2000 Park Young-Ran KWDI, Senior Researcher 2000 Rev Lee Mun-Sook Korean National Council of Church Women 2001 Shim Younghee Hanyang Universiry, Professor of Sociology 2000 Shin Heisoo Korean Women's Hotline, Head 2000 Shin Kwang-Yeong Chung Ang University, Professor of 2004 personal Sociology correspondence Shin Myung Ministry of Labor, Equal Employment Policy 2002 Bureau, Head Shin Solee Sullajabki/ Feminist Gathering of the College of 2003 Humanities, Ewha Womans Universiry Soh Myung-Son Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, WFP, Head/ 2000/2002 MOGE Cooperation and Liaison Division, Head Sohn Bong-Sook Center for Women and Politics, Head 2000 Wang In-Soon Korean Women Workers' Association United 2000 Yang Hae-Kyung Korean WomenLink, Family and Sexual 2001 Counselling Center, Head Yang In-Suk Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, 2000 Women's Welfare Division, Former Head Continued 246 • Appendix Appendix Continued Name Institutional affiliation Date Yoon Hoo-Jung PCWA, Chairperson 2001 Yoon Jung-Sook Korean WomenLink, Co-director 1998, 2000, 2002,2003,2004 interviews/ personal correspondence You Song-Hee MDP Women's Bureau, Head 2000 Notes Chapter 1 Modeling the Gendered Political Opportunity Structures of Democratization 1. The Third Wave refers to the series of democratic transitions starting with Portugal and Spain in the 1970s, followed by Latin America in the 1980s, and Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa in the late 1980s-1990s. 2. "Femocrats" refers to bureaucrats with a feminist standpoint, generally with links to organized women's movements. 3. Mainstream political analysts grappling with the idiosyncrasies of Korean democratic consolidation have paid scant attention to gender relations (e.g., Hahm and Plein, 1997; Diamond and Plattner, 1998; Diamond and Shin, 2000; Helgesen, 1997; Shin, 1999; Samuel Kim, 2000 and 2003). 4. Htun (2003) is a partial exception here. 5. In contrast to a significant body of research focusing on women and democ ratization in Latin America and Eastern Europe, scholarly attention to the Asian region has been relatively limited (e.g., Lee and Clark, 2000; Moon S., 2002, 2003). 6. Cross-regional differences are further accentuated by the differential relative strength of Korea's progressive civic groups. As discussed in chapter 4, whereas the reemergence of political parties to center stage contributed to the post-authoritarian splintering of many Third Wave pro-democracy move ments, Korean progressives have been able to capitalize on the greater politi cal space afforded by a weak, nonideological party system as well as a powerful movement frame involving a commitment to democratic deepening to emerge as influential and respected political players. 7. In line with the concept of movement cycles, social movement theorists (e.g., Tarrow, 1994) have argued that movements tend to ebb and flow in response to shifting political opportunities and the availability of organizational resources. In particular, "mobilizational fatigue" can contribute to the retreat of activists from the public arena following the realization of the immediate goal of toppling the dictatorship (e.g., Frohmann and Valdes, 1995). 8. Although the identity of "political motherhood" proved effective during the authoritarian era, the emphasis on moral superiority and a distancing from political corruption has, ironically, limited women's citizenship claims and participation possibilities in democratizing polities (e.g., Craske, 1999). 248 • Notes 9. Caldiera (1998) argues that widespread violence and human rights abuses exacerbates a general lack of confidence in the justice system and indicates that procedural democracy is too often accompanied by a simulta neous devaluation of individual and civil rights. This disjunctive democracy tends to have a strongly gendered dimension: whereas demands for collec tive social rights (e.g., health and education services for women and children) have historically been considered a legitimate aspect of Latin American citizenship, calls for women's reproductive rights and protection from violence have met with greater cultural resistance because they threaten traditional gendered hierarchies. 10. Although the economic environment is not typically included in the POS, the domestic and international economic climate can profoundly affect the ability of actors to take advantage of new political windows (see chapters 2, 3, and 6). 11. Partial exceptions include recent studies on a single institutional aspect e.g., congressional-executive balance, party systems, or centralized versus decentralized bureaucracies-and gender-policy reform (e.g., Stevenson, 2000; Macaulay, 2002). 12. The term "Beijing effect" refers to the broader set of initiatives and discur sive shifts (especially

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