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Colin Cherry Ways Bookings, and Innumerable Functions Within Business, In- Dustry and Commerce, So Familiar in Today's World, Came Later

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Colin Cherry Ways Bookings, and Innumerable Functions Within Business, In- Dustry and Commerce, So Familiar in Today's World, Came Later W I '11' •iI III~ ~I 'i 11ill' I11iI hill k.l bit-. 5 The Telephone System: '1'111' com p u tc-r I~~.I prpsl·tll-day example of this process; it was Creator of Mobility ~a'('ll .11 first ,IS .1 "robot," an "electronic brain," which could and Social Change 1'1.1Y dwss and challenge human expertise (or could it?). The workaday uses for accountancy, industrial process control, air- Colin Cherry ways bookings, and innumerable functions within business, in- dustry and commerce, so familiar in today's world, came later. The computer, like the telephone, and other radical inventions are seen, at the very first, as "adult toys." (See Chapter 2.) It would be hazardous today for anyone reared in an industri- alized country to imagine what personal life was like before the telephone, or what feelings people had then. I do not refer INVENTION AND "REVOLUTION" merely to the domestic telephones (for many people in Britain and other industrial countries have no home telephones); rather, There are certain rare moments in history when, through some I mean life before the creation of hosts of social organizations in remarkable human insight, discovery, creative work, or inven- the economic and public spheres, which today utterly depend tion, human life and social institutions take a great leap. The upon the telephone: business, industry, government, news ser- invention of the wheel or the discovery of fire are sometimes vices, transport systems, police. The list is endless, and today it quoted as such moments, but of their introduction and of life embraces increasing numbers of international organizations. before them we know little. But the invention we are now These form our modern world; the telephone was invented celebrating-the telephone-is fully documented, as is the so- within a very different world. We can try to imagine ourselves cial history of the industrialized world before and after its living in that world, but we shall be deceived. We may find introduction. amusing the uses to which the people of 1876 first applied their Inventions themselves are not revolutions; neither are they new toy, "the Speaking Telephone," but we cannot be one of the cause of revolutions. Their powers for change lie in the those people. hands of those who have the imagination and insight to see that the new invention has offered them new liberties of action, that ORGANIZATION: THE HALLMARK OF old constraints have been removed, that their political will, or INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY their sheer greed, are no longer frustrated, and that they can act in new ways. New social behavior patterns and new social in- The telephone (or, rather, telephone system or network) is no or- stitutions are created which in turn become the commonplace dinary invention, not just another desirable consumer product. experience of future generations. It handles "message traffic" and indeed, creates this traffic (the Such realization does not come easily, quickly, or even "natu- very stuff of which social intercourse is made) by its very exis- rally," for the new invention can first be seen by society only in tence. For this reason, its importance to industrial life is not just terms of the liberties of action it currently possesses. We say so- that it is another machine of production, like a spinning jenny ciety is "not 'ready," meaning that it is bound by its present or a steel rolling mill. Its importance is as a contribution to the customs and habits to think only in terms of its existing institu- organized bureaucracy that is the hallmark of modern industrial tions. Realization of new liberties, and creation of new institu- society. It was Max Weber, years ago, who argued that orga- tions means social change, new thought, and new feelings. The nized bureaucracy forms the essential characteristic of an indus- invention alters the society, and eventually is used in ways that trial society; rather than capital or machinery, it is organization- 11', III above <111S, ystl'llldli(' 1'1'('(11".1111.111,', '(,','''It( ,""'llllllldIH'V 111.11 ru.it tr-r.) W!t(1I(' 11l'W ((Inns o l socidl inst itution and organization makes industrialization pl'ssibll'. (1\(11'1 .rl l, l h« p.Hly ('IIill("'" ('v'·11Ill.dly IW("lllll' f'()ssibll', new forms that no longer required had both science and technology, l't'llllll"ips before 1':lIrop(', hu t !,('('pl(' to be I(H'<ltl'd at a fixed point. Today we accept as natural they did not develop industry.) I h,lt business people may travel without appearing to leave their In the economic sphere, the telephone service is essentially offices; that industrial branches can be located in scattered organizational in function; it creates productive traffic. places, yet remain as operative units; that diplomats may fly It could be objected that other systems of rapid communica- around the world (perhaps they might do better staying at tion preceded the telephone. Were they not equally important? home); that government departments no longer must be concen- The telegraph?" The ~eliograph? Or even the Talking Drum (to trated in the metropolis; that police whizz about in cars; that which the telephone is blood brother)?" Of course, these were of shoppers may stay at home or go elsewhere at choice. The field great importance; yet the telephone system stands above all, telephone did as much for army tactics as radio later did for and has been far more profound in its effect's, for two essential naval warfare. Such freedom of movement was not at first un- reasons. First, the telephone system allows us to move about the derstood, though the early telegraphs and railways had paved country (or, today, _<?yermuch of the world) and yet appearto the way. stay in one place (thereby adding security to mobility). Second, The telegraph, however, had not previously offered such lib- it offers all the psychological values of the human voice. erty, for two basic reasons. First, it required expertise to oper- ate. Second, since its "codes" required trained operators, public THE CRITICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE demand did not grow sufficiently to justify installation of public TELEPHONE EXCHANGE telegraph exchanges or the setting up of a public network. On the contrary, telephone exchanges rapidly came into public use. Having so far engaged in what may seem to be hyperbole, I The early telegraphs operating point-to-point enabled rail- shall now do the opposite and indulge in apparent denigration, ways to run on planned schedules; they also connected stock ex- by arguing that the telephone itself, the talking instrument that changes (e.g., the London and Paris exchanges were connected stands upon your desk, would not have been very important by in 1851). Telegraphs found institutional use rapidly, but even itself. It might have lived in posterity's mind alongside electric today they are not found in homes; for a very long time they doorbells, ships' telegraphs, and Gramophones. Perhaps we were used without exchanges to serve .pre-assigned functions ought not to celebrate the telephone at all, in 1976, but should (such as connecting railway signal boxes). wait a couple of years more and celebrate instead the telephone Telegraph exchanges eventually came into use, but for the exchange. It was the exchange principle that led to the growth reasons mentioned they served economic (institutional) usages, of endless new social organizations, because it offered choice of with trained operators, rather than private (domestic) needs. social contacts, on demand, even between strangers, without Nevertheless, these telegraph exchanges provided a conceptu- ceremony, introduction, or credentials, in ways totally new in al model when telephones sprang to public attention. They were history. rapidly introduced for use within the domestic and economic The exchange principle led rapidly to the creation of networks, spheres; the telephone network, from its early days, served covering whole countries and, since World War le interconnect- both. ing the continents. Anybody, without special training, can The first public telephone exchange appeared at New Haven, move about the geographic areas covered by the network and Connecticut, in 1878, followed by another of eight lines, in Lon- yet appear to another person on the network to be stationary. don in 1879. From that time, the telephone network grew rapid- (In Britain, we often say, when opening telephone conversation: ly and spread throughout Europe and across America, taking' "Hello, are you there?" Where is "there," pray? It really doesn't migrants and pioneers with it. 1111' It·II')IIIIIIII· I'V,.lt'lll I I': Ill, \( ) .."--"--'--"- TELEPHONES: THE ECONOMIC ANI) Till': DOMI':STI(, SPHERES OF USAGE CANADA In the domestic sphere (homes) the telephone is ,1 "[,(1I1SlIJlll'r U.S.A . product"; the home has only a finite disposable income, and if 2.5 • • o, SWEDEN money is spent on a telephone that same money cannot be o,o • spent on anything else. Certain home telephones serve eco- o nomically productive functions; e.g., doctors or businessmen Q 0:: working from home. On the other hand, telephones in the eco- n,W nomic sphere (e.g., business, industry) eventually come to serve w(f) economically productive functions, as organization is increas- z 2.0 ~ ingly based upon telephone usage. This distinction between o, ....Iw NEW ZEALAND the domestic and economic spheres is frequently recognized by W I- the application of different tariff systems by the telephone u • ~ authorities. o z When the telephone first appeared 100 years ago, its produc- o ~ 1.5 tive function was not understood. As Chapters 1 and 2 have ex- (f) plained, the telephone was first seen as a one-way "broadcast" w"- z • ITALY service, anticipating radio broadcasting by some forty years.
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