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2015 Annual Report of the Women’S Health and Action Research Centre (WHARC)
Advancing National Understanding of the Socio-economic, Educational and Reproductive Health Needs of Nigerian Women and Youth The 2014-2015 Annual Report of the Women’s Health and Action Research Centre (WHARC) WHARC ANNUAL REPORT: JULY 1, 2014 – JUNE 30, 2015 About WHARC WHARC is a non-governmental, non-profit organization established in 1993. It consists of a multi-disciplinary team of health, social science and legal professionals and researchers working together to build the knowledge base and to improve the policy environment for advancing women’s health in Africa. To date, the Centre has conducted formative and intervention research that documents the socio-cultural determinants of women’s health and that provides critical data for developing policies and programs for scaling up best practices relating to women’s health in the region. In particular, our niche is to use the results of research to build public health awareness and to advocate for policy changes about critical sexual and reproductive health issues in Nigeria. WHARC also publishes the African Journal of Reproductive Health (AJRH) (www.ajrh.info), now widely recognized as the leading journal that promotes sexual and reproductive health and the principles of sexual rights, equity and social justice in sub- Saharan Africa. Our Mission Grounded in a deep love of humanity and a belief in equality and dignity for all people, WHARC works to improve the reproductive health and social wellbeing of women and adolescents in Africa so they can lead productive, fulfilling lives and provide a healthy future for their children. Through its cutting edge research, WHARC educates women, youth, community gatekeepers and policymakers about sexual and reproductive health, and advocates for policy change at the local, state and federal level. -
This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Electoral Governance: Understanding the Democratic Quality of Elections in Nigeria Ibrahim Sani PhD Politics The University of Edinburgh 2015 Declaration I declare that except where otherwise indicated, this thesis is entirely my own work, and that no part of it has been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. ……………………….. Ibrahim Sani (s1144926) ii Asiya Usman Mani iii Table of Contents Declaration ................................................................................................................................ ii Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... iv List -
Republic, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa the First Prime Minister of Nigeria Dumped the ECN and Announced the Creation of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC) with Mr
republic, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa the first Prime Minister of Nigeria dumped the ECN and announced the creation of the Federal Electoral Commission (FEC) with Mr. Eyo Esua as its head. The FEC supervised and conducted the general elections of 1964 as well as the Western Region elections of 1965. The controversies that surrounded these elections especially the perceptions of the elections not being free, fair and credible has been adduced as one of the major reasons that truncated the first republic and brought in the military administration of General Aguiyi Ironsi. Sequel to the first military coup d’état, General Aguiyi Ironsi dissolved the FEC and it remained so until 1978 when the military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo founded the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) with Chief Michael Ani as the chairman. FEDECO organized the 1979 transitional elections that brought in the second republic with Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) as the first executive president of Nigeria. Chief Michael Ani was subsequently replaced with Justice Ovie- Whisky by President Shehu Shagari as FEDECO chairman and he superintended the 1983 general elections which returned Alhaji Shehu Shagari as president. The controversies that trailed the 1983 general elections yet led to another military takeover which saw Major General Muhammadu Buhari as Head of State in December 1983 and later General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida in 1985. General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida dissolved FEDECO in 1987 and established the National Electoral Commission (NEC) with Professor Eme O. Awa as chairman and later in 1989 Professor Humphrey Nwosu was appointed as Chairman. -
Black Internationalism and African and Caribbean
BLACK INTERNATIONALISM AND AFRICAN AND CARIBBEAN INTELLECTUALS IN LONDON, 1919-1950 By MARC MATERA A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History Written under the direction of Professor Bonnie G. Smith And approved by _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2008 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Black Internationalism and African and Caribbean Intellectuals in London, 1919-1950 By MARC MATERA Dissertation Director: Bonnie G. Smith During the three decades between the end of World War I and 1950, African and West Indian scholars, professionals, university students, artists, and political activists in London forged new conceptions of community, reshaped public debates about the nature and goals of British colonialism, and prepared the way for a revolutionary and self-consciously modern African culture. Black intellectuals formed organizations that became homes away from home and centers of cultural mixture and intellectual debate, and launched publications that served as new means of voicing social commentary and political dissent. These black associations developed within an atmosphere characterized by a variety of internationalisms, including pan-ethnic movements, feminism, communism, and the socialist internationalism ascendant within the British Left after World War I. The intellectual and political context of London and the types of sociability that these groups fostered gave rise to a range of black internationalist activity and new regional imaginaries in the form of a West Indian Federation and a United West Africa that shaped the goals of anticolonialism before 1950. -
South Africa, International Law and 'Decolonisation'
South Africa, International Law and ‘Decolonisation’ Christopher Gevers ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4975-4335 Abstract Despite the ongoing calls to ‘decolonise’ the University and its curricula, including those of its Law Schools, international law continues to be taught in South Africa with little or no reference to African international legal scholar- ship, or ‘Third World Approaches to International Law’ more generally. That these were absent from law school curriculums during apartheid is hardly surprising, but their continued omission since 1994 demands an explanation, and calls for introspection on the part of South Africa’s international legal academy. This article will argue that, rather than being a simple omission, this silence is ‘co-produced’ by the myth actively propagated by South African international lawyers since 1994 that ‘from 1948 to 1990, South Africa was in conflict with both the international community and international law’ (Dugard 1997: 77). As the first part of the article will demonstrate, the opposition of the so-called ‘international community’ (generally figured to represent ‘the West’) to apartheid was late, partial and contingent (if not reactionary). More importantly, the claim that international law as a whole was opposed to apartheid is simply wrong. At best, the latter relies on the conflation of ‘international law’ with ‘international human rights law’, and even then it requires significant qualification and differentiation. After deconstructing this ‘international law myth’, the second part of the article will sketch out the ‘contributionist’ and ‘critical’ streams of African international legal scholarship that have emerged since the 1960s - focusing on the work of TO Elias and U. -
International Law in the Nigerian Legal System Christian N
Golden Gate University School of Law GGU Law Digital Commons Publications Faculty Scholarship Spring 1997 International Law in the Nigerian Legal System Christian N. Okeke Golden Gate University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/pubs Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation 27 Cal. W. Int'l. L. J. 311 (1997) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Publications by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INTERNATIONAL LAW IN THE NIGERIAN LEGAL SYSTEM CHRISTIAN N. OKEKE· Table ofContents INTRODUCTION 312 ARGUMENT OF THE PAPER 312 DEFINITIONS 317 I. UNITED NATIONS DECADE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 321 II. HISTORICAL OUTLINE 323 A. Nigeria and Pre-Colonial International Law 323 B. Nigeria and "Colonial" International Law 326 C. The Place ofInternational Law in the Nigerian Constitutional Development 328 III. GENERAL DISPOSITION TOWARD INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE ESTABLISHED RULES OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 330 IV. THE PLACE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW IN NIGERIAN MUNICIPAL LAW 335 V. NIGERIA'S TREATY-MAKING PRACTICE , 337 VI. ApPLICABLE LAW IN SELECTED QUESTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 339 A. International Human Rights and Nigerian Law 339 B. The Attitude ofthe Nigerian Courts to the Decrees and Edicts Derogating from Human Rights ............ 341 c. Implementation ofInternational Human Rights Treaties to Which Nigeria is a Party 342 D. Aliens Law .................................. 344 E. Extradition .................................. 348 F. Extradition and Human Rights 350 VII. -
Voter Education Handbook.Pdf
CHAPTER 1 REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA Introduction Democracy is the form of government, in which the people of a country, state or local government area decide how they want to be governed. They also decide who should govern them. In doing these as well as in their day-to-day life, the people have all the basic freedoms of speech, association, assembly, conscience, etc. Such institutions as an independent judiciary, free press, competitive political parties and an active civil society also protect them. Objectives On the completion of this chapter, the reader should be able to: - narrate how representative democracy started in Nigeria - explain what a Constitution is - trace the development of the right to vote (franchise) in Nigeria - explain the structure of the three tiers of government - describe the process by which the people elect their government. Key Words/Ideas Key words Key Ideas Democracy Tiers of Government Constitution Political Parties Franchise Separation of Power Mandate Federation Elective Representation in Nigeria What is today known as Nigeria is a product of British Colonial rule. In 1914 the first Colonial Governor- General of Nigeria, Lord Frederick Luggard amalgamated the southern and northern protectorates to form Nigeria. Earlier on, another British explorer Mungo Park had discovered the River Niger; hence the name Nigeria literarily means Niger area. 1 Lord Frederick Luggard 1914 -1919 Nigeria remained a colony of Britain until October1, 1960. The British administered the country as three regions, namely: Northern, Western and Eastern. Each region had a government, which was responsible for the affairs of that region. This arrangement started in 1946 under the Richards Constitution – which was the first federal constitution of Nigeria. -
13 197O BIAFRA a CHRONOLOGY of DEVELOPMENTS July 15, 1969-January 12, 1970
C rMisc. publication % ) /' T~ ~! i~aT ~~ CT \T TO, U L C , r C r L~1 BIAFRA - ~ A CHRONOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENTS July 15, 1969-January 12, 1970 19'% CAROLYN K. COLWELL Analyst in International Relations Foreign Affairs Division January 28, 1970 13 197O BIAFRA A CHRONOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENTS July 15, 1969-January 12, 1970 Summarv The Nigerian/Biafran civil war came to a.sudden conclusion with the announcement of the Biaf ran surrender on January 12, 1970. Biafra's capitulation followed the Federal forces' recapture of Owerri and assault against Uli airfield. In the months preceding the Biafran surrender, several attempts had been made to bring both sides together for peace talks; agreement on the preconditions for negotiations remained a stumbling block. Massive food relief shipments had not resumed since the cessation of ICRC deliveries on June 5, 1969; Joint Church Aid and some other groups tried to continue relief flights but the amount of food reaching Biafra was drastically cut. On October 2 the Nigerian Red Cross officially took over the task of coordinating relief activities in Nigeria. The United States, meanwhile, continued its efforts to help relief forces find a plan for relief shipments which would be acceptable to both sides. A. Military In recent months the Nigerian forces appeared to have redirected their strategy toward the pursuit of a quick military victory. Signs of discontent among front line commanders and civilians anxious to end the war quickly may have prompted such a change. On January 3, 1970, a Federal spokesman announced that Nigerian forces had succeeded in dividing the remaining Biaf ran territory into three parts. -
International Journal of Social Sciences and Management Review
International Journal of Social Sciences and Management Review Volume: 02, Issue: 03 “May-June 2019” ISSN 2582-0176 ELECTION MANAGEMENT AND THE CHALLENGE OF ELECTORAL CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA’S 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS AYITI, SAMUEL BABATOLA Department of Political Science Ekiti State University, Nigeria MIKE OMILUSI Department of Political Science Ekiti State University, Nigeria ABSTRACT The conduct of free, fair and credible elections in Nigeria has always been problematic due largely to the challenges of corruption. Corruption, no doubt, is a cankerworm that has permeated Nigeria’s national life. One of the elements of election is its periodicity. In fact, this is one of the foundations upon which good governance is erected. It is also the hallmark of democracy which guarantees citizens’ effective participation in the political process. A truly independent, non-partisan and incorruptible electoral management body is synonymous with credible elections. However, the impartiality and integrity of the various electoral commissions in Nigeria over the years have been called to question due to the alleged romance of the electoral bodies with the ruling party with a view to conferring undue advantage on it during elections. To achieve this, some staff of the electoral bodies is compromised by the ruling party officials by offering them bribes to do their bidding. Such an attitude has major implications on the electoral process and ultimately on good governance as in most cases the legitimacy of such public officers produced through this method is always called to question. The objective of the study is to assess the causes and impacts of electoral corruption on Nigeria’s electoral system. -
Election Management Bodies in West Africa a Comparative Study of the Contribution of Electoral Commissions to the Strengthening of Democracy
Election Management Bodies in West Africa A comparative study of the contribution of electoral commissions to the strengthening of democracy By Ismaila Madior Fall Mathias Hounkpe Adele L. Jinadu Pascal Kambale A review by AfriMAP and the Open Society Initiative for West Africa Copyright © 2011, Open Society Initiative for West Africa. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the prior permission of the publisher. Published by: Open Society Foundations For more information contact: AfriMAP / Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) P O Box 678 Wits, 2050 Johannesburg, South Africa [email protected] www.afrimap. org Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) BP 008, Dakar-Fann, Dakar, Senegal www.osiwa.org Layout and printing: COMPRESS.dsl, South Africa Contents Preface v Methodology and acknowledgments vii 1 Overview: The contribution of electoral management bodies to credible elections in West Africa – Pascal Kambale 1 A. Introduction 1 B. Colonial legacy 2 C. Elections and constitutional reforms 3 D. Membership of EMBs and appointment of Electoral Commissioners 4 E. Independence and effectiveness 4 F. Common challenges to electoral management 8 G. Conclusion 9 H. Recommendations 10 2 Benin – Mathias Hounkpe 12 A. Summary 12 B. Historical background 13 C. The Autonomous National Electoral Commission (CENA) 19 D. Funding of elections in Benin 31 E. Electoral disputes in Benin 34 F. Critical assessment of the CENA’s performance 36 G. Recommendations 47 3 Cape Verde – Ismaila Madior Fall 49 A. Summary 49 B. Constitutional development, party politics and electoral history 51 C. -
Copyright by Brian Edward Mcneil 2014
Copyright by Brian Edward McNeil 2014 The Dissertation Committee for Brian Edward McNeil certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Frontiers of Need: Humanitarianism and the American Involvement in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 Committee: Mark Atwood Lawrence, Supervisor Toyin Falola Jeremi Suri H.W. Brands Thomas Borstelmann Frontiers of Need: Humanitarianism and the American Involvement in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970 by Brian Edward McNeil, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2014 Who will rise up for me against the wicked? Who will take a stand for me against evildoers? Psalm 94:16 For Noelle Acknowledgements No one ever told me that dissertations are built upon debts and broken promises. When I first entered the University of Texas at Austin in 2007 to begin my doctoral studies, I had a clear plan for finishing. I knew that I wanted to write on the United States and the Nigerian Civil War, which, as it turns out, was a good start. I promised my wife it would take five years to finish. Seven years later, I have completed my degree. Part of the reason for the delay was that I discovered that the Nigerian Civil War was a much larger event with much more import than scholars have realized. My dissertation required research on three continents and numerous cities: from Los Angeles, to London, to Lagos. -
Electoral Credibility and the Prospects of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: the Role of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)
www.idosr.org Udu ©IDOSR PUBLICATIONS International Digital Organization for Scientific Research ISSN: 2579-082X IDOSR JOURNAL OF BANKING, ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 4(1): 13-24, 2019. Electoral Credibility and the Prospects of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: The Role of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Larry E. Udu Department of Public Administration Ebonyi State University ABSTRACT The paper examines the power and responsibilities of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in electoral administrations in the country and the implications of the institution's under-performance on democratic consolidation in Nigeria. Content Analytical Approach was adopted and the systems theory propounded by David Easton was used as theoretical foundation. The paper reveals that there has been fundamental and institutional constraints which subject INEC to government/political manipulations, a situation that is inimical for democratic consolidation in the country. INEC performance in the 2015 general elections notwithstanding, the body ought to be autonomous in all ramifications so as to be able to discharge its duties impartially and responsibly and hence, consolidate democracy in Nigeria by the instrumentality of credible elections. Keywords: INEC, electoral, credibility, democratic consolidation and Nigeria. INTRODUCTION Elections are fundamentally the central institution of democratic Be that as it may, experiences over governments. This is because, in an the years, have shown that, despite ideal democracy, the authority of the painstaking efforts at electoral government derives purely from the reforms in Nigeria, the electoral consent of the electorate; hence, the institution (INEC) has not been truly principal platform for securing and independent, rather, it has operated translating that consent into like a parastatal of the executive or governmental authority results from ruling party of the time and this, periodically conducting credible results to high level electoral elections.