HUMAN SHIELDS in MODERN ARMED CONFLICTS: the NEED for a PROPORTIONATE PROPORTIONALITY Amnon Rubinstein,* Yaniv Roznai**
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Dina Feitelson
Dina Feitelson From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia also known as Dina ,(דינה פייטלסון :Dina Feitelson (Hebrew born 1926; died Dina Feitelson-Schur) (דינה פייטלסון-שור :Feitelson-Schur (Hebrew דינה פייטלסון-שור was an Israeli educator and scholar in the field of reading ,(1992 acquisition. Born 1926 Vienna, Austria Died 1992 (aged 65–66) Contents Israel Occupation educator 1 Biography Ethnicity Jewish 2 Awards and honours 3 Publications Citizenship Israeli 4 Further reading Notable awards Israel Prize (1953) 5 See also 6 References 7 External links Biography Feitelson was born in 1926 in Vienna, and emigrated to Mandate Palestine in 1934. She studied in the Herzliya Hebrew Gymnasium in the 32nd class, which graduated in 1944. After graduating she studied philosophy in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Her studies were interrupted by Israel's War of Independence. During the war she suffered a severe head injury. After graduating she worked as an elementary school teacher and later as an inspector for the Ministry of Education. In parallel she also embarked upon an academic career, initially in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Then, in 1973, she accepted a post at the University of Haifa, where she became a professor of Education. She continued to work there till her death in 1992. Awards and honours In 1953, Feitelson was awarded the Israel Prize,[1] in its inaugural year, in the field of education for her work on causes of failure in first grade children. She was the first woman to receive this prize, and also the youngest recipient ever (she was aged 27). -
The Land of Israel Symbolizes a Union Between the Most Modern Civilization and a Most Antique Culture. It Is the Place Where
The Land of Israel symbolizes a union between the most modern civilization and a most antique culture. It is the place where intellect and vision, matter and spirit meet. Erich Mendelsohn The Weizmann Institute of Science is one of Research by Institute scientists has led to the develop- the world’s leading multidisciplinary basic research ment and production of Israel’s first ethical (original) drug; institutions in the natural and exact sciences. The the solving of three-dimensional structures of a number of Institute’s five faculties – Mathematics and Computer biological molecules, including one that plays a key role in Science, Physics, Chemistry, Biochemistry and Biology Alzheimer’s disease; inventions in the field of optics that – are home to 2,600 scientists, graduate students, have become the basis of virtual head displays for pilots researchers and administrative staff. and surgeons; the discovery and identification of genes that are involved in various diseases; advanced techniques The Daniel Sieff Research Institute, as the Weizmann for transplanting tissues; and the creation of a nanobiologi- Institute was originally called, was founded in 1934 by cal computer that may, in the future, be able to act directly Israel and Rebecca Sieff of the U.K., in memory of their inside the body to identify disease and eliminate it. son. The driving force behind its establishment was the Institute’s first president, Dr. Chaim Weizmann, a Today, the Institute is a leading force in advancing sci- noted chemist who headed the Zionist movement for ence education in all parts of society. Programs offered years and later became the first president of Israel. -
When Palestinians Became Human Shields: Counterinsurgency, Racialization, and the Great Revolt (1936–1939)
Comparative Studies in Society and History 2021;63(3):625–654. 0010-4175/21 © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is unaltered and is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use or in order to create a derivative work. doi:10.1017/S0010417521000219 When Palestinians Became Human Shields: Counterinsurgency, Racialization, and the Great Revolt (1936–1939) CHARLES ANDERSON Department of History, Western Washington University, Bellingham, WA, USA On 24 September 1936, Palestinian rebel fighters conducted a multipronged assault on British targets in Nablus. The raid was testament to the growing boldness and reach of the rebels, whose power had waxed in late summer as their months-old insurgency deepened throughout the country. During what the military later purported was only a heavy barrage of sniping, the local commanding officer, Brigadier J. F. Evetts, took an extraordinary step as countermeasure. Fearing a decisive rebel offensive on the city’s garrison, he summoned the mayor, Sulayman Tuqan, to army headquarters. Tuqan believed that he was being brought in for consultation with government officials, but when he arrived, he was escorted to the roof of the building, where he was forced to spend the night as a visible, high-value human shield. -
E Curious Case of Jewish Democracy
e Curious Case of Jewish Democracy mnon ubinstein he question of Israel’s character as a Jewish and democratic state is as T old as the state itself. Since David Ben-Gurion announced “the establishment of a Jewish state in the Land of Israel,”1 the matter of its democratic character has been the subject of countless legal disputes, po- litical feuds, scholarly works, and public debates—and we are no closer to a resolution today than we were 62 years ago. Indeed, with the growing demands of anti-Zionists abroad—and post-Zionists at home—that Israel shed its particularistic Jewish identity; with the insistence on the Palestinian recognition of Israel as a Jewish state becoming a major point of contention in the Israeli-Arab conflict; and with the perpetual struggle within Israeli society itself to determine what exactly “Jewish and democratic” means, the problems surrounding the state’s dual character seem only to be intensifying with time. In light of these mounting attacks on Israel’s foundational identity, as well as the widespread belief that “Jewish” and “democratic” can never be / • reconciled, it behooves us to revisit the issue and examine it in the broadest possible context. We must consider how this identity was created, how it is anchored in the state’s constitutional and political institutions, and the validity of the charges currently being brought against it. Accordingly, this essay will present a brief survey of some of the main arguments against the viability of Israel’s dual nature, such as the claims that the state’s national symbols reflect its Jewish majority, thereby ignoring minority cultures; that the continued occupation of the West Bank undermines Israel’s democratic character; that the discrimination against the Arab community contradicts the principle of equality; and that religious legislation is incompatible with the democratic principle of freedom. -
Shielded from Accountability
Shielded From Accountability Israel's Unwillingness to Investigate and Prosecute International Crimes September 2011 N° 572a Introduction Israel is assigned the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute war crimes allegations committed by the Israeli Military in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Under international law, these investigations must be independent, effective, prompt and impartial.1 According to the principle of complementarity, set forth in Article 17 of the Rome Statute, the International Criminal Court (ICC) may only exercise jurisdiction in those instances where national legal systems fail to do so e.g., if a State is unwilling or unable to genuinely undertake investigations and prosecutions.2 In the wake of the “Goldstone Report” of 15 September 2009, which raised serious allegations of international crimes committed by Israel in Gaza in December 2008 - January 2009, Israeli domestic investigations came under the scrutiny of both the domestic and international legal communities. Two special bodies were established for this purpose: the UN Committee of Experts and the Israeli Turkel Commission3. Should Israeli investigations not comply with international standards, and not hold the responsible individuals accountable, the ICC’s enforcement mechanism could be triggered4. The aim of this study is to examine whether the Israeli legal system is willing to investigate and prosecute war crimes allegations committed by its military, including the military and political echelon for the purpose of the admissibility requirement of Article 17 of the Rome Statute.5 Although the admissibility assessment does not intend to “judge” a national legal system as a whole, but to assess the handling of a specific case, it is necessary to consider the broader legal context of the State concerned in order to make that assessment. -
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MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3387 Hezbollah’s Secrets Explode—and Are Covered Up—Again by Assaf Orion Oct 8, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Assaf Orion Assaf Orion, a retired Israeli brigadier general and defense strategist whose broad research scope ranges from relations with China to Israel’s regional political-military strategy and policy, is the Liz and Mony Rueven International Fellow with The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis Hezbollah leaders are still trying to conceal their strategy of hiding military assets in civilian areas, but each self-explosion and Israeli exposure reveals more about the group's political plight, its persistent quest for precision missiles, and its skill with information operations. ast week saw another round in Israel’s efforts to expose Hezbollah’s precision weapons and its longstanding L human-shield strategy inside Lebanon, with the group inevitably fighting back through denials and cover-ups. As the new revelations and the group’s counterpunches make clear, the status quo poses a profound risk to both the Lebanese people and regional security. In response, Israel and the international community need to pursue more intensive information campaigning, integrative policy, and peacekeeping improvements. DUELING SPEECHES O n the evening of September 29, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu addressed the UN General Assembly by video. Recalling the August 4 port blast in Beirut and the September 22 explosion in Ain Qana, he revealed the existence of a “secret arms depot” near a gas company in the capital’s Janah neighborhood, urging the Lebanese people to demand that Hezbollah and Iran “tear these depots down.” Shortly thereafter, the Israel Defense Forces published further details about Hezbollah’s Janah site along with two other manufacturing sites for precision- guided missiles in the Laylaki and Choueifat neighborhoods, both sheltered beneath residential buildings. -
Israel 2020 Human Rights Report
ISRAEL 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Israel is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Although it has no constitution, its parliament, the unicameral 120-member Knesset, has enacted a series of “Basic Laws” that enumerate fundamental rights. Certain fundamental laws, orders, and regulations legally depend on the existence of a “state of emergency,” which has been in effect since 1948. Under the Basic Laws, the Knesset has the power to dissolve itself and mandate elections. On March 2, Israel held its third general election within a year, which resulted in a coalition government. On December 23, following the government’s failure to pass a budget, the Knesset dissolved itself, which paved the way for new elections scheduled for March 23, 2021. Under the authority of the prime minister, the Israeli Security Agency combats terrorism and espionage in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza. The national police, including the border police and the immigration police, are under the authority of the Ministry of Public Security. The Israeli Defense Forces are responsible for external security but also have some domestic security responsibilities and report to the Ministry of Defense. Israeli Security Agency forces operating in the West Bank fall under the Israeli Defense Forces for operations and operational debriefing. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security services. The Israeli military and civilian justice systems have on occasion found members of the security forces to have committed abuses. Significant human -
About the Yom's
- Mourning, Joy and Hope!” and Joy Mourning, - “Not just History; Living Memory Living History; just “Not 5, 4, and 28 and 4, 5, Iyar 27, Nissan April 23, May, 1, 2, and 24 24 and 2, 1, May, 23, April Collective Responses to Recent Jewish History Jewish Recent to Responses Collective Yom Yerushaliem) Yom Yom HaAtzmaut, and HaAtzmaut, Yom HaZikaron, Yom HaShoah, (Yom The Yom’s The All about All Fun Facts The flag of Israel was selected in 1948, only 5 months after the state was established. The flag includes two blue stripes on white background with a blue Shield of David (6 pointed star) in the center. The chosen colors blue & white symbolize trust and honesty. On the afternoon of Jerusalem’s liberation, June 7, 1967, Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan made the following statement from the Western Wall: We have united Jerusalem, the divided capital of Israel. We have returned to the holiest of our holy places, never to part from it again. To our Arab neighbors we extend, also at this hour — and with added emphasis at this hour — our hand in peace. And to our Christian and Muslim fellow citizens, we solemnly promise full religious freedom and rights. We did not come to Jerusalem for the sake of other peoples’ holy places, and not to interfere with the adherents of other faiths, but in order to safeguard its entirety, and to live there together with others, in unity. As long as deep within the heart a Jewish soul stirs, and forward to the ends of the East an eye looks out towards Zion, our hope is not yet lost. -
Beyond Human Shielding: Civilian Risk Exploitation and Indirect Civilian Targeting
Beyond Human Shielding: Civilian Risk Exploitation and Indirect Civilian Targeting Geoffrey S. Corn 96 INT’L L. STUD. 118 (2020) Volume 96 2020 Published by the Stockton Center for International Law ISSN 2375-2831 International Law Studies 2020 Beyond Human Shielding: Civilian Risk Exploitation and Indirect Civilian Targeting Geoffrey S. Corn CONTENTS I. Introduction ............................................................................................. 119 II. The Law of Armed Conflict and the “Basic Rule” ............................ 131 III. The Doctrine of Innocent Instrumentality ......................................... 145 IV. What Makes an Attack “Innocent” for the Purposes of the Innocent Instrumentality Doctrine? ..................................................... 152 V. Why Applying this Doctrine Will Enhance Condemnation of Civilian Exploitation ............................................................................... 156 Vinson and Elkins Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law Houston; Lieuten- ant Colonel, U.S. Army (Retired) and former Special Assistant for Law of War Matters and Chief of the Law of War Branch, Office of the Judge Advocate General, U.S. Army; Chief of International Law for U.S. Army Europe; Professor of International and National Secu- rity Law at the U.S. Army Judge Advocate General’s School. Special thanks to my research assistants Aby Lukos and Kyle Moore. The thoughts and opinions expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those of the U.S. government, the U.S. Department -
Israel's Other Terrorism Challenge
The University of Notre Dame Australia ResearchOnline@ND Arts Book Chapters School of Arts 2010 Israel's other terrorism challenge Sandra M. Nasr University of Notre Dame Australia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchonline.nd.edu.au/arts_chapters Recommended Citation Nasr, S. (2010). Israel's other terrorism challenge. In R. Jackson, E. Murphy, E & S. Poynting (eds.). Contemporary state terrorism: Theory and practice. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. This Book Chapter is brought to you by the School of Arts at ResearchOnline@ND. It has been accepted for inclusion in Arts Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of ResearchOnline@ND. For more information, please contact [email protected]. (In Contemporary State Terrorism: Theory and Practice , Sep. 2009) ‘Israel’s other Terrorism Challenge’ By Sandra Nasr In the West, we hear a lot about terrorism in relation to Israel: Palestinian militants in Gaza using rockets to fire at Israeli towns over the ‘border’; and Palestinian suicide bombers strapping on explosives and detonating their payloads in Israeli cafes, bars, restaurants and buses. These attacks on civilian targets for the purpose of making a political statement are, indeed, examples of terrorism and Israeli civilians are right to demand that their government act decisively to prevent such acts. Yet Israel often responds to these terrorist tactics by adopting its own. When Israel sanctions and employs tactics which are designed to instil fear, humiliate, injure or otherwise cause harm to a civilian population for a political purpose, the state is guilty of state terrorism. Identifying those policies which constitute state terrorism requires an examination of both the intent and effect of actions (and inaction) by the state. -
Operation Olive Branch: a Political – Military Assessment Dr
Foreign Policy & Security 2018/2 January 2018 Operation Olive Branch: A Political – Military Assessment Dr. Can Kasapoğlu | EDAM Defense Analyst Sinan Ülgen | EDAM Chairman Foreign Policy & Security 2018/2 Operation Olive Branch: A Political – Military Assessment Dr. Can Kasapoğlu | EDAM Defense Analyst Sinan Ülgen | EDAM Chairman Executive Summary Operation Olive Branch’s air campaign, especially at the already declared objective of clearing the entire Afrin its outset, marked the highest sortie– rates and the most province from PKK terrorist organization’s offshoots, then intensive operational tempo in Turkey’s cross–border mili- the second ground phase has to take place in the form tary record in the last decade. As reported by the Turkish of urban warfare. Considering the al–Bab offensive during General Staff, on the very first day of the intervention, the the Euphrates Shield, Turkish military planners should at- air force assigned 72 combat aircraft which is tantamount tach utmost importance to tunnel and trench complexes, to roughly 25% of the total F–16 variants and the F–4 2020s improvised explosive devices, and anti–tank guided mis- in the inventory.1 At the time of writing, about %10 of the siles (ATGMs). fighter arsenal have been flying combat missions over -Af rin. Despite the pilot–to–cockpit ratio problems, so far, the An alternative option to fighting a risky urban warfare Turkish Air Force is performing decisively. is to lay siege on Afrin’s town center, and force the YPG mil- itants to the leave. Although siege warfare is legal in terms The underlying reason of the abovementioned heavy of the law of armed conflict, such a risk–aversive concept bombardment strategy is to gain rapid dominance for the could only succeed when coupled with very effective infor- follow–on land operations. -
Justice Denied: Gaza Human Shield
Justice Denied Gaza human shield survivors and the systemic failure of Israel’s military investigation system to provide accountability September 2018 Justice Denied “[The human shield incident] affects every area of my life, even my daily life and my studies. Anyone who sees me says ‘you’ve changed’. My view of life is more complicated now, I’m not optimistic—not in my daily life or even the future. I’m always afraid and I have to think a lot before I do anything. A lot of people who hear my story say ‘may God help you’. A lot of close relatives said it is like a movie, something you can’t imagine.” - High school student, Ahmed Abu Reyda, about life after being used as a human shield Justice Denied Executive Summary In the summer of 2014, during the military bombardment of Gaza that Israel termed ‘Operation Protective Edge’, at least five Palestinians in Gaza, including a child, had their lives endangered when used as human shields by Israeli military forces. These five documented incidents began within a 48-hour period in a confined geographical vicinity during the Israeli forces’ ground invasion into Khuza’a town and Wadi As- Salqa village in Gaza between 21 July and 1 August. The five incidents, publicly catalogued together for the first time in this report, are part of a pattern of reported human shield use against Palestinian civilians by Israel's military forces over a number of years that has effectively gone unpunished. This state of affairs is indicative of there being an established practice or policy of Israel's military to use Palestinian civilians as human shields.