Defining the Four Mass Atrocity Crimes
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National Mechanisms for the Prevention of Atrocity Crimes
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 11 Issue 3 Global Approaches to Atrocity Prevention: Theory, Practice, and the State of Article 5 the Field 3-2018 National Mechanisms for the Prevention of Atrocity Crimes Samantha Capicotto The Auschwitz Institute for Peace and Reconciliation Rob Scharf The Auschwitz Institute for Peace and Reconciliation Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Capicotto, Samantha and Scharf, Rob (2018) "National Mechanisms for the Prevention of Atrocity Crimes," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 11: Iss. 3: 6-19. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.11.3.1502 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol11/iss3/5 This State of the Field is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. National Mechanisms for the Prevention of Atrocity Crimes Samantha Capicotto The Auschwitz Institute for Peace and Reconciliation New York, NY, USA Rob Scharf The Auschwitz Institute for Peace and Reconciliation New York, NY, USA What is a National Mechanism? National Mechanisms for the Prevention of Genocide and other Atrocity Crimes are officially established bodies that include representatives from multiple areas of government relevant to the prevention of atrocity crimes.1 ” Atrocity crimes” refers to three legally defined crimes under international law: war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.2 National Mechanisms have been established to lead the development of a coordinated national strategy for the prevention of such crimes on behalf of their government. -
International Security, Human Rights and the Responsibility to Protect
International Security, Human Rights and the Responsibility to Protect Remarks delivered by Dr. Simon Adams in Moscow, Russia on 30 October 2013 at a conference on “State Sovereignty and the Concept of ‘Responsibility to Protect’: The Evolution of the International Situation and Russia's Interests.” Hosted by the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. I want to thank the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the opportunity to participate in this historic event – the first conference on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to be hosted by your government. I want to digress slightly from my suggested topic and start, if I could, by addressing this vexed issue of sovereignty which has gripped our deliberations so far this morning. Sovereignty has never been absolute and that is truer now than at any time since the Treaty of Westphalia. But that is not because R2P has undermined it. It is because the problems of the twenty-first century are quantitatively and qualitatively different from those of previous centuries. Climate change, transnational terrorism, AIDS, mass atrocities, poverty and piracy – these issues are what former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan described as “problems without passports.” They require fresh thinking and global partnership. Mass atrocities, in particular, are a threat to all humans as humans. That’s why we define them – politically and legally – as crimes against humanity. That’s why we punish them as an affront not just to their victims, but to all of us as human beings. That’s why they constitute a threat to both international security and human rights. -
Atrocity Prevention and Peacebuilding Key Insights and Lessons from a Global Consultation Convened by Peace Direct
Atrocity prevention and peacebuilding Key insights and lessons from a global consultation convened by Peace Direct Višegrad Bridge: Bosnia and Herzegovina About this report Contents This report presents the analysis and recommendations of Abbreviations 4 atrocity prevention and peacebuilding experts and practitioners Introduction and methodology 5 from across the globe. Peace Direct held a 4-day online consultation in November and December 2017, in which Definitions and International Frameworks 7 96 participants from the field shared their insights and local Executive Summary 10 experiences. 13 contributing experts facilitated 8 sessions over the course of the consultation covering a variety of topics and Framing session: The peacebuilding and atrocity prevention nexus 14 thematic issues around atrocity prevention. Fostering greater cooperation between peacebuilding and atrocity prevention 15 The report has been edited by Peace Direct while the main Local strategies in atrocity prevention 18 sections of this report include contributions from our guest The role of inclusivity in atrocity prevention 19 experts, as well as from all participants who engaged in the Self-protection on strategies key to atrocity prevention 22 online consultation. The viewpoints presented represent Locally-led reconciliation and healing as atrocity prevention 28 the consensus of participants and experts, while also noting How can sexual and gender-based atrocity crimes be better prevented? 32 dissenting views. Where quotes are unattributed, they are from Youth, peacebuilding and atrocity prevention 39 participants in the online consultation. Engaging the international community in funding and response 44 How local peacebuilders engage with policymakers The contents of this research are the responsibility of Peace on atrocity prevention 45 Direct. -
Shielded from Accountability
Shielded From Accountability Israel's Unwillingness to Investigate and Prosecute International Crimes September 2011 N° 572a Introduction Israel is assigned the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute war crimes allegations committed by the Israeli Military in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Under international law, these investigations must be independent, effective, prompt and impartial.1 According to the principle of complementarity, set forth in Article 17 of the Rome Statute, the International Criminal Court (ICC) may only exercise jurisdiction in those instances where national legal systems fail to do so e.g., if a State is unwilling or unable to genuinely undertake investigations and prosecutions.2 In the wake of the “Goldstone Report” of 15 September 2009, which raised serious allegations of international crimes committed by Israel in Gaza in December 2008 - January 2009, Israeli domestic investigations came under the scrutiny of both the domestic and international legal communities. Two special bodies were established for this purpose: the UN Committee of Experts and the Israeli Turkel Commission3. Should Israeli investigations not comply with international standards, and not hold the responsible individuals accountable, the ICC’s enforcement mechanism could be triggered4. The aim of this study is to examine whether the Israeli legal system is willing to investigate and prosecute war crimes allegations committed by its military, including the military and political echelon for the purpose of the admissibility requirement of Article 17 of the Rome Statute.5 Although the admissibility assessment does not intend to “judge” a national legal system as a whole, but to assess the handling of a specific case, it is necessary to consider the broader legal context of the State concerned in order to make that assessment. -
Beyond Human Shielding: Civilian Risk Exploitation and Indirect Civilian Targeting
Beyond Human Shielding: Civilian Risk Exploitation and Indirect Civilian Targeting Geoffrey S. Corn 96 INT’L L. STUD. 118 (2020) Volume 96 2020 Published by the Stockton Center for International Law ISSN 2375-2831 International Law Studies 2020 Beyond Human Shielding: Civilian Risk Exploitation and Indirect Civilian Targeting Geoffrey S. Corn CONTENTS I. Introduction ............................................................................................. 119 II. The Law of Armed Conflict and the “Basic Rule” ............................ 131 III. The Doctrine of Innocent Instrumentality ......................................... 145 IV. What Makes an Attack “Innocent” for the Purposes of the Innocent Instrumentality Doctrine? ..................................................... 152 V. Why Applying this Doctrine Will Enhance Condemnation of Civilian Exploitation ............................................................................... 156 Vinson and Elkins Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law Houston; Lieuten- ant Colonel, U.S. Army (Retired) and former Special Assistant for Law of War Matters and Chief of the Law of War Branch, Office of the Judge Advocate General, U.S. Army; Chief of International Law for U.S. Army Europe; Professor of International and National Secu- rity Law at the U.S. Army Judge Advocate General’s School. Special thanks to my research assistants Aby Lukos and Kyle Moore. The thoughts and opinions expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those of the U.S. government, the U.S. Department -
Human Shields Directly
HUMAN SHIELDS: STANDARD OF PROTECTION UNDER INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW AND INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW AUTHOR: KATERYNA DRONOVA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR ROGER O'KEEFE Submitted to the Central European University, Legal Studies Department, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Laws in Human Rights CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2012 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the existing legal framework governing the use of human shields, an increasingly deadly tactic prevailing in modern conflicts. International human rights law and international humanitarian law do not address the problem of human shields directly. In the absence of an express and clear treaty-based prohibition of this practice it is important to establish the realistic threshold of positive and negative obligations resting upon warring parties, which defines the standard of protection accorded to individuals used as shield. The purpose of this paper is to construe such a universal standard of protection based on the human rights norms, but which is also reflective of the realities of modern warfare. One of the conclusions of this thesis is that addition of customary principles of humanitarian law to the established human rights framework renders a modified framework designed to consider the human shields dilemma, which is effective and in line with the rule of law and realities of the decision-making in emergency situations. The cogent and reasonable interpretation is required towards the laws governing the use of persons as human shields and the employment of lethal force against targets shielded by civilian population. Due to the factual complexity of shielding cases such framework should comprise of the separate but not isolated review of obligations of impeded party and shielding party. -
Contribution De Simon ADAMS
Colloque international « L’encadrement de l'usage du veto au Conseil de Sécurité de l'ONU en cas d’atrocités de masse » Regulating the Use of Veto at the UN Security Council in Case of Mass Atrocities Contribution de Simon ADAMS Paris, 21 Janvier 2015 Organisé par l’Ecole des Affaires internationales de Sciences Po (PSIA) et le Centre d’analyse, de prévision et de stratégie du Ministère des Affaires étrangères et du Développement international (CAPS) ©www.sciencespo.fr/psia/content/colloque-encadrement-du-veto The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] The Responsibility Not to Veto “Regulating the use of the veto at the UN Security Council in cases of mass atrocities”, an international colloquium organized by the Paris School of International Affairs of Sciences Po and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France. Paris, 21 January 2015 The international community has a responsibility to protect those threatened by genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. And the five permanent members of the UN Security Council have a responsibility not to veto when the world needs them to respond and to act. That is the principle underlining the French government’s call for an agreement on veto restraint in mass atrocity situations. Those who say that the UN Security Council cannot reform itself, that the politics of cynicism, national interest and narrow opportunism will always win over universal principles, will tell us that this cannot be done. -
The NGO Front in the Gaza War
The NGO Front in the Gaza War The Durban Strategy Continues February 2009 NGO Monitor Monograph Series Gerald M. Steinberg, Editor NGO Monitor Monograph Series: The NGO Front in the Gaza War: The Durban Strategy Continues (February 2009) NGO “Lawfare”: Exploitation of Courts in the Arab-Israeli Conflict (September 2008) Europe’s Hidden Hand: EU Funding for Political NGOs in the Arab-Israeli Conflict (April 2008) 1 Ben-Maimon Blvd. Jerusalem 92262 Israel Phone: +972-2-566-1020 Fax: +972-77-511-7030 [email protected] www.ngo-monitor.org NGO Monitor’s mission is to provide information and analysis, promote accountability, and support discussion on the reports and activities of NGOs claiming to advance human rights and humanitarian agendas in the framework of the Arab-Israeli conflict. NGO Monitor was founded jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation The NGO Front in the Gaza War The Durban Strategy Continues © 2009 NGO Monitor. All rights reserved. Executive Summary hroughout Israel’s operation in Gaza, by labeling the policy “collective punishment,” and largely from December 27, 2008 to January 18, parrot a PLO “legal opinion” claiming that Israel remains 2009, and in its immediate aftermath, responsible for the welfare of the population in Gaza.iii over 50 NGOs claiming to promote T human rights and humanitarian A wide range of groups were responsible for implementing agendas issued more than 500 statements on the fighting. the Durban Strategy during the Gaza conflict: international These statements exhibit severe bias and double standards, “superpowers” – including Amnesty, Human Rights focus overwhelmingly on condemning Israel, and ignore Watch (HRW), and Oxfam; Israeli NGO, B’Tselem; Israeli- or give minimal attention to Israeli human rights and Arab organizations, Adalah, Ittijah, and Mossawa; and casualties. -
Taking Distinction to the Next Level: Accountability for Fighters' Failure to Distinguish Themselves from Civilians
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ValpoScholar Valparaiso University Law Review Volume 46 Number 3 The Geneva Conventions in 21st Century Warfare: How the Conventions Should pp.765-802 Treat Civilians' Direct Participation in Hostilities The Geneva Conventions in 21st Century Warfare: How the Conventions Should Treat Civilians' Direct Participation in Hostilities Taking Distinction to the Next Level: Accountability for Fighters' Failure to Distinguish Themselves from Civilians Laurie R. Blank Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Laurie R. Blank, Taking Distinction to the Next Level: Accountability for Fighters' Failure to Distinguish Themselves from Civilians, 46 Val. U. L. Rev. 765 (2012). Available at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol46/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Valparaiso University Law School at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Valparaiso University Law Review by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at [email protected]. Blank: Taking Distinction to the Next Level: Accountability for Fighter TAKING DISTINCTION TO THE NEXT LEVEL: ACCOUNTABILITY FOR FIGHTERS’ FAILURE TO DISTINGUISH THEMSELVES FROM CIVILIANS Laurie R. Blank* I. INTRODUCTION Suicide bombings, terrorist attacks, rockets launched from civilian residences, weapons stored in mosques or hospitals—these now common news stories from conflicts share one common thread: the erosion of the distinction between fighter and civilian during armed conflict. The principle of distinction is one of the fundamental principles of the law of armed conflict (“LOAC”) and obligates all parties to a conflict to distinguish between combatants and civilians—between those who are fighting and those who are not. -
15 November 2020 Issue 54
15 NOVEMBER 2020 ISSUE 54 A bimonthly bulletin by the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect T h e Responsibility to Protect (R2P) R2P Monitor applies an R2P Monitor: is a global norm, unanimously adopted atrocity prevention lens to » Provides background on populations by heads of state and government at the following situations of at risk of mass atrocity crimes, with the 2005 UN World Summit, aimed at particular emphasis on key events and preventing and halting Genocide, War concern: actors and their connection to the Crimes, Ethnic Cleansing and Crimes threat, or commission, of genocide, CURRENT CRISIS Against Humanity. R2P stipulates that: war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes Mass atrocity crimes are occurring and against humanity. » Every State has the Responsibility urgent action is needed. to Protect its populations from the » O f f e r s analysis of the country’s past four mass atrocity crimes (Pillar I). IMMINENT RISK history in relation to mass atrocity crimes; the factors that have enabled » The wider international community The situation is reaching a critical their possible commission, or that has the responsibility to encourage and threshold and the risk of mass atrocity crimes occurring in the immediate future prevent their resolution; and the assist individual States in meeting is very high if effective preventive receptivity of the situation to positive that responsibility (Pillar II). action is not taken. influences that would assist in preventing further crimes. » If a State is manifestly failing to protect its populations, the international SERIOUS CONCERN » T r a c k s t h e international response community must be prepared to take There is a significant risk of occurrence, to the situation with a particular appropriate collective action, in a timely or recurrence, of mass atrocity crimes emphasis upon the actions of the and decisive manner and in accordance within the foreseeable future if United Nations, key regional actors and with the UN Charter (Pillar III). -
What Investigative Resources Does the International Criminal Court Need to Succeed?: a Gravity-Based Approach
Washington University Global Studies Law Review Volume 16 Issue 1 2017 What Investigative Resources Does the International Criminal Court Need to Succeed?: A Gravity-Based Approach Stuart Ford John Marshall Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Evidence Commons, International Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Stuart Ford, What Investigative Resources Does the International Criminal Court Need to Succeed?: A Gravity-Based Approach, 16 WASH. U. GLOBAL STUD. L. REV. 001 (2017), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies/vol16/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Global Studies Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Washington University Global Studies Law Review VOLUME 16 NUMBER 1 2017 WHAT INVESTIGATIVE RESOURCES DOES THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT NEED TO SUCCEED?: A GRAVITY-BASED APPROACH STUART FORD I. INTRODUCTION There is an ongoing debate about what resources the International Criminal Court (ICC) needs to be successful.1 On one side of this debate are many of the Court’s largest funders, including France, Germany, Britain, Italy, and Japan.2 They have repeatedly opposed efforts to increase the Court’s resources even as its workload has increased dramatically in recent years.3 On the other side of the debate is the Court itself and many of the Court’s supporters within civil society.4 They have taken the position that it is underfunded and does not have sufficient resources to succeed.5 This debate has persisted for years and disagreements over the ICC’s funding level are now a central feature of 6 the Court’s budgeting process. -
Documentation for Accountability
American University Washington College of Law Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law Articles in Law Reviews & Other Academic Journals Scholarship & Research 2020 Documentation for Accountability Paul Williams Jessica Levy Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/facsch_lawrev Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 52 (2020) Documentation for Accountability Jessica C. Levy* & Paul R. Williams‡ Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................... 451 I. Justice Delayed ........................................................................... 452 II. Documenting Atrocities ............................................................ 454 III. Victims Demand Justice ............................................................ 458 IV. Documentation Technology Solutions .................................... 461 V. Conclusion .................................................................................. 465 Millions of civilians as well as combatants have been killed in wars during the last three decades.1 Millions more have died from indirect causes related to the violence, such as starvation and disease.2 State * Jessica Levy is a Research Fellow on Justice, Peace, and Security at the Public International Law & Policy Group. She specializes in post-conflict security reform and transitional justice.