Sino-American Interactions in Southeast Asia 1991-2015: Implications for Vietnam
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University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection 1954-2016 University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2015 Sino-American interactions in Southeast Asia 1991-2015: Implications for Vietnam THI HAI YEN NGUYEN University of Wollongong Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses University of Wollongong Copyright Warning You may print or download ONE copy of this document for the purpose of your own research or study. The University does not authorise you to copy, communicate or otherwise make available electronically to any other person any copyright material contained on this site. You are reminded of the following: This work is copyright. Apart from any use permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this work may be reproduced by any process, nor may any other exclusive right be exercised, without the permission of the author. 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For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts SINO-AMERICAN INTERACTIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 1991-2015: IMPLICATIONS FOR VIETNAM THI HAI YEN NGUYEN This thesis is presented as part of the requirements for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Wollongong OCTOBER 2015 CERTIFICATION I, Thi Hai Yen Nguyen, declare that this thesis, submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, at the University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referred or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. i ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the cooperation and competition between a global power (the United States) and a regional power (China) in Southeast Asia from 1991 to 2015. The research explores the interests of the US and China, focusing on how collective benefits can be maximised so as to meet the national interests of Vietnam. By means of an empirical analysis of American, Chinese and Vietnamese foreign policy through extensive interviews with ASEAN politicians and diplomats, this thesis argues that, contrary to some accounts, Vietnam is not forging closer ties to the US to counter-balance the rise of China. Rather, the thesis argues that Vietnam has adopted a steady policy of power balancing. This is in accordance with recent Vietnamese foreign policy, which is based on diversity and multilateralism. While there are numerous and wide-ranging discussions within the Vietnamese government about the impact of the Sino-American relationship on the country, they are largely based on internal sources of information. This thesis brings new perspectives from Southeast Asian politicians, diplomats and scholars in the region. The dissertation presents, for the first time in English, an analysis of regional voices from Southeast Asia and Vietnam that consider the impact of Sino-American interactions in the post-Cold War period to 2015, as well as giving recommendations for the region and Vietnam into the future. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge my sincere gratitude to my supervisors Dr Charles Hawksley and Dr Jason Lim from the Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts at the University of Wollongong (UOW) for their endless support during my candidature. With his valuable knowledge on international relations and social sciences, Dr Hawksley gave me great advice on the structure, methodology, focus and arguments of the thesis. With the experiences in research on Asian history as an honorary member of the China Studies Centre, University of Sydney and as China Book Review Editor of the Asian Studies Review, Dr Lim gave me much guidance on Chinese and Southeast Asian studies. Without their intellectual supervision, I would have not been able to complete my PhD program. I am sincerely grateful to Project Management Board 165 and the Office of the Project 165 of the Organisation Department, Central Executive Committee, the Communist Party of Vietnam, for granting me a scholarship to study at UOW. The staffs of the Office of Project 165 were very helpful in guiding me through the procedures of the program and for the funds to study abroad. I owe my gratitude to UOW for granting me the International Postgraduate Tuition Award (IPTA). My special thanks also go to the Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts for fieldwork and conference funding during my PhD candidature. I would also like to thank the West East Institute in the United States for giving me the opportunity to present my research paper at the WEI International Asian Academic Conference about “China’s Economic Interests in Southeast Asia in the Post-Cold War Era and Its Implications for the Region” from 18-21 May 2014 in Bali, Indonesia. My special thanks go to the following divisions of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam: the Office of the National Assembly (ONA), the Foreign Affairs Committee, and the Foreign Affairs Department. As a staff member of the ONA, they gave me great support and time to study overseas during the past 3.5 years. In this regard, I would particularly like to express my heartfelt thanks to the former Chairman of the ONA, the Hon. Dr Tran Dinh Dan, and the current Vice- Chairman of the ONA, the Hon. Mr Vu Van Phong, for their valuable support during my application for my overseas studies. My gratitude also goes to the Hon. A/Prof Le Minh Thong (Vice-Chairman of the Law Committee of the National Assembly), and the Hon. Messrs Vu Hai Ha, Ngo Duc Manh, Nguyen Manh Tien and Ha Huy Thong (Vice-Chairmen of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National Assembly) for facilitating my PhD candidature in Australia and for helping with my data collection in Hanoi. I would also like to express my sincere thanks to the Hon. Mr Le Luong Minh, Secretary-General of the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, for his valuable advice on the implications for ASEAN stability and sustainable development from Sino-American interactions in Southeast Asia. Other Southeast Asian interviewees from the ASEAN Political and Security Community Department, ASEAN Secretariat deserve special mention for their valuable advice to me on the data collection for this study. They are the Hon. Mr Termsak Chalermpalanupap, Director of the Political and Security Directorate, and Dr Mely Caballero Anthony, Director of External Relations Directorate. My sincere gratitude also goes to the ASEAN Secretariat colleagues and staff for their kind support with data collection about Southeast Asian politics in Jakarta. This thesis would not have been possible without the support of 28 interviewees that provided me with useful information as part of my data collection. I am indebted to H.E. Dr H. Marzuki Alie, the 14th Speaker of the Indonesian House of Representatives for his valuable information from interview, his kind support all through my PhD program in Australia and his assistance in broadening my academic network with Indonesian researchers on Southeast Asian studies. They are: the Hon. Mr Pitono Purnomo, former Ambassador of Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Indonesia to Vietnam and then the Director General of the Policy Analysis and Development Agency, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Hon. Mr Rizal Sukma, Executive Director of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS); the Hon. Prof. Bantarto Bandoro, the Post Graduate School of Defence Strategy, Indonesian Defence University; the Hon. Dr Siswo Pramono, Director of the Centre of Policy Analysis and Development for Asia Pacific and Africa Regions, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Hon. Prof. Ikrar Nusa Bhakti, Research Professor at the Research Centre for Political Studies, Indonesia Institute of Science; the Hon. Dr Hariyadi Wirawan from the Department of International Politics, University of Indonesia. I would also like to express my sincere thanks to Emeritus Professor Carlyle A. Thayer from the University of New South Wales for assisting me with his iv materials on South China Sea (East Sea). I must also record my thanks to Prof. Do Tien Sam, whom I met in December 2012 when he was the Director of the Institute for Chinese Studies at the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences. He helped me understand fully Vietnamese foreign policy towards China. I am also grateful to A/Prof. Nguyen Tat Giap, Vice-President of the Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics and Administration, for supplying useful academic materials. My special gratitude also goes to A/Prof. Dr Nguyen Thai Yen Huong, the Vice-President of the Diplomatic Academy of the Vietnam Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Dr Do Son Hai, the Head of International Politics and Vietnamese Diplomacy at the Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam for their constant support through my academic journey. Other directors from the Vietnam Ministry of Foreign Affairs who deserve special thanks are Dr Hoang Anh Tuan, the Director General of the Institute for Foreign Policy and Strategic Studies, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam; A/Prof.