East Asia Insights Toward Community Building
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The Failed Marshall Plan: Learning from US Foreign Policy Missteps
Transcript The Failed Marshall Plan: Learning from US Foreign Policy Missteps Daniel Kurtz-Phelan Executive Editor, Foreign Affairs, Author, The China Mission: George Marshall’s Unfinished War, 1945- 47 Chair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri Head, US and the Americas Programme and Dean of the Queen Elizabeth II Academy, Chatham House 10 September 2018 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the speaker(s) and participants, and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event, every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions. The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2018. 10 St James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LE T +44 (0)20 7957 5700 F +44 (0)20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Patron: Her Majesty The Queen Chairman: Stuart Popham QC Director: Dr Robin Niblett Charity Registration Number: 208223 2 The Failed Marshall Plan: Learning from US Foreign Policy Missteps Dr Leslie Vinjamuri And it’s wonderful to see so many people here on a Monday afternoon after a lovely weekend. -
Chairman´S Statement of the 12Th ASEAN Summit
Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI) - Anuario 2007 Departamento de Asia y Pacífico Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Chairperson’s Statement of the 12th ASEAN Summit H.E. the President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. “ONE CARING AND SHARING COMMUNITY” Cebu, Philippines,13 January 2007 We, the Heads of State and/or Government of ASEAN Member Countries, had a very productive 12th ASEAN Summit Meeting, on 13 January 2007 in Cebu, Philippines. We exchanged views on regional and international developments, focusing on how we may deepen ASEAN integration to better foster the region’s sustainable development, stability, security and prosperity for the benefit of all our peoples. We resolved to uphold the centrality of ASEAN and to enhance its standing as an effective driving force for regional initiatives and collective responses to the challenges and opportunities facing our region, countries and peoples. We stressed that the ASEAN community we are building shall be a community of peoples caring for and sharing their human, natural and cultural resources and strengths for their common good and mutual benefit. Cebu Declaration on the Blueprint of the ASEAN Charter We recognized that ASEAN must manage the key challenges of regional integration, globalization, economic growth and new technologies. In doing so, we acknowledged that ASEAN must remain cohesive with strong institutions and responsive policies for regional community building. To help realize this vision, we signed the Cebu Declaration on the Blueprint of the ASEAN Charter to endorse the Report of the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) on the ASEAN Charter as one of the basis of the drafting of the ASEAN Charter together with our views and directives given at the 11th and 12th ASEAN Summit. -
Chapter 24: Asia and the Pacific, 1945-Present
Asia and the Pacific 1945–Present Key Events As you read, look for the key events in the history of postwar Asia. • Communists in China introduced socialist measures and drastic reforms under the leadership of Mao Zedong. • After World War II, India gained its independence from Britain and divided into two separate countries—India and Pakistan. • Japan modernized its economy and society after 1945 and became one of the world’s economic giants. The Impact Today The events that occurred during this time period still impact our lives today. • Today China and Japan play significant roles in world affairs: China for political and military reasons, Japan for economic reasons. • India and Pakistan remain rivals. In 1998, India carried out nuclear tests and Pakistan responded by testing its own nuclear weapons. • Although the people of Taiwan favor independence, China remains committed to eventual unification. World History—Modern Times Video The Chapter 24 video, “Vietnam,” chronicles the history and impact of the Vietnam War. Mao Zedong 1949 1953 1965 Communist Korean Lyndon Johnson Party takes War sends U.S. troops over China ends to South Vietnam 1935 1945 1955 1965 1947 1966 India and Indira Gandhi Pakistan become elected independent prime minister nations of India Indira Gandhi 720 0720-0729 C24SE-860705 11/25/03 7:21 PM Page 721 Singapore’s architecture is a mixture of modern and colonial buildings. Nixon in China 1972 HISTORY U.S. President 1989 2002 Richard Nixon Tiananmen Square China joins World Trade visits China massacre Organization Chapter Overview Visit the Glencoe World History—Modern 1975 1985 1995 2005 Times Web site at wh.mt.glencoe.com and click on Chapter 24– Chapter Overview to 1979 1997 preview chapter information. -
George C. Marshall and the “Europe-First” Strategy, 1939–1951: a Study in Diplomatic As Well As Military History
The 2015 George C. Marshall Lecture in Military History George C. Marshall and the “Europe-First” Strategy, 1939–1951: A Study in Diplomatic as well as Military History Mark A. Stoler* Abstract As Army chief of staff, secretary of state, and secretary of defense, George C. Marshall played a major role in creating, implementing, and defending the multilateral “Europe-First” global strategy that guided U.S. foreign and military policies through World War II and the Cold War. This lecture explores how and why he did so, emphasizing the decision to defeat Germany before Japan, the postwar European Re- covery Program that bears Marshall’s name, and the relief of General Douglas MacArthur during the Korean War for his refusal to accept this grand strategy. In the process it analyzes the complex relationship that exists between diplomatic and military history. he completion this year of the seventh and final volume of The Papers of George Catlett Marshall makes this an appropriate time for a Marshall lecture that focusesT on Marshall himself, specifically on the diplomatic as well as the military components of one of his fundamental strategic concepts. As a diplomatic as well as * This is a revised and expanded version of the Marshall lecture I delivered on 4 January 2015 at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association in New York. I am deeply grateful to Professors Melvyn Leffler, Barry Machado, and Allan Millett both for reading an earlier draft of this paper and for their suggestions for improvement. Final responsibility for its contents, however, rests solely with the author. -
East Asia Summit Documents Series, 2005-2014
East Asia Summit Documents Series 2005 Summit Documents Series Asia - 2014 East East Asia Summit Documents Series 2005-2014 www.asean.org ASEAN one vision @ASEAN one identity one community East Asia Summit (EAS) Documents Series 2005-2014 ASEAN Secretariat Jakarta The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967. The Member States of the Association are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. The ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia. For inquiries, contact: The ASEAN Secretariat Public Outreach and Civil Society Division 70A Jalan Sisingamangaraja Jakarta 12110 Indonesia Phone : (62 21) 724-3372, 726-2991 Fax : (62 21) 739-8234, 724-3504 E-mail : [email protected] Catalogue-in-Publication Data East Asia Summit (EAS) Documents Series 2005-2014 Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, May 2015 327.59 1. A SEAN – East Asia 2. Declaration – Statement ISBN 978-602-0980-18-8 General information on ASEAN appears online at the ASEAN Website: www.asean.org The text of this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted, provided proper acknowledgement is given and a copy containing the reprinted material is sent to Public Outreach and Civil Society Division of the ASEAN Secretariat, Jakarta Copyright Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 2015. All rights reserved 2 (DVW$VLD6XPPLW'RFXPHQWV6HULHV East Asia Summit Documents Series 2005-2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Summit and Ministerial Levels Documents) 2005 Summit Chairman’s Statement of the First East Asia Summit, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 14 December 2005 .................................................................................... 9 Kuala Lumpur Declaration on the East Asia Summit, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 14 December 2005 ................................................................................... -
The United States and Japan in Asia
MAY 2014 TADASHI YAMAMOTO MEMORIAL SEMINAR The United States and Japan in Asia April 28, 2014 The 2nd Tadashi YamamoTo Memorial Seminar, evolution of the region. As one Asian speaker noted, which was convened in Washington DC by the Council accepting the rise of China is increasingly difficult for on Foreign Relations and JCIE, brought together nearly its neighbors because China is too big and too power- 70 foreign policy specialists from the United States, ful. In response, a Chinese participant observed that Asia, and Europe to discuss the role of the US-Japan tensions are often aggravated by the tendency of those alliance in a changing Asia and the vision that key play- outside of China to become overly alarmed about its ers hold for the region’s future. However, speakers at expanding influence, betraying a propensity to see this meeting inevitably spent much of their time grap- China as an “incomprehensible alien” in a way that they pling with the question of why regional relations in would not characterize other countries. East Asia—and especially among the major powers of The bilateral tensions that have festered between Northeast Asia—have deteriorated so dramatically in China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands recent years. were highlighted as one key example of how domes- One Japanese panelist identified three factors driv- tic politics and nationalism have rocked the region. ing regional tensions: the shifting power balance in Both Chinese and Japanese participants insisted that the region; a surge of nationalism in China, Japan, and influential policymakers on both sides want to put an Korea; and growing interdependence, which leaves cit- end to the vicious cycle of action and reaction that has izens in these three countries simultaneously more re- stoked regional tensions. -
Don't Make Us Choose: Southeast Asia in the Throes of US-China Rivalry
THE NEW GEOPOLITICS OCTOBER 2019 ASIA DON’T MAKE US CHOOSE Southeast Asia in the throes of US-China rivalry JONATHAN STROMSETH DON’T MAKE US CHOOSE Southeast Asia in the throes of US-China rivalry JONATHAN STROMSETH EXECUTIVE SUMMARY U.S.-China rivalry has intensified significantly in Southeast Asia over the past year. This report chronicles the unfolding drama as it stretched across the major Asian summits in late 2018, the Second Belt and Road Forum in April 2019, the Shangri-La Dialogue in May-June, and the 34th summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in August. Focusing especially on geoeconomic aspects of U.S.-China competition, the report investigates the contending strategic visions of Washington and Beijing and closely examines the region’s response. In particular, it examines regional reactions to the Trump administration’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy. FOIP singles out China for pursuing regional hegemony, says Beijing is leveraging “predatory economics” to coerce other nations, and poses a clear choice between “free” and “repressive” visions of world order in the Indo-Pacific region. China also presents a binary choice to Southeast Asia and almost certainly aims to create a sphere of influence through economic statecraft and military modernization. Many Southeast Asians are deeply worried about this possibility. Yet, what they are currently talking about isn’t China’s rising influence in the region, which they see as an inexorable trend that needs to be managed carefully, but the hard-edged rhetoric of the Trump administration that is casting the perception of a choice, even if that may not be the intent. -
Involuntary Migrants, Political Revolutionaries and Economic Energisers: a History of the Image of Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia GORDON C
Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 55–66 Involuntary Migrants, Political Revolutionaries and Economic Energisers: a history of the image of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia GORDON C. K. CHEUNG* Along the contemporary migration history of the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, three distinctive images have been constructed through the interaction between the overseas Chinese and Mainland China. First, the image of involuntary migrant, formulated by their migration activity and the continuous remittance they sent back to their hometowns, closely linked to the political and social-economic disturbances in the early years of the twentieth century. Second, the image of the overseas Chinese as political revolutionary was heavily politicised by the revolutionary policies of Mainland China in the 1950s and 1960s. Third, through the operational means of foreign direct investment, the overseas Chinese image of economic energiser was re-focused and mirror-imaged with the imperative of the economic reform of Mainland China in the 1970s and 1980s. On the one hand, the images of involuntary migrant, political revolutionary and economic energiser of the Southeast Asian overseas Chinese describe their situational status. On the other hand, these images also reflect the contemporary historical development of Mainland China. Whatever the reasons for studying the Overseas Chinese, there is no doubt that they are a bona fide object of research. The diversity of cultures represented by these people, the diversity of settings in which they have found themselves, the wide differences in the histories of specific Chinese ‘colonies’, all of these things make them a fascinating laboratory for social scientists of various disciplinary bents.1 In Southeast Asia the capitalists were the Chinese. -
Paul D. Talcott Independent Scholar the Spread of Market Mechanisms
Paul D. Talcott Mary Evelyn Tucker Independent Scholar Yale, Senior Lecturer and Senior Research Scholar The spread of market mechanisms in health care policy in Religion and ecology; Book Thomas Berry and the Arc of Japan and East Asia; the relationship between economic History (2019) development, democracy, and the introduction of market [email protected] principles into social insurance systems [email protected] Timothy J. Van Compernolle Amherst, Prof. of Japanese Wako Tawa The creative exchanges between literature and cinema in Amherst, Prof. of Asian Languages and Civilizations; interwar Japan Director of Language Study [email protected] Japanese grammar for learners of Japanese as a foreign language Floris van Swet [email protected] Northumbria, Postdoctoral Research Fellow Social and political consequences of attainder in early Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis Tokugawa Japan BU, Prof. Emerita for Japanese Art; [email protected] Received start-up grant to construct middle-school curriculum on immigration from China and Japan which she Elena Varshavskaya taught at Birches School Rhode Island School of Design, Senior Lecturer [email protected] ukiyo-e prints as historic documents [email protected] Sarah Thompson MFA, Curator of Japanese Art Alexander M. Vesey Japanese prints in the MFA collection, especially ukiyo-e Meiji Gakuin, Assoc. Prof. of Global & Transcultural Studies woodblock prints Early modern Japanese Buddhist social history [email protected] [email protected] R. Kenji Tierney James Keith Vincent SUNY New Paltz, Lecturer. of Anthropology BU, Assoc. Prof. of Japanese and Comparative Literature Sumo; Food; Globalization; Sports; The Body; Japan Natsume Soseki and Masaoka Shiki; haiku and the novel [email protected] [email protected] Maria Toyoda Louise E. -
III. AEMI and ASEAN Energy Poverty
III. AEMI and ASEAN Energy Poverty Adoracion Navarro,1 Maxensius Tri Sambodo2 and Jessie L. Todoc (lead)3 Abstract Based on available statistics, between 127 and 130 million people in South-East Asia lack access to electricity. At least 228 million still rely on traditional biomass for cooking, and lack access to clean and modern cooking facilities, with dire consequences for their quality of life and human development. Discussions for an integrated Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) energy market cannot overlook this energy poverty situation in the region. In fact, the overall goal of AEMI to achieve balanced and equitable economic growth and development for all countries in the region cannot be realized while people continue to suffer from energy poverty. This chapter maps the energy poverty situation in the region, and reviews the links between energy access and economic and human development. It also draws a connection between AEMI and the eradication of energy poverty or attaining universal energy access, in terms of benefits and strategies, particularly with regard to mapping investment requirements and taking inventory of financing options. The chapter concludes with some recommendations for near-term actions. A. Introduction The International Energy Agency (IEA) defines energy poverty as a lack of access to modern energy services, i.e., access to electricity and clean cooking facilities. Reddy and Reddy (1994) as cited in Masud and others (2007), said that energy poverty could be defined as “the absence of sufficient choice in assessing adequate, affordable, reliable, high-quality, safe and environmentally benign energy services to support economic and human development”. -
Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY Acharya A. [1999], Realism, Institutionalism and the Asian Economic Crisis , “Contemporary Southeast Asia”, vol. 21, no. 1. Acharya A. [2002], Regionalism in the Emerging World Order: Sovereignty, Autonomy, Identity , in: New Regionalisms in the Global Political Economy , eds S. Breslin, C. W. Hughes, N. Phillips, B. Rosamond, Routledge, London and New York. Acharya A. [2004], Democratization and the Prospects for Participatory Regionalism in Southeast Asia , in: Asian Regional Governance. Crisis and Change , eds K. Jayasuriya, RoutledgeCurzon, London and New York. Acharya A. [2009], The Strong in the World of the Weak: Southeast Asia in Asia’s Regional Architecture , in: Asia’s New Multilateralism. Cooperation, Competition, and the Search for Community , eds M. J. Green, B. Gill, Columbia University Press, New York. ACMECS [2010], ACMECS Plan of Action 2010–2012 , Adopted by the Leaders of the ACMECS Countries at the 4th ACMECS Summit, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 17 November. ACMECS [2012], Objectives , http://www.acmecs.org ACMECS [2013], Vientiane Declaration of the Fifth Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya- Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy Summit , Vientiane, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, 13 March. ACMECS [2015], Ayeyawaddy-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy Plan of Action 2016–2018 , Adopted by the ACMECS Leaders at the 6th ACMECS Summit, Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar, 23 June. ADB [2010a], Institutions for Regional Integration. Toward an Asian Economic Community , Asian Development Bank, Metro Manila, Philippines. © The Author(s) -
Japan-China Relations in East Asia: Rivals Or Partners? CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 6 Japan-China Relations in East Asia: Rivals or Partners? IIDA Masafumi Introduction Japan-China relations stand at a turning point. Antagonistic political relations with relatively stable economic relations between the two countries during the Koizumi administration have been improving and moving in the direction of establishing “mutually beneficial relations based on common strategic interests” since Koizumi’s successor Prime Minister Shinzo Abe paid a visit to Beijing and met Chinese President Hu Jintao in October 2006. Whether the improving relations between Tokyo and Beijing will continue to gather momentum for consolidation of their strategic relationship of mutual benefit or return to the path of deterioration is one of the significant factors affecting not only Japan’s security but the stability of East Asia. Chinese diplomacy towards Japan in the latest decade appears hostile and thorny from a bilateral point of view. However, observed from an East Asian regional perspective, China’s approach to Japan in the same period paints a different picture. As a matter of fact, the Chinese government made effort to maintain cooperative relations with Japan in East Asian multilateral frameworks while taking a tough stance on bilateral connections with Tokyo during Koizumi’s term of office. In this respect, multilateral structures for East Asian regional cooperation function as a stabilizer for a conflict- prone Japanese-Sino relationship. The purpose of this paper is to explore how the Chinese government considers its Japan policy in the context of its regional policy in East Asia. The future of a strategic relationship of mutual benefit between the two countries depends significantly on whether or not China’s East Asian policy will continue to play a role in stabilizing its bilateral relations with Japan.